Topic: Democracy - CIAO Search Results

301. DEMOCRACY AND THE RIGHTS OF NON-MAJORITY COMMUNITIES AT THE LOCAL LEVEL IN KOSOVO

Author:: Besim Myrtezani and Ferdi Kamberi
Publication Date:: 12-2022
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Liberty and International Affairs
Institution:: Institute for Research and European Studies (IRES)
Abstract:: Democratic governance has to do with the majority's will, respecting the rights of communities and all citizens' well-being. In Kosovo, the rights of communities are regulated by the constitution and legislation, which guarantee the special rights of minority communities. One of the fundamental policies of governmental institutions was about decentralizing local self-government, designed to facilitate the creation of new municipalities of communities and their integration into the local institutions. Our purpose was to search and analyze the level of representation of communities in the local institutions, legal mechanisms that guarantee their rights, challenges in putting the rights of communities into practice, and the political steps that must be taken to achieve so. The methodology is based on quantitative research with 500 (five hundred) respondents in three municipalities: Pristina, Gracanica, and Dragash, where 59% of respondents are male and 41% are female. The results show that about 55% of the communities are somewhat satisfied with the constitutional guarantees, and 38% are represented in the institutional life of Kosovo. Implementing legal mechanisms has allowed the communities to have higher representation at institutional levels and be part of Kosovo society’s integrative processes.
Topic:: Democracy, Legislation, Institutions, Autonomy, and Community
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Kosovo

302. Targeting Financial Entities outside Iran to Counter Tehran’s Economic Strategy

Author:: Yair Albeck
Publication Date:: 12-2022
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Hudson Institute
Abstract:: Tehran is stringing out the nuclear negotiations endlessly with the expectation that President Joe Biden will not admit that the talks have failed. After such an admission, the public would likely pressure the administration to stop offering Iran stealth economic relief through the lax enforcement of sanctions. Rigorous enforcement would, the White House fears, remove Iranian oil from the market and contribute to the global energy crisis that Russia’s war against Ukraine sparked. Meanwhile, Iran is benefitting doubly—strategically and economically—from the war, selling missiles and drones to Russia and oil to China. Given this advantageous situation, Tehran wants negotiations to continue. Can the United States escape from this conundrum? In fact, it can impose severe economic costs on Tehran without removing oil from the market.
Topic:: Corruption, Diplomacy, Sanctions, Democracy, and Negotiation
Political Geography:: Iran and Middle East

303. Cold winter: How the EU can help Moldova survive Russian pressure and protect its democracy

Author:: Andrew Wilson
Publication Date:: 11-2022
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR)
Abstract:: Russia has long used gas prices and supply to put pressure on Moldova. It did so again when the country elected pro-European president Maia Sandu in 2020 and her parliamentary majority in 2021. Moldova occupies a significant geostrategic position with regard to the war in Ukraine, as a key ally and neighbour to that country’s immediate west. The Moldovan government has made some progress on its reform agenda, all while dealing with the impacts of the war, including looking after refugees and handling increased transit of goods across its territory. If the government can get through this winter, in 2023 it should be able to further diversify its energy options and make stronger progress on reform of the judiciary, defence, and security. The EU should support the Moldovan government in its endeavours. The country remains highly vulnerable to Russian pressure but financial assistance in the short term and support for reform in the long term will help it make progress, including towards eventual EU membership.
Topic:: Reform, European Union, Democracy, Energy, and Russia-Ukraine War
Political Geography:: Russia, Europe, Ukraine, and Moldova

304. Watching the Words: A Situational Analysis of Selfcensorship in Bhutanese Media

Author:: Sonam Wangdi
Publication Date:: 03-2022
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Bhutan Studies
Institution:: Centre for Bhutan & GNH Studies (CBS)
Abstract:: Self-censorship in journalism is a global phenomenon. Against the rapidly changing media landscape, experts have posed selfcensorship as a severe threat to the future of journalism. Bhutan is no exception. There are no empirical studies conducted in the country on self-censorship in Bhutanese media. Therefore, the paper attempts to examine the perceptions and practices of self-censorship and its characteristics in the media society, especially after the country transitioned to a constitutional democratic monarchy. It also tries to understand the situation for policy interventions to empower the media in fostering a healthy democratic society. For the study, the paper views self-censorship as the act of journalists limiting or ignoring a story or parts of a story for various reasons and not limited to external threats or the fear of negative repercussions. Sixty-one journalists, including freelancers, were interviewed online during the study. Based on their accounts, there is a common consensus that selfcensorship is an issue in Bhutan. But it is not a result of an oppressive media environment as journalists generally enjoy professional freedom in covering various topics. Instead, it is exercised more like a coping mechanism to professional demands and consequences such as protecting sources and avoiding prosecutions. Moreover, journalists also self-censor as an ethically guided judgement. At the same time, the results suggest that agencies concerned could reduce the instances of self-censorship in the Bhutanese media fraternity through specific interventions.
Topic:: Democracy, Media, Constitution, Journalism, Monarchy, Censorship, and Freedom
Political Geography:: South Asia and Bhutan

305. Twilight of Democracy: The Seductive Lure of Authoritarianism

Author:: Jonathan Nash
Publication Date:: 12-2022
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
Institution:: International Relations Council of Turkey (UİK-IRCT)
Abstract:: In her book, Twilight of Democracy: The Seductive Lure of Authoritarianism, Anne Applebaum explores a political shift that many democracies face today. In her analysis of global democracies, Applebaum explains why authoritarianism is on the rise and how it is being welcomed by many. She argues that the world is becoming more authoritarian, and democracy is starting to slip, especially with the recent election of US President Donald Trump. Through her writing, Applebaum hopes to bring awareness to this phenomenon with the hope of recognizing it and resisting it. Anne Applebaum is a Pulitzer Prize winning journalist, who has worked for several magazines and newspapers. These include The Spectator, The Evening Standard, Slate, The Daily and Sunday Telegraph, The Economist, The Independent, The Washington Post, and currently The Atlantic. Her career provides her with great access to the top decision-making circles both in Europe and the United States during critical times, including the fall of the Berlin Wall, or the Brexit referendum and its aftermath.
Topic:: Authoritarianism, Democracy, Book Review, and Journalism
Political Geography:: Europe, Global Focus, and United States of America

306. The Constitution of India and Indian Democracy: Have the Legislature, Judiciary and Executive Remained True to their Constitutional Mandate?

Author:: Jagdeep Dhankhar
Publication Date:: 11-2022
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: India International Centre (IIC)
Abstract:: Vice President of India, Shri Jagdeep Dhankhar’s speech at the India International Centre on Constitution Day, 26 November 2022. When I look around, I see many whom I know, and many who know me. It is an absolute privilege to be on this impactful platform of the prestigious India International Centre (IIC). It is indeed my honour to address the august audience here on this momentous occasion of Constitution Day, and while we all are in the Amrit Kaal of our Independence. The IIC, of which I became a member in 1990, since its foundation days has been a significant epicentre of deep thoughts, constructive ideation, as also interactions and conversations on issues of national and international importance. There is national and global recognition and appreciation, and very rightly so, of the IIC as a conducive and engaging platform for thinking minds who are ever keen to reflect on momentous issues and those of great contemporaneous relevance. I am grateful to the IIC for enabling me to unfold my thoughts on this day on this platform. Best wishes and greetings to all of you and all the countrymen on Constitution Day. It was on this day in 1949 that Independent India laid the foundation for a new future for itself. Many in the world thought India would not last long. They wrote about it, reflected on it in the public domain. Yet, we have traversed for so long and we are in the 75th year of our Independence, as a shining star on the global horizon. This time Constitution Day is very special on this count also. The completion of 75 years for the mother of democracy, the largest democracy, is indeed a milestone. We can all be proud of it.
Topic:: Government, Democracy, Constitution, Judiciary, Speech, Executive Power, and Legislature
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

307. Tunisia Country Report 2021 – 2022

Author:: Arab Barometer
Publication Date:: 09-2022
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Arab Barometer
Abstract:: Tunisia was the country that sparked the so-called Arab Spring in 2011 and that many analysts held out as the region’s best hope for a political transition to democracy. Yet, after a decade of weak governments and poor economic performance that did not address the concerns of citizens that precipitated the Jasmine Revolution, Tunisians became increasingly frustrated with conditions in the country. Without clear solutions or a hope for improvements, the country’s path was becoming increasingly untenable. Against this background, the Arab Barometer survey of Tunisia makes clear that many citizens welcomed the events of July 25, 2021, including the suspension of parliament. It appears Tunisians viewed these actions as attempting to break the political deadlock more than a political coup. The fact that their president was taking charge and promising solutions to the political deadlock appears very attractive to most citizens. As a result, Saied is the most popular national actor in the country save for the armed forces, which appears linked with his actions on July 25. The survey finds that the suspension of parliament and stripping member of parliament of their immunity were supported by the vast majority of citizens at the time of the survey. These political changes also appear to have led to a dramatic shift in the overall attitudes of citizens. For example, a decade-long decline in attitudes about economic prospects sharply reversed, with the majority of Tunisians now believing that the economy will improve in the near future. A majority also now say the government is working to tackle corruption for the first time since 2013, which also signals a renewed hope for the future. Tunisians are also increasingly satisfied with the government, including six-inten who rate the its overall performance positively. However, the situation is not all positive. On specific measures, such as the quality of health care, education, or other basic services, ratings of government performance are far lower. Nevertheless, there has been a major increase on some key subjective measures, such as how the government is doing on addressing the wealth gap between rich and poor. As with the economy, many trends on how the government is performing have recently reversed their decade-long decline.
Topic:: International Relations, Corruption, Environment, Gender Issues, Public Opinion, Democracy, Economy, Discrimination, and COVID-19
Political Geography:: North Africa and Tunisia

308. Lebanon Country Report 2021-2022

Author:: Arab Barometer
Publication Date:: 12-2022
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Arab Barometer
Abstract:: Lebanon’s deep political and economic crisis continues unabated. There has been no resolution to the financial crisis that has plagued the country since 2019 while the port area of Beirut remains a dangerous area two years after the explosion. The COVID-19 pandemic has further compounded the situation. In the onslaught of public health and financial disasters, Lebanon has become a country of extremes. Arab Barometer captured many record highs and lows in views of citizens compared with any previous survey in any foreign country. Among others, all-time lows are seen in satisfaction with the government, interpersonal trust, and economic outlook, while perceptions of government corruption is at an all-time high.
Topic:: International Relations, Corruption, Environment, Gender Issues, Politics, Governance, Public Opinion, Democracy, Economy, Institutions, COVID-19, and Freedom
Political Geography:: Middle East and Lebanon

309. Iraq Country Report 2021-2022

Author:: Arab Barometer
Publication Date:: 12-2022
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Arab Barometer
Abstract:: The challenges Iraq has faced between 2021 and 2022 are numerous but not new: political impasses, violent crackdowns on protests, foreign interference, the economic and social fallout of the COVID-19 pandemic, sand and dust storms, electricity shortages, and protracted internal displacement are among the few. While once seen as a way of ushering in solutions to these challenges, the October 2021 parliamentary elections instead left in their wake a wave of political turbulence that surged in the summer of 2022. In June, MPs of the Sadrist Movement, led by populist Shiia cleric Muqtada Al-Sadr, resigned after failing to build a coalition, despite having won the plurality of seats. The political stalemate came to a head in July. Iraqi protesters stormed and occupied parliament ahead of a session where the Coordination Framework, an Iran-backed alliance of Shiite parties that rival the Sadrist movement, was set to gather to elect a new prime minister. Violent protests spilled into August and onto the streets of Baghdad and Southern Iraq, leaving 30 dead and scores more injured. Findings from Arab Barometer’s seventh wave in Iraq predate but to an extent foreshadow the frustration that peaked in the summer of 2022. Citizens perceive corruption to be as high as their trust in political institutions is low. With a plurality seeing the parliamentary elections as significantly flawed, Iraqis bemoan the lack of governmental responsiveness to their grievances. Yet, there is no consensus about what the biggest domestic challenges are, let alone what solutions to them are, or what avenues provide the best course of redress. If there is one theme that runs through citizens’ evaluations of economic and political conditions in Iraq, it is uncertainty. Iraqis appear to be in agreement that there is no silver bullet solution, but whatever reform the system demands, Iraqis increasingly want it immediately rather than incrementally. Affected populations are diverse, but no one is unscathed.
Topic:: International Relations, Corruption, Environment, Gender Issues, Politics, Governance, Public Opinion, Democracy, Economy, Institutions, and COVID-19
Political Geography:: Iraq and Middle East

310. Libya Country Report 2021-2022

Author:: Arab Barometer
Publication Date:: 12-2022
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Arab Barometer
Abstract:: After seeing their hopes for elections in late 2021 crushed, Libyans are growing frustrated at the incompetence of the political class and its failure to resolve the country’s ongoing crises. Libyans perceive foreign actors as contributors to, if not inciters of, the conflict and want to see Libyan-led efforts to reconcile the country’s divisions. Trust in most political institutions is diminishing and belief in the prevalence of corruption is high. Libyans are generally dissatisfied with the government’s performance and public services, though evaluations have improved slightly compared to the ratings in 2019. The economic situation in Libya has deteriorated with inflation and liquidity issues hindering people’s abilities to meet their basic needs. At the same time, there has been a significant decline in optimism regarding the country’s economic future while perceptions of inequality are increasing. All these issues have resulted in popular discontent, which ultimately led to widespread protests in July 2022. The protestors’ demands ranged from a better electricity supply to dissolution of all political bodies and the holding of elections. Those in power, however, attempted to utilize the protests for their own political infighting without taking any concrete steps tomeet popular demands. Thesemaneuvers reinforce the growing frustration Libyans hold toward democracy. There is now a growing belief that democratic regimes are weak economically, inefficient, and incapable of stabilizing the country. Nevertheless, only a minority of Libyans have considered leaving the country. Among those who have, the primary driver is economic reasons.
Topic:: International Relations, Corruption, Environment, Gender Issues, Politics, Governance, Democracy, Economy, Institutions, COVID-19, and Political Participation
Political Geography:: Libya and North Africa

311. Jordan Country Report 2021-2022

Author:: Arab Barometer
Publication Date:: 12-2022
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Arab Barometer
Abstract:: Compared with other countries in the region, Jordan has long been seen as an island of stability. Analysts have long predicted that unrest must be coming due to myriad challenges over the last three decades. Yet, such events have failed to come to pass. The regime continues on relatively unchanged even as regional events such as the Arab Uprisings of 2011 rocked those elsewhere in the region. Under the surface, however, changes in public opinion suggest potential bumps in the road ahead. Views of the government and key political actors have plummeted over the past decade. For example, trust in the government is now 41 points lower than at the time of the Arab Uprisings. Confidence in other political institutions, such as parliament, have also declined. Today, the only major institutions with high levels of trust is the armed forces. The main driver of the loss of confidence in the government is its inability to solve Jordan’s economic challenges. When asked about the most critical problem facing the country, nearly two-thirds of Jordanians say the economy. Elsewhere in the region, fewer than half say this is the biggest challenge. Commensurately, ratings of the economy have declined dramatically over the last fifteen years, with Jordanians being 40 points less likely to say it is good today than in 2006. Critically, hope for the future is also in decline. Only a quarter of Jordanians expect the economy to improve in the coming years, which is down nearly 20 points since 2012.
Topic:: International Relations, Corruption, Education, Environment, Gender Issues, Politics, Governance, Public Opinion, Democracy, Economy, Institutions, and COVID-19
Political Geography:: Middle East and Jordan

312. Algeria Country Report 2021-2022

Author:: Arab Barometer
Publication Date:: 12-2022
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Arab Barometer
Abstract:: In 2021, Algeria began slowly recovering from the economic damage caused by the COVID-19 pandemic and the oil price shock of 2020. Algerians remain frustrated with economic conditions, with most describing economic conditions as bad, and a quarter saying it is the most important issue facing their country after corruption. Nevertheless, they are increasingly optimistic about the future, with their assessments of the current economic situation and expectations for the future having substantially improved since 2019. This optimism may help explain a plateau in Algerians considering emigration after a brief bump in 2019. Algerians are less concerned about COVID-19 than other challenges, ranking it below corruption, the economy, public services, and instability. Though most Algerians are not vaccinated and do not expect to be, concerns about COVID19 are more often based on the economic and social disruption caused by the pandemic rather than the disease itself.
Topic:: International Relations, Corruption, Environment, Gender Issues, Politics, Public Opinion, Democracy, Economy, Institutions, and COVID-19
Political Geography:: Algeria and North Africa

313. Questioning Paraguay’s Suspension from MERCOSUR: The First Application of the Democratic Clause of the Regional Bloc

Author:: Túlio Sérgio Henriques Ferreira and Ana Cláudia Alves Cunha Paiva
Publication Date:: 09-2022
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Contexto Internacional
Institution:: Institute of International Relations, Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro
Abstract:: This article analyses the first enforcement of the MERCOSUR Democratic Clause, which occurred during the XLIII Summit of Heads of State in 2012. It was decided to suspend Paraguay because the member states concluded that the impeachment process of Paraguayan President Fernando Lugo did not follow democratic principles. Since the event raised questions and controversies, the article contributes to an explanation of the decision-making process that culminated in the political suspension of Paraguay from the regional bloc. It is argued that the state parties of Mercosur, justified by Paraguay’s historic political and economic fragility and the context of President Fernando Lugo’s impeachment, have strategically used the clause in order to achieve interests beyond the defence of democracy, among them Venezuela’s adhesion to the Bloc.
Topic:: Democracy, Regional Integration, Mercosur, Regional Politics, and Ushuaia Protocol
Political Geography:: South America, Venezuela, and Paraguay

314. Why Military Coups Are Back in Africa

Author:: Enoch Ndem Okon
Publication Date:: 12-2022
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: The celebration of seeming democratic density on the continent is understood against the background of the recent historical past where almost all the states in Africa were under the grip of either a military ruler, or an authoritarian one party despot. At the dawn of the new millennium, military coups and totalitarianism were releasing their grip on the continent as multi-party elections and electoral turnover gained momentum. Indeed, many regional organizations within the continent subscribed to the elimination of military coup and other means of grabbing political power, except the ballot boxes, as well as the full embrace of democratic norms and practices; therefore, there are clauses in regional governance and protocol affirming the primacy of democracy over any other form of government as signed by regional blocs on the continent.
Topic:: Government, Democracy, Coup, and Military
Political Geography:: Africa

315. Tunisian Democracy 10 Years after the Revolution: A Tale of Two Experiences

Author:: Laryssa Chomiak
Publication Date:: 01-2021
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS)
Abstract:: At the 10-year anniversary of the Tunisian Revolution, which toppled decades of dictatorship and repositioned discussions about democracy across the Middle East and North Africa, the democratic transition in Tunisia is in flux, or rather at an impasse. On the one hand, Tunisia is celebrated as the lone democratic success story of the 2011 Arab Uprisings, based on multiple cycles of free and fair elections. On the other hand, serious domestic political agitation over the last decade, coupled with deep structural inequalities and a rise in public perceptions of corruption in government, has nearly derailed its course towards democratic consolidation and stability. Democratisation in Tunisia has hinged on the widely celebrated mechanism of consensus among political adversaries in parliament, and among key political and civil society actors. Yet, instead of achieving consensus on critical political and economic-structural reforms, compromise-based arrangements have fallen apart due to intense party infighting, regular resignations of governments, and enormous public pressure resulting from a stagnating economy and lack of vision for comprehensive and equitable economic reform. The effect has been sustained infighting over economic and social policy, which in turn has resulted in diminishing public trust in political parties and new democratic institutions, an all-time low level of satisfaction with the government’s performance and a significant rise in contentious politics, particularly between 2019 and 2021. The proliferation of micro-parties (209 registered political parties for a population of 11.8 million) has resulted in confusion among the electorate, while the economic reality of a suffocating international debt crisis, which has only been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, has rendered levels of public trust in government to an all-time low.
Topic:: Reform, Democracy, Arab Spring, Revolution, and Transition
Political Geography:: Middle East, North Africa, and Tunisia

316. The OSCE as Sisyphus: Mediation, Peace Operations, Human Rights

Author:: Philip Remler
Publication Date:: 04-2021
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Istituto Affari Internazionali
Abstract:: Over the past decade, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) has been returning to its origins as a Cold War–era Conference – a forum where states and blocs, often antagonistic to one another and espousing opposing ideals, can air their frictions and hostilities. The OSCE was created without legal personality and with the liberum veto of the consensus principle. These constraints stunted the growth of executive capabilities and bound the OSCE closely to the will of its participating States. That rendered most mediation efforts ineffective, especially where an OSCE state is both belligerent and mediator in the same conflicts. Peace operations have been more effective – notably the Special Monitoring Mission in Ukraine – but the same factors have tightly constrained its activity. Though all participating States committed themselves to democratic governance, rule of law and respect for human rights, these ideals failed in much of the former Soviet Union, and autocrats have used the organisation’s lack of legal personality and the consensus principle to hobble the OSCE’s efforts. If the OSCE’s participating States want it to remain an Organization, not a Conference, they must take action to secure its executive autonomy.
Topic:: Human Rights, Peacekeeping, Democracy, Conflict, and OSCE
Political Geography:: Russia, Europe, Eurasia, Ukraine, and Eastern Europe

317. North Korea in Africa: Historical Solidarity, China’s Role, and Sanctions Evasion

Author:: Benjamin R. Young
Publication Date:: 02-2021
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: North Korea serves as a mutually beneficial partner for many African governments. Although these ties are often viewed solely through the lens of economic and security interests, this report shows Pyongyang's deep historical connections and ideological linkages with several of the continent’s nations. North Korea–Africa relations are also bolstered by China, which has been complicit in North Korea’s arms and ivory trade, activities providing funds that likely support the Kim regime’s nuclear ambitions and allow it to withstand international sanctions.
Topic:: History, Governance, Sanctions, Democracy, and Solidarity
Political Geography:: Africa, China, Asia, and North Korea

318. Mobilization, Negotiation, and Transition in Burkina Faso

Author:: Eloïse Bertrand
Publication Date:: 03-2021
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: In October 2014, a massive popular uprising unseated Burkina Faso’s long-time president, Blaise Compaoré, and drove a civilian-led transition that culminated in free and fair elections in November 2015. This report shows the importance of the national culture of dialogue and consensus and the benefit of a vast, resilient network across negotiating groups. Although violence in the country has since increased, lessons from Burkina Faso’s transition can inform the dynamics of popular mobilization, negotiations, and prospects for long-term peace and democracy in other settings.
Topic:: Democracy, Negotiation, Transition, and Nonviolence
Political Geography:: Africa and Burkina Faso

319. Economic Conditions and the Rise of Anti-Democratic Extremism

Author:: Benjamin Crost
Publication Date:: 03-2021
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Empirical Studies of Conflict Project (ESOC)
Abstract:: This paper provides evidence that adverse economic conditions contributed to the rise of anti-democratic extremism in the United States. A state-level analysis shows that increases in the unemployment rate during the Great Recession led to a large increase in the number of anti democratic extremist groups. The effect is concentrated in states with high pre-existing racial resentment, as proxied by racist web searches, and strongest for the male unemployment rate and the white unemployment rate. If unemployment had remained at its pre-recession level, the increase in anti-democratic groups between 2007 and 2010 could have been reduced by more than 60%.
Topic:: Economics, Democracy, Inequality, Far Right, Economic Inequality, and Political Extremism
Political Geography:: United States

320. New Thinking on Democracy at Home and Abroad

Author:: Sarah E. Mendelson
Publication Date:: 03-2021
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: The Ambassadors Review
Institution:: Council of American Ambassadors
Abstract:: The Joseph Biden Administration has rather famously committed to convene a Summit for Democracy, likely later in 2021 or early in 2022. The Summit has become, as some diplomats have suggested, “the talk of the town,” not only in Washington but also in multiple other national capitals. A cottage industry has sprung up debating the who, the what and the where. More focus is needed on the why — which, in turn, ought to shape the how. To my mind, albeit one preoccupied for over a quarter of a century with human rights and democracy, the why is rather straightforward. The alternatives — bending to the rise of authoritarians, or leaving unaddressed the weakened liberal international order that the United States originally helped create —are not in our or our allies’ national interest. Many democracies are experiencing intense challenges on multiple levels. Chief among these is the global pandemic, which revealed deep socioeconomic inequities in societies that have long been labeled “developed,” when in fact these democracies have not been delivering to many communities. Freedom House has now recorded 15 straight years of decline globally in democracy. The crises at home have been widely broadcast: the new Congress came under physical attack January 6 after a U.S. President attempted, as part of a protracted effort, to overturn the 2020 election and prohibit the peaceful transfer of power. How then the Summit for Democracy can help repair and revive democracy here and among our allies needs more consideration and detail. Numerous factors roll up to a once-in-a-generation opportunity to rethink and refresh exactly how we advance democracy at home and abroad. New approaches, themes and methods can help revitalize strategy and policy. Such new approaches need to connect and account for domestic shortcomings and link progress at home to efforts abroad. In doing so, post-pandemic democracy promotion needs to reflect a comprehensive focus on rights that includes socioeconomic issues and sustainable development (e.g., democracies must deliver dignity). The Biden Administration ought to consider labeling the Summit “Democracies Deliver Dignity and Development” or the 4Ds Summit. The Summit can provide the road map for these new approaches while being informed and shaped by extensive consultations at home and abroad. Finally, new methods should include data-driven, human-centered design shaping foreign assistance as well as elevating local voices. Internationally, that would be a significant change to the dominant modalities, largely Congress-driven, supporting specific types of institution building, such as central election commissions. Such work will undoubtedly continue, given support in Congress and among the U.S.-based NGOs that receive the funding (notwithstanding the damaged credibility of our democracy). At a minimum though, demonstrably demand-driven assistance ought to supplement this older business model in order to better deliver to populations, listening and responding to the multitude of needs.
Topic:: Development, Diplomacy, Authoritarianism, Democracy, and NGOs
Political Geography:: North America and United States of America

321. The Digital Technology Agenda at the Summit for Democracy

Author:: Eileen Donahoe
Publication Date:: 03-2021
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: The Ambassadors Review
Institution:: Council of American Ambassadors
Abstract:: The United States plans to host a Summit for Democracy to advance President Joseph Biden’s stated priority for national security of revitalizing democracy. Digital technology must be a focal point of the Summit. The future of democracy depends, in large part, on the ability of democracies to confront the digital transformation of society – to address the challenges and to capitalize on its opportunities. Over the past decade, democracies have struggled to meet this test, while authoritarians have used technology to deepen repression and extend global influence. To combat the digital authoritarian threat, democracies must be rallied around a shared values-based vision of digital society and a joint strategic technology agenda. The Summit tech agenda should revolve around five core themes: 1) Democracies must get their own tech policy “houses” in order; 2) To win the normative battle, democracies must compete and win the technology battle; 3) Technological transformation necessitates governance innovation; 4) To win the geopolitical battle for the soul of 21st century digital society, democracies must band together; 5) Technology must be reclaimed for citizens and humanity.
Topic:: Diplomacy, International Cooperation, Democracy, and Summit
Political Geography:: Global Focus

322. Iraq’s New Electoral Law: Old Powers Adapting to Change

Author:: Omar Al-Jaffal
Publication Date:: 01-2021
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:: In December 2019, the Iraqi parliament approved a new electoral law following demonstrations calling for fundamental political change. However, it took over 11 months for the president to ratify it as Iraq’s political parties fought over the shape of electoral districts. This article examines the disputes that surrounded the adoption of the law and the compromises that led to diluting its potential for reform. It concludes that while the new law represents a small step in the right direction, it ultimately is insufficient to respond to the aspirations of protestors looking for an overhaul of their political representation.
Topic:: Reform, Elections, Democracy, and Transition
Political Geography:: Iraq and Middle East

323. After Sparking the Arab Spring, Is Tunisia Still a Success Story?

Author:: Chiraz Arbi and Maurizio Geri
Publication Date:: 01-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:: Gridlock and economic stagnation are testing the Arab world's only functioning democracy. On January 14, 2021, Tunisia celebrated the 10th anniversary of the end of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali’s authoritarian regime, the result of a revolution that led to a firm commitment to a process of democratization in the country. And while the revolution has meant significant change and positive development for Tunisian democracy, the Tunisian people are currently losing faith in the direction of their government as Tunisia’s democratic institutions are struggling to endure parliamentary gridlock and economic malaise—as evidenced by the recent street protests over the past few days. Consecutive Riots and demonstrations in the Capital and in several cities across the country came to defy the government’s nationwide lockdown and curfew due to Covid-19 and to symbolize the youth’s overall disenchantment. While the Prime Minister assured that this anger was “legitimate”, protests were faced by police violence and led to more than 600 arrests of protestors aged between 14 and 25.
Topic:: Democracy, Economy, and Arab Spring
Political Geography:: Middle East and Tunisia

324. Majoritarian versus Proportional Representation Voting

Author:: Ethan Kaplan
Publication Date:: 06-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Economics for Inclusive Prosperity (EfIP)
Abstract:: What kind of voting system should countries have? This policy brief discusses the two main electoral systems in modern political democracies. It makes an argument that majoritarian systems such as what exists in the United States fail to properly represent voters. It suggests replacing the U.S. majoritarian political system with a proportional representation system and shows how this could be done within the context of current U.S. law. Both economists and political scientists have worked on the impact of electoral systems. Empirical methods from economics as well as economic analysis of the incentives created by different political systems have contributed to our understanding of the consequences of electoral systems on representation. Additionally, economists have estimated the impact of electoral system on fiscal expenditures, something we will discuss towards the end of the policy brief. There are two main voting systems in modern democratic societies: majoritarian systems and proportional representation systems. Federal voting in the United States is majoritarian though some states such as Maryland have proportional representation at the state level. In a majoritarian system, also known as a winner-take-all system or a first-past-the-post system, the country is divided up into districts. Politicians then compete for individual district seats. The candidate who receives the highest vote share wins the election and represents the district.
Topic:: Economics, Democracy, Representation, Macroeconomics, Voting, and Electoral Systems
Political Geography:: United States

325. The Other Europe

Author:: Vaclav Havel Library
Publication Date:: 05-2021
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Vaclav Havel Library
Abstract:: One half of this year’s theme - The Other Europe - refers back to the epoch when Europe was divided into East and West. The first part of the conference - The Other Europe in the 1980s - refers to a six-part series produced by the British Channel Four television in 1987–1988 about the situation in the communist-dominated countries of Central Europe, based on interviews with the leading opposition figures of the era. The Václav Havel Library is in possession of the complete raw footage of the series. One panel of the conference is dedicated to four interviewees from 1987/88 and their “Facing the younger me” responses. The second half of the conference - The Other Europe Today - will address the current situation: Is there an Other Europe today? Is it drifting apart again from its Western neighbours? What impact has the pandemic had on the EU’s geopolitical standing and internal cohesion? Has the pandemic affected the perceptions of liberal democracy and the opinions of the younger generation? In this second part we aim to explore the possible links between the past and present concepts of the Central European “otherness” and the perspectives of overcoming such divisions. The conference is aimed primarily at secondary and college-level students, as well as scholars, experts, and members of the public interested in European issues. Albeit at a distance, we look forward to a vivid online interaction between the speakers and our international audience.
Topic:: International Cooperation, Regional Cooperation, European Union, Democracy, Conflict, and Peace
Political Geography:: Europe

326. African Great Lakes Region: Governance and Politics

Author:: Wioleta Gierszewska and Benjamin Mudaheranwa
Publication Date:: 01-2021
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Polish Political Science Yearbook
Institution:: Polish Political Science Association (PPSA)
Abstract:: This article aims to indicate the sources of problems in the field of governance and politics in the African Great Lakes Region. The countries of this region play an essential role in the global socio-political and economic system. Their development is hampered by numerous external and internal conflicts resulting from both the historical and contemporary problems of the countries. Colonialism had a major impact on the development of African countries. It manifested itself, among other things, in the spread of political domination. Adopting state management patterns from European culture and attempt to transplant them on African ground without understanding local cultural conditions contributed too much post-colonial fresh and modern conflict. Examples of this are failures to establish liberal democracy and its crises in the African Great Lakes Region.
Topic:: Environment, Politics, Post Colonialism, Regional Cooperation, Governance, and Democracy
Political Geography:: Africa

327. Democratic Backsliding in Poland on Example Drafts Amendments in Electoral Code During the COVID-19 Pandemic

Author:: Maciej Skrzypek
Publication Date:: 01-2021
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Polish Political Science Yearbook
Institution:: Polish Political Science Association (PPSA)
Abstract:: The COVID-19 pandemic occurred in Poland during the campaign before the presidential election scheduled for May 10. This non-military threat changed the election campaign’s dynamics, leading to an unprecedented failure to hold elections and postponing them. Around the changes in the election procedure, many constitutionalists and political scientists voiced their inconsistency with the law and the provisions of the Constitutional Tribunal. Both the proposed provisions and the manner of their organization raised objections. The article classifies these changes as manifestations of democratic backsliding, weakening democratic institutions and leading to a decline in the quality of democracy. The research goal is to analyze the records in the selected source material and relate them to the selected theoretical category (democratic backsliding). In the course of the research, the following hypothesis is verified: in the face of the COVID-19 epidemic in Poland, attempts by the ruling elite to change the provisions related to organizing the presidential elections scheduled for May 10 are an example of democratic backsliding, which, by weakening democratic institutions, has threatened the constitutional provisions and the essence of the democratic system.
Topic:: Elections, Democracy, Constitution, Public Health, Pandemic, and COVID-19
Political Geography:: Europe and Poland

328. Why Did Italian Democracy Become Vulnerable? Theorizing the Change from Neo- to Quasi-Militant Democracy

Author:: Joanna Rak
Publication Date:: 01-2021
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Polish Political Science Yearbook
Institution:: Polish Political Science Association (PPSA)
Abstract:: Embedded in scholarship on militant democracy, this research aims to explain how Italian legislation was positioned to militant democratic measures and how this changed over time. Drawing on the qualitative source analysis and the explanatory frameworks of democratic vulnerability tests two competing theory-grounded assumptions. While the first one assumes that Italian democracy became vulnerable when traditional militant democracy instruments were outmoded, the second considers the misuse or abandonment of those means with social consent as the source of vulnerability. The crisis-induced socioeconomic inequality and uncertainty weakened the Italian political nation. As a result, the latter supported populists in return for a promise of political change. The anti-democratic legal means employed to extend power competencies and prevent the exchange of ruling parties were the way to and the costs of the expected political change. At the same time, the political nation became unable to self-organize to strengthen democracy self-defense. As a result, Italians co-produced a quasi-militant democracy that turned vulnerable because militant democracy measures were misused or not used with the consent of Italians that relinquished their political subjectivity in favor of the Northern League and the Five Star Movement.
Topic:: Sovereignty, Democracy, Legislation, and Militant Democracy
Political Geography:: Europe and Italy

329. The Role of Islam in Indonesian Foreign Policy: A Case of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono Introduction

Author:: Aisyah Mumary Songbatumis
Publication Date:: 01-2021
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Polish Political Science Yearbook
Institution:: Polish Political Science Association (PPSA)
Abstract:: As Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono won the 2004 presidential election, it marked the end of Indonesia’s democratic transition era and experienced a dynamic change in foreign policy. The new international identity that viewed Islam as an asset was introduced by SBY, emphasizing the importance of moderate Islam as opposing extremism. The phenomenon of Islamic influence was not only the result of democratic consolidation domestically but also external factors such as the aftermath of 9/11 that portrayed Muslims as potential terrorists. For this reason, Indonesian foreign policy attempted to diminish such misconceptions and tried to be a peacemaker or a mediator in Muslim-related issues globally. To contextualize the analysis, the study focuses on the influence of Islam in Indonesian foreign policy towards the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and Pakistan. The mutual aspirations on the Palestinian statehood shared by both the government and the Muslim elements in society could be found, while religious sentiments were noticeable, as shown by the Muslim groups. In contrast, the influence of Islam in Indonesia-Pakistan relations, especially regarding the Kashmir dispute, was absent due to the difference in views of the government and the Muslim groups and constraining factors, including Indonesia’s national interest priority.
Topic:: Diplomacy, International Cooperation, Religion, Democracy, and Strategic Interests
Political Geography:: Indonesia and Asia

330. The Round Table in 1989 – Consequences and Evaluation

Author:: Wojciech Polak and Sylwia Galij-Skarbinska
Publication Date:: 01-2021
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Polish Political Science Yearbook
Institution:: Polish Political Science Association (PPSA)
Abstract:: The agreement of the round table signed on April 5, 1989, resulted in the creation of the government of Tadeusz Mazowiecki (September 12, 1989) and the end of communist rule in Poland. However, it should be pointed out that the agreement of the round table is currently often criticized. It is claimed, among other things, that the agreement was a form of “unification of the elite” (the term Jack Kuroń) to obtain financial and political benefits. As a result, the mixed communist-solidarity elite has taken over power in the country, guided solely by their own interests. It is also stressed that the contract has enabled the Communists to retain enormous influence in the special services, state administration, various institutions, the economy, and finance. On the other hand, these irregularities have been attributed to the solidarity elites who consider the round table agreements to be persistent. Other parts of the solidarity elite treated the round table exclusively as tactical action to take power away from the Communists.
Topic:: Diplomacy, Governance, Elections, Democracy, and Constitution
Political Geography:: Europe and Poland

331. Changing Dynamics of Pak-US Relations and the Challenge of Soft Power

Author:: Moonis Ahmar
Publication Date:: 05-2021
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: LSE IDEAS
Abstract:: There is a history of ups and downs in Pak-US relations since early 1950s till today. From the period of alliances to ostensible hostility and indifference, the changing dynamics of Pak-US relations must be analysed from a pragmatic point of view where power, national interests, security and sovereignty matter. Furthermore, mistrust, suspicions, ill-will and paranoia still influence the political, security, economic and power dynamics of relations between Pakistan and the United States. This research follows the theory of soft power due to two main reasons. First, instead of being a ‘patron-client’ relationship, PakUS relations could be transformed by focusing on diplomacy, trade and technology instead of threats and coercion. Second, President Obama’s policy of ‘do more’ for Pakistan in combating terrorism in Afghanistan proved to be counterproductive as anti-Americanism surged in Pakistan. Overcoming the bitterness of the past in Pak-US relations will be a major challenge to the Biden-Harris administration. Moving forward in Pak-US relations will require political will, determination, prudence and trust from both sides. It is up to the leadership from both countries to foster trust and take confidence building measures which can transform their relations from patron-client to partners in progress. Shift from geopolitics to geoeconomics will ensure a win-win situation for both sides in the years to come.
Topic:: Economics, Violent Extremism, Democracy, Geopolitics, and Soft Power
Political Geography:: Pakistan, South Asia, North America, and United States of America

332. Authoritarian protectionism in Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe: diversity, commonality and resistance

Author:: Luke Cooper
Publication Date:: 07-2021
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: LSE IDEAS
Abstract:: Authoritarianism has become a major buzzword of global politics today. But the public debate has often focused on headline-catching cases of democratic decline. In the European Union (EU), Hungary and Poland, have tended to dominate discussion and critique with the implication that a modern-day ‘containment’ strategy might suffice to withstand the authoritarian advance. This brings dangers for how we think about politics in Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe (CESEE), involving a problematic reading of the region as a source of threat to democracy, rather than a theatre for its renewal. This new LSE IDEAS report, Authoritarian protectionism in Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe: diversity, commonality and resistance, seeks to provide a wider regional contextualisation through the examination of Hungary and Poland in tandem with four other case studies in the region: Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Romania and Slovakia. The paper argues that the recent histories of these states provide a vantage point for reflection on the broader tendencies driving democratic decay globally. As the populaces of these states have shown tremendous civic energy in their willingness to resist authoritarianism, often in very large numbers, these case studies also point to the need to re-frame how this topic is discussed in the European public sphere. They suggest we should highlight how events in the region may be a harbinger of new opportunities for democratic advance. The snapshot comparative analysis of these states is undertaken through the frame of what the author, Dr Luke Cooper, calls authoritarian protectionism. This emphasises the importance of a politics of ethnonational partisanship to the contemporary challenge to democracy. In the cases examined in the report, authoritarian protectionism draws particular attention to the coherence that exists amongst such actors– despite the fact the examples are drawn from the left, centre and right of the political spectrum.
Topic:: Politics, Authoritarianism, European Union, Democracy, Diversity, and Protectionism
Political Geography:: Europe, Eastern Europe, Central Europe, and Southern Europe

333. Political Participation and Promotion of Democracy: Role of Civil Society Organizations in Jordan

Author:: Alakyaz Assadorian
Publication Date:: 08-2021
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Center for Strategic Studies (CSS)
Abstract:: Throughout the past decade, Jordan has been able to successfully manoeuvre serious predicaments with the ultimate aim of achieving comprehensive development, regardless of the local and neighbouring political, economic and humanitarian challenges. Entering into the kingdom’s second century, the vision of His Majesty King Abdullah II concentrates on political reform, peaceful democratic transition and inclusion of all social segments, particularly the youth, in decision-making and public life. In His Majesty’s own words, “to promote political participation and increase the participation of political parties and youth in Parliament, we must revisit laws regulating political life, such as the election, political parties, and local administration laws, and continue political development efforts”. The emphasis in the coming phase must be to build a culture of coalition and collective action, focus on consolidation and social cohesion, and further strengthen the role of civil society and local communities in contributing to the peaceful democratic transition and solidifying through widening political participation, improving good governance, enlarging decision making processes and enhancing both accountability and civic duties. However, this process is one that requires constructive engagement, purposeful training, and periodic, systematic exploration of the continuously changing attitudes and perceptions of the people in order to sustain the reform and democratic process in Jordan. The continuous support of actors such as the Spanish Agency for International Development Cooperation (AECID), the European Union (EU) and the Center for Strategic Studies (CSS) at the University of Jordan, to build a culture of coalition and collective action particularly among CSOs, political empowerment of women and youth is crucial to ensure a meaningful transition. There is no one model of democratization that fits all societies. However, over the past 6 years, the solid partnership between AECID and CSS (through the project of Qararuna and TAHDIR), proved to be a successful model for paving the way for openness and democratic discourse in the country and the region.
Topic:: Reform, Democracy, Civil Society Organizations, and Political Participation
Political Geography:: Middle East and Jordan

334. How Do We Talk to Foreign Audiences After Trump’s Subversion?

Author:: Ken Moskowitz
Publication Date:: 02-2021
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: American Diplomacy
Institution:: American Diplomacy
Abstract:: When I was the U.S. Embassy press officer in Kyiv, Ukraine in the late 1990s, the public affairs section sponsored programs showcasing and explaining American democracy in the post-Soviet republic. One major event I organized was a public symposium entitled “Holding Elections in a Free Society”. We featured American government and academic experts on topics such as how to maintain a level playing field among competing political parties, registering to vote, ensuring fairness in the counting of ballots, election monitoring, equal access to the media, and similar features of our electoral system. The implicit message, of course, is that our election system is worthy of emulation. But our experience in last November’s presidential election, and the groundless objections about its integrity and result raised by President Donald Trump, culminating in a pro-Trump mob’s attack on the U.S. Capitol on January 6, did not resemble the exemplary depiction in my symposium. How could American diplomats justify holding such programs today, after the president himself condemned our Federal elections as rigged and massively fraudulent, our national government as corrupt, federal bureaucrats as members in a disloyal or self-serving Deep State, and the federal and state courts as biased institutions? The world has noted the deterioration in America’s democratic culture. In the 2019 Index of Democracy published by the Economist Intelligence Unit, the rating of the U.S. on its democracy scale fell from 8.05 in 2015 to 7.96 in 2019 (with 10 as the top score), dropping it further into the “flawed democracy” from the “full democracy” category. The U.S. now ranks 25th of 167 countries rated. American diplomats might be shocked to learn that the Economist team now grades U.S. democracy lower than Mauritius, Chile, and Uruguay according to its measures of features such as the electoral process and pluralism, and the functioning of government.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Democracy, and Donald Trump
Political Geography:: United States of America

335. Can the U.S. Still Be an Example to the World?

Author:: Renee M. Earle
Publication Date:: 02-2021
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: American Diplomacy
Institution:: American Diplomacy
Abstract:: Between January 6 and January 20, disbelieving viewers in America and throughout the world watched two weeks of American history, unlike any before, cascade across their TV screens like a 33vinyl record played at 78 RPMs. Cameras recorded the dizzying transformation of the Capitol from take-for-granted placidity, to unimaginable desecration, and finally to a stage festooned to welcome the inauguration of a new president. Foreign Service friends and colleagues in Washington, DC and abroad wondered what the world would take away from these images. We had often encountered military and armed police patrolling cities in other countries—but never in OUR capital. A Department of Justice colleague worried that our work abroad, such as justice system reform in countries from Colombia to Afghanistan, might now be at risk. After witnessing the January 6 events on Capitol Hill, would our overseas partners embrace us with as much confidence? The Constitution and citizen participation in a democracy played a large role in my career abroad as a public diplomacy foreign service officer with the State Department. In the years after the Berlin Wall and Iron Curtain fell, supported by the FAS (Freedom Support Act) and SEED (Support for East European Democracy) Congressional appropriations, helping the people of Central Europe and the former Soviet Union construct, or reconstruct, democratic institutions and practice was an important focus for our embassies in East and Central Europe. These programs were broadly welcomed by our host countries.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Democracy, and January 6
Political Geography:: North America, Global Focus, and United States of America

336. The Vote for Cambodia: Australia's Diplomatic Intervention

Author:: Richard Broinowski
Publication Date:: 10-2021
Content Type:: Research Paper
Institution:: Australian Institute of International Affairs
Abstract:: Under the supervision of the United Nations, Cambodia held its first democratic elections on the 23rd May 1993, an event which was hailed as a monumental victory for democracy. Australia played a prominent role in the lead-up. However, optimism that free and fair elections would continue to be held as a matter of course was eroded during the following years, and finally ended following the forced dissolution of Cambodia’s major opposition party, the Cambodian National Rescue Party, in 2017. Reflecting on his own experiences as a diplomat in the Department of External Affairs, Richard Broinowski AO dissects the impact of Australia’s contribution to the emergence of contemporary Cambodia. Whilst Australia played a prominent role in supporting the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia to stabilise the region, it’s efforts to build a lasting democratic system is proving to be in vain. In this first-hand account, Broinowski strings together archival documents and private conversations with senior officials to recount Australia’s role in Cambodia’s tumultuous rise and evaluate the future of peace and stability in the country.
Topic:: International Cooperation, United Nations, Authoritarianism, Elections, Democracy, and Election Observation
Political Geography:: Asia and Cambodia

337. Thinking beyond Democracy and Freedom: A Post 9/11 War on Terrorism Scenario

Author:: Rana Eijaz Ahmad and Muhammad Sajid
Publication Date:: 07-2021
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Political Studies
Institution:: Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab
Abstract:: This paper is going to explore the world beyond democracy and the shrouded concept of freedom. In the world of 'globalution' where revolution comes through Multinational Corporations and any specific form of government does not work but tolerance. Tolerance for this paper is all about respect for each other’s' ideology, opinion, and status. It makes us wise enough to make our surroundings a harmonized and liveable place. The dichotomous nature of societies demands space for each other. However, we humans are supposed to respect each other's existence without any specifications. We are just human beings instead of Confucianists, Communists, Capitalists, Hindus, Christians, and Muslims. Humans are born free but their specifications have made them intolerant towards each other. Tolerance is a basic ingredient of democracy, which is a means to an end, not an end itself. Freedom can only be observed with impositions and impositions are against the concept of freedom. Thus, this paper will conclude the outcome of the nature of the modern sovereign state system. It is teemed with liberalism (a mixture of liberalism and realism) and liberacantilism (a mixture of liberalism and mercantilism). Misinterpretations of the West have made certain errors during the post 9/11 socalled war against terrorism. These errors cumulatively transform terrorism into 'errorism'. This 'errorism' is bringing home the world that inequality and imbalances are occurring horizontally and vertically making this world disorder. Industrialization is going on in the West and the population is increasing in the rest, breaking the "iron cage of liberalism." It demands a glocal system of governance that could sustain people's co-existence at home and abroad. The triangulation method with primary and secondary sources would be used in the process of this research.
Topic:: Globalization, Democracy, 9/11, War on Terror, and Freedom
Political Geography:: Global Focus

338. Cross-Country Evidence on the Determinants of Preferences for Redistribution

Author:: Gianluca Grimalda and David Pipke
Publication Date:: 06-2021
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Kiel Institute for the World Economy (IfW)
Abstract:: Redistribution differs widely across countries, but our understanding of why this is the case is limited. In democracies, the extent of redistribution should ultimately reflect citizens’ preferences. We measure preferences for redistribution in six developed countries through internationally standardized questions in which respondents are faced with realistic budgetary constraints on their choice. We also measure a broad array of demographic, attitudinal, and ideological characteristics and examine their correlations with the preferred pattern of redistribution. As expected, individual income is associated with lower demand for redistribution, but this relationship loses significance once other factors are controlled for. Beliefs on social mobility have, in the aggregate, the largest effect in reducing demand for redistribution, the effect being largest in the US but insignificant in Italy and Slovenia. Trust in government has a negative effect on demand for redistribution across all countries. In line with other studies, we interpret this result as evidence that people believing that the political élite is corrupt demand more redistribution. Financial security, a proxy for the Prospect of Upward Mobility hypothesis, is also a significant correlate of preferences for redistribution, the effect being largest in Japan but small in the UK and Slovenia. Finally, discrimination of racial minorities is associated with lower demand for redistribution, but the effect is only significant in the US and Germany. Overall, the main theories that have been proposed to account for preferences for redistribution are confirmed to be valid, but with significant variation across countries.
Topic:: Minorities, Democracy, Economic Mobility, Social Order, and Redistribution
Political Geography:: Global Focus

339. How the United States Can Support Nascent Political Parties

Author:: Patrick Quirk and Jan Surotchak
Publication Date:: 05-2021
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: Council on International Policy (CIP)
Abstract:: Supporting democracy and human rights overseas is front and center in the Biden administration’s foreign policy. The White House has committed to hold a “summit for democracy” this year, vocally condemned human rights abuses by China, and called for budget increases in foreign assistance and diplomacy critical to execute its democracy agenda abroad. As the Biden team designs this agenda, it will take stock of existing democracy assistance approaches and toolkits to make sure they address the current landscape of threats (i.e., a rise in Russian and Chinese malign influence) and changing needs of democracy partners on the ground (i.e., training on new technology). One area that is in desperate need of an update is how the U.S. helps strengthen political parties abroad, something it has done since the 1980s. The U.S. approach to supporting parties has not kept pace with the evolution of these organizations over the last ten years. Increasingly, political parties are taking novel forms that arise from so called “people power” movements and often focus more on mobilizing voters than formulating policy. One of the four most common types of parties today are those that emerge from mass protest movements and widespread latent dissatisfaction with traditional parties. Examples include the Five Star Movement in Italy, the Union to Save Romania, the New Conservative Party in Latvia, and Semilla in Guatemala. Getting support to this party type ‘right’ is important because many of the countries where these entities are emerging matter for U.S. interests. In both the Czech Republic and Slovakia – NATO allies on the front line of countering Russian and Chinese influence – new, anti-establishment parties are running the government, as traditional parties have struggled with accusations of corruption and failure to meet citizen needs. In Mexico and Brazil, both major strategic partners of the United States, emergent political organizations have taken power. In Iraq, citizens protesting government corruption and inefficiencies have formed several new parties to contest the October 2021 elections and challenge the political establishment. Yet in these and other contexts, the United States lacks an approach to structure its support of such nascent parties. Here, we outline recommendations for selecting which parties to support and then a framework to maximize effectiveness of U.S. assistance to them.
Topic:: Human Rights, International Cooperation, Democracy, Political Parties, Influence, and Partisanship
Political Geography:: North America, Global Focus, and United States of America

340. Myanmar’s Generals Recoup: The recurrence of military-defined “disciplined democracy”

Author:: Bart Gaens
Publication Date:: 02-2021
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: Finnish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA)
Abstract:: Myanmar’s generals cited election fraud as the motive behind their coup. However, as the country’s transition during the past decade has been rooted in military-orchestrated “disciplined democracy”, the real drivers behind the coup are likely different.
Topic:: Authoritarianism, Elections, Democracy, Coup, and Military Government
Political Geography:: Asia, Burma, and Myanmar

341. Trump's Attack on American Democracy: Towards a New Model of Electoral Manipulation in an Established Democratic Republic

Author:: Maria Annala
Publication Date:: 02-2021
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Finnish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA)
Abstract:: In 2020, President of the United States Donald Trump launched an unprecedented electoral manipulation campaign in an attempt to secure himself a second term in office regardless of what voters decided. This Working Paper seeks to answer three questions: What electoral manipulation methods did Trump use? In what ways were his methods similar to those used previously by other incumbents to interfere with elections in their respective countries? And in what ways did his methods resemble those of election meddling by foreign state actors? To answer the aforesaid questions, this paper seeks to develop a model to describe Trump’s electoral manipulation campaign. The paper finds that Trump used seven different methods: Disinformation, voter suppression, intimidation and violence, intraparty pressure, attacking government institutions, breaking democratic norms, and attempted collusion with one or more foreign states. While most of the methods were not new, their combination was unique. That was to be expected, as Trump was the first 21st century incumbent in a well-established Western democracy to undertake such a massive electoral manipulation campaign.
Topic:: Elections, Democracy, Violence, Voting, Misinformation, and Election Interference
Political Geography:: North America and United States of America

342. The Geostrategic Interests of External Actors in Myanmar: A Struggle for Influence in a Country in Turmoil

Author:: Bart Gaens and Olli Ruohomäki
Publication Date:: 05-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Finnish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA)
Abstract:: Countries with geostrategic stakes in Myanmar have reacted in different ways to the military coup of 1 February 2021 and its aftermath, which have resulted in over 750 casualties thus far. China benefits from stability in Myanmar but, given its vast geoeconomic and geopolitical interests as Myanmar is a vital part of the BRI, will not criticize the military. Thailand, itself a military-dominated pseudo-democracy, is certainly reluctant to exert pressure. India focuses on its own national interest and prioritizes the partnership with its strategically important neighbour. Japan applies quiet diplomacy and aims to function as mediator, while at the same time protecting its business interests. The EU and US have sanctions in place, but history shows these do not have much effect on the junta. Russia’s presence is not significant, but Moscow uses arms sales to establish a foothold in the Indo-Pacific. ASEAN aims to mediate with Indonesia in the lead, and even achieved a broad consensus on the situation in Myanmar, but likely remains too divided to deliver lasting change on the ground. Given the divergent geostrategic interests of external actors in Myanmar, a concerted effort to achieve change in the country is unlikely. Hence, sustained change has to come from within the country.
Topic:: Authoritarianism, Democracy, Coup, Military Government, Strategic Interests, and Influence
Political Geography:: Asia, Burma, and Myanmar

343. Russia’s Nationalities Policy before and after the 2020 Constitutional Amendments: Is the “Ethnic Turn” Continuing?

Author:: Veera Laine
Publication Date:: 06-2021
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Finnish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA)
Abstract:: In January 2020, Russian President Vladimir Putin proposed a set of constitutional amendments, aiming to secure the continuity of his power in the years to come. At the same time, the amendments allowed ideological visions on national identity to be inscribed in the Constitution. Since summer 2020, the Constitution has enhanced the symbolic status of the Russian language, which is now not only the state language but also the language of those who speak it (i.e. of “ethnic” Russians or “Russian-speakers”), implicitly referred to as the state-founding people. These provisions, together with support for compatriots abroad, not only continue the turn observable since the 2010s in Russia’s nation-building from a civic vision towards an ethnic vision of nation, but also challenge the existing interpretations of state borders. The provisions on safeguarding the “historical truth” and establishing a single framework for education hinder the republics from pursuing their identity policies. This Working Paper argues that the amendments both adjust the earlier changes and signal new ones in the official discourse and nationalities policy.
Topic:: Corruption, Governance, Authoritarianism, Democracy, Constitution, and Leadership
Political Geography:: Russia and Europe

344. The Belarusian Revolution of 2020: Afterword

Author:: Arkady Moshes and Ryhor Nizhnikau
Publication Date:: 08-2021
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: Finnish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA)
Abstract:: The Belarusian Revolution challenged the Lukashenka regime but did not bring it down. It is, however, clear that the structural factors behind the revolution have been sustained. The West should increase efforts to achieve political and economic transformation in the country.
Topic:: Development, International Cooperation, Authoritarianism, Democracy, Revolution, and State Building
Political Geography:: Europe and Belarus

345. Russian Duma Election 2021: Kremlin Supremacy Achieved Through Unprecedented Pressure and Fraud

Author:: Jussi Lassila
Publication Date:: 09-2021
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: Finnish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA)
Abstract:: Maintaining the ruling party’s overwhelming majority was an obsession for the Kremlin, regardless of the growing dissatisfaction. The election result, achieved through blatant fraud, further undermines the Kremlin’s connection with citizens.
Topic:: Corruption, Governance, Authoritarianism, Elections, Democracy, and Leadership
Political Geography:: Russia and Europe

346. What Europeans think about the US-China Cold War

Author:: Ivan Krastev and Mark Leonard
Publication Date:: 09-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR)
Abstract:: A majority of European citizens believe a new cold war with both China and Russia is under way – but they mostly do not think that their own country is involved. Most believe the US is already taking part in these confrontations, and they consider EU institutions as more likely than their own governments to be in a cold war with China and Russia. An optimistic interpretation sees the outsourcing of such great-power competition to Brussels as the arrival of a true EU foreign policy – but a more pessimistic analysis sees a gap emerging between Brussels on the one hand and member state capitals and EU citizens on the other. This difference in views between whether one’s own country is taking part in the brewing conflict, as opposed to whether America and the EU are, suggests there is no European public consensus that the world of tomorrow will be one of growing competition between democracy and authoritarianism. Given this risk, policymakers should find a different, less ideological, framing to generate public support for a strong transatlantic alliance.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Cold War, Authoritarianism, European Union, Democracy, Alliance, and Strategic Competition
Political Geography:: China, Europe, and United States of America

347. Back from the brink: A better way for Europe to support Tunisia’s democratic transition

Author:: Tarek Megerisi
Publication Date:: 06-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR)
Abstract:: Tunisia is seeking a major IMF bailout loan – but the risks of securing it are almost as great as the risks of failing to, given the conditionality that would ensue. Democratic reforms in Tunisia have stalled, but post-revolution economic progress has never even begun. Tunisian politicians urgently need to combine receipt of a new loan and its accompanying austerity with economic reform and renewal to grow their way out of the crisis. The Tunisia policy of the EU and its member states is similarly stalled, but they can assist Tunisian leaders by providing new investment – and thereby reboot the democratic transition. Success in this endeavour could provide a model for political and economic reforms elsewhere in North Africa, which is in the EU’s interest as it pursues its goal of strategic autonomy in the face of other powers’ growing influence in the region.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Economics, European Union, Democracy, and Transition
Political Geography:: Europe and Tunisia

348. Back to democracy: Europe, Hamas, and the Palestinian elections

Author:: Hugh Lovatt
Publication Date:: 03-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR)
Abstract:: Palestinian elections are on track to take place during the coming months – for the first time in over a decade. The EU and the US have a decisive role to play in ensuring the electoral process succeeds. In doing so, they can support Palestinian political renewal and improve prospects for a sustainable peace agreement with Israel. Within Hamas, moderates have gambled on elections. The movement – along with Fatah – is looking for new avenues for political engagement given the increasingly inauspicious regional and international context. The EU and the US must: commit to respecting the outcome of the Palestinian elections; persuade Israel to support a free, fair, and inclusive process; and pursue a constructive relationship with any new government that pledges respect for democracy, human rights, and international law.
Topic:: Human Rights, International Law, Authoritarianism, Elections, Democracy, and Hamas
Political Geography:: Europe, Israel, and Palestine

349. The evolution of US strategic priorities

Author:: Carl Bildt
Publication Date:: 03-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR)
Abstract:: The Biden administration’s Interim National Security Strategic Guidance reflects an evolution in US strategic thinking and policy priorities. The document shows how the administration intends to shift away from America Alone and towards America and its Allies. But the optimism and confidence the US expressed in 2015 has been replaced by deep concern over a range of strategic trends. The US will now prioritise strategic competition with China, a new approach to trade, the rise of technology, the defence of democracy, the urgent climate and health crises, and efforts to avoid ‘forever wars’ in the Middle East.
Topic:: Climate Change, Health, Science and Technology, Democracy, and Trade
Political Geography:: China, Middle East, North America, and United States of America

350. Democracy in a Post-Covid World

Author:: Madeleine Albright
Publication Date:: 09-2021
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI)
Abstract:: The SIPRI Lecture is an annual event focusing on major themes in peace and security. The event provides a platform for prominent global thought leaders sharing the values underpinning SIPRI, its research and other activities. The third SIPRI Lecture, which was held virtually on 24 May 2021, was delivered by HE Dr Madeleine Albright and focused on the theme of ‘Democracy in a Post-Covid World’. The lecture highlighted ways in which the Covid-19 pandemic and its aftershocks have transformed the world. It also stressed the importance of placing democratic values and international cooperation at the centre of any post-pandemic strategy to create a more secure, stable, healthy and prosperous world.
Topic:: Security, Development, Democracy, Peace, and COVID-19
Political Geography:: Global Focus

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COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS