Topic: Democracy - CIAO Search Results

1001. The Effect of Syria Crisis on the Transformation and Integration of the Middle East

Author:: M. Murat Erdoğan
Publication Date:: 03-2013
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: BILGESAM (Wise Men Center for Strategic Studies)
Abstract:: The Arab spring could be seen as an integral part of a world in transformation. The technology and information revolutions and interconnectedness between cultures make it impossible for tyrants to rule for lifetime while subjugating the people to servitude with no chance for their freedom. Despite the unique characteristics of each country, the common theme of the protests in the Arab world has been largely shaped by the continuing economic inequality and rising social injustices. The Arab youth charge the authoritarian governments as the main source of their socioeconomic problems, lack of freedoms, and injustices and, desire change in the current political systems. Syria has a central position connecting the Arab states to Turkey. As a pioneering state, Turkey needs a democratic Syria to contribute to the transformation of the Arab world. It could be said that the fall of Assad regime and the establishment of a democratic government in Syria can contribute to Turkey’s initiatives for the transformation and regional integration in the Middle East.
Topic:: Democratization, Democracy, Syrian War, Crisis Management, and Integration
Political Geography:: Middle East and Syria

1002. Oil and Mining Countries: Transparency Low, Official Impunity High - 2013

Author:: E. Gyimah-Boadi, Daniel Armah-Attoh, Mohammed Awal, and Joseph Luna
Publication Date:: 12-2013
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Afrobarometer
Abstract:: Twenty-two of 34 African countries surveyed by Afrobarometer stake their countries' economic futures on development of mineral or oil production, but successful shepherding of these natural resources hinges on governments’ ability to manage them while maintaining stable democracies.
Topic:: Development, Economics, Oil, Natural Resources, Democracy, and Mining
Political Geography:: Africa

1003. The Partnership of Free Speech and Good Governance in Africa

Author:: Winnie Mitullah and Paul Kamau
Publication Date:: 10-2013
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Afrobarometer
Abstract:: Freedom of speech is not just valuable as a democratic end in itself. It is strongly linked to popular perceptions of both media effectiveness and good governance, according to new data from Afrobarometer, collected during face-to-face interviews with 51,605 people in 34 countries during 2011-13 . People who indicate they are free to say what they think also report higher levels of trust in their leaders, lower levels of corruption, and better government performance – especially greater success in fighting corruption. Greater freedom of expression is also linked to mass media that are more effective in keeping a watchful eye on government.
Topic:: Corruption, Governance, Democracy, Media, Freedom of Expression, and Freedom
Political Geography:: Africa

1004. Do Politicians Serve the One Percent? Evidence in OECD Countries

Author:: Pablo Torija
Publication Date:: 01-2013
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: City Political Economy Research Centre (CITYPERC), University of London
Abstract:: Present social movements, as “Occupy Wall Street” or the Spanish “Indignados”, claim that politicians work for an economic elite, the 1%, that drives the world economic policies. In this paper we show through econometric analysis that these movements are accurate: politicians in OECD countries maximize the happiness of the economic elite. In 2009 center-right parties maximized the happiness of the 100th-98th richest percentile and center-left parties the 100th-95th richest percentile. The situation has evolved from the seventies when politicians represented, approximately, the median voter.
Topic:: Economics, Political Economy, Politics, Democracy, Representation, Elites, and Occupy Wall Street
Political Geography:: Global Focus

1005. A Proposition “Bhutan is a Democracy”: Beyond the Constricted, Popular Wisdom of “Democracy”

Author:: Katsu Masaki
Publication Date:: 10-2013
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Bhutan Studies
Institution:: Centre for Bhutan & GNH Studies (CBS)
Abstract:: This article seeks to dissect, with reference to Bhutan’s polity, how the Eurocentric, popular wisdom of democracy, privileging liberal democracy, inadvertently enforces closure to other plausible, non-liberalistic interpretations. In Bhutan, the monarchy and Buddhism carry moral authorities constraining the arbitrary use of governmental power, and nurturing associative bonds in society. This “natural democracy” contravenes the orthodoxy of liberal democracy, according to which the state, as a neutral arbiter, must not accord a special status to any leader or religion. For this reason, political analysts tend to doubt whether Bhutan is a democracy. The circumscribed, liberal-democratic notion emanates from the history in which European universalism has been fabricated as a universal standard to be disseminated throughout the globe. It has thus served to rank different societies in a linear trajectory that positions Europe at the pinnacle of “progress”. The case of Bhutan potentially helps to rectify the constricted wisdom of democracy, to facilitate more open, thorough deliberations, and to start conceptualizing a multipolar world.
Topic:: Government, Democracy, Multipolarity, and Eurocentrism
Political Geography:: South Asia and Bhutan

1006. Exploring Bhutan’s ‘Natural Democracy’: In Search of an Alternative View of Democracy

Author:: Katsu Masaki
Publication Date:: 03-2013
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Bhutan Studies
Institution:: Centre for Bhutan & GNH Studies (CBS)
Abstract:: This paper seeks to make an alternative translation/ interpretation of Bhutan’s democracy, in place of the mainstream view that the country has recently made a decisive transition toward democracy. It calls our attention to the country’s time-honored ‘natural democracy,’ which rests on monarchical authority and cohesive rural communities. Both of them represent vernacular forms of freedom and equality, contrary to their widely held image as being averse to democracy. This research was made possible by funding from the Japanese Government's Grants-in-Aid for Scientific Research.
Topic:: Government, Politics, Democracy, Monarchy, and Authority
Political Geography:: South Asia and Bhutan

1007. International Security – One Paradigm Change after the Other

Author:: Willem F. van Eekelen
Publication Date:: 01-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy and Peace
Institution:: Center for Foreign Policy and Peace Research
Abstract:: During the past two decades our basic notions of security underwent repeated changes. To account for these changes, this piece deals with the most important historical events that shaped our understanding of security as well as the new challenges ahead such as the systemic changes, regional security initiatives from the EU, changing roles of militaries in advanced democracies and recent austerity measures’ effects on the security sector.
Topic:: International Relations, International Security, European Union, Democracy, Regional Integration, and Austerity
Political Geography:: Europe

1008. Forcing Democracy: Is Military Intervention for Regime Change Permissible?

Author:: Müge Kınacıoğlu
Publication Date:: 01-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy and Peace
Institution:: Center for Foreign Policy and Peace Research
Abstract:: This article intends to go beyond the consequentialist utilitarian ap- proaches to forcible regime change by addressing the question of forcing democracy-building from an angle of appropriateness. It aims to analyze the admissibility of pro-democratic military interventions in international society by focusing on the UN and state practice. Is military intervention to remove a tyrannical regime permissible in international law? To what extend does international society condone an outside force to impose a democratic regime? Does the practice of the UN Security Council in promotion of democracy by force point to an emerging norm with regards to expansive concept of humanitarian intervention? To analyze such questions, this article first provides for a discussion of the concept of intervention. Second, it overviews the normative framework of the use of force in international relations. It continues with the analysis of unilateral and multilateral pro-democratic military interventions, and the UN Security Council practice of condemning, authorizing or consequently endorsing democratic regime change in the target states. In the conclusion part, the article assesses the legality and legitimacy issue regarding the pro-democratic intervention and regime change in light of main norms enshrined in the UN Charter and in general international law.
Topic:: United Nations, Regime Change, Democracy, Military Intervention, UN Security Council, and Intervention
Political Geography:: Global Focus

1009. Caught in the Wheels of Power: The Political, Legal and Economic Constraints on Independent Media and Freedom

Author:: Ceren Sözeri and Dilek Kurban
Publication Date:: 08-2012
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:: Media policy in Turkey has shaped the media-state relationship since the establishment of the first newspaper in the late Ottoman period. While regulations were often employed as an effective disciplinary tool against the press in processes of state formation and modernization, opponent journalists have constantly been suppressed by state and non-state actors who claimed to act in the name of ‘state interests.’ The lack of a strong pro-democracy social movement; the ideological conservatism of the judiciary; the institutional weakness of the parliament; and the lack of democracy within political parties render the government – and future governments – too powerful vis-à-vis the society and the media. On a positive note, however, there is a growing awareness on the need for social monitoring of the media. In the absence of a widely accepted and established self-regulatory framework, various nongovernmental organizations and activist groups started to watch the media in order to expand the culture of diversity and to reduce discrimination, racism and hate speech.
Topic:: Democracy, Media, Freedom of Expression, Journalism, and Judiciary
Political Geography:: Turkey and Middle East

1010. Arab Uprisings: New Opportunities for Political Science

Author:: Eva Bellin, Lindsay Benstead, Nathan J. Brown, Nathan J. Brynen, and Melani Cammett
Publication Date:: 06-2012
Content Type:: Research Paper
Institution:: Project on Middle East Political Science (POMEPS)
Abstract:: The uprisings that swept the Arab world following the fall of Tunisia’s President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali in January 2011 represented a stunning moment in the region’s political history. For political scientists specializing in the region, the events of the last year and a half represented an exhilarating moment of potential change but also an important opportunity to develop new research questions, engage in new comparisons, and exploit new data and information. The Arab uprisings challenged long-held theories dominant in the field, particularly about the resilience of authoritarian regimes, while opening up entirely new areas of legitimate social scientific inquiry. The Project on Middle East Political Science (POMEPS) was created in 2010 in part to build the capacity of Middle East experts to engage and inform policy-makers, the public sphere, and other political scientists about the region. On May 29 to 30, 2012, POMEPS convened a group of leading political scientists who specialize in the Middle East for its third annual conference at George Washington University to discuss the opportunities and challenges that the Arab uprisings pose to the subfield. Participants were asked: “What new and innovative research questions do you think have become particularly urgent, feasible, or relevant? How would those research questions fit into wider debates in the field of political science?” This special POMEPS Briefing collects nearly two dozen of the memos written for the conference. The authors are all academic political scientists and Middle East specialists who speak Arabic and have lived in and studied Arab countries for extended periods. They include scholars at all career levels, from senior faculty at top universities to advanced graduate students still writing their dissertations. The memos reflect on a wide range of debates and paradigms within political science, and taken together lay out an impressive set of marching orders for the subfield. Graduate students looking for dissertation topics and junior faculty looking for articles that might make a big splash take note.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Political Economy, Democracy, Arab Spring, Political Science, and Muslim Brotherhood
Political Geography:: Middle East, Egypt, and United States of America

1011. Global Development - Democracy, Market and Transparency 2011

Author:: Gabriel C. Salvia and Hernán Alberro
Publication Date:: 06-2012
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Center for the Opening and Development of Latin America (CADAL)
Abstract:: Chile heads the regional ranking, rising one position to 15th overall since 2010, overtaking Austria. Uruguay is the second country in the regional ranking and finds itself in 23rd place worldwide. Costa Rica continues its descent, losing five places since 2010 but maintaining its third place in the regional ranking, followed by Panama.
Topic:: Development, Human Rights, Markets, Democracy, and Transparency
Political Geography:: Brazil, Latin America, Syria, Chile, and New Zealand

1012. The struggle for a democratic Zimbabwe

Author:: Glanis Changachirere
Publication Date:: 11-2012
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Center for the Opening and Development of Latin America (CADAL)
Abstract:: The follow up ‘Zimbabwe Youth Civil Society conference’ which we held in June in Zimbabwe under the World Youth Movement for Democracy, led to youth activists, and including activists and representatives from various organizations agreeing to start focusing on building a vibrant movement to fight the country’s common enemy of autocracy before other pertinent issues such as national development. This platform for movement building which was agreed to is the Organizing for Zimbabwe initiative which I totally subscribe to and presents me with another opportunity to fight with all other sectors in the country; to fight for a democratic Zimbabwe, where there is social justice and everyone is deemed equal regardless of their age, gender, geographical orientation, spiritual beliefs among other natural differences.
Topic:: Civil Society, Human Rights, Democracy, Autocracy, and Activism
Political Geography:: Africa and Zimbabwe

1013. Burma in the Balance: The Role of Foreign Assistance in Supporting Burma’s Democratic Transition

Author:: Kelley Currie
Publication Date:: 03-2012
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Project 2049 Institute
Abstract:: The historic constraints on donor interventions in Burma—whether self-imposed sanctions or regime-imposed barriers—are increasingly giving way to a sense of heightened optimism about the possibilities of working on issues across the development spectrum. But while the terrain appears to be improving, there remain substantial barriers to effective programming beyond the overall pace and scope of political reform.
Topic:: Development, Sanctions, Reform, Democracy, Transition, and Foreign Assistance
Political Geography:: Burma and Southeast Asia

1014. EU Relations with Azerbaijan: More for Less?

Author:: Jacqueline Hale
Publication Date:: 05-2012
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Open Society Foundations
Abstract:: The EU’s rhetoric on comprehensive engagement and a multidimensional Neighbourhood Policy has failed to result in pressure to improve human rights in Azerbaijan. Instead, energy security has regularly trumped human rights concerns as the EU has privileged a narrower set of priorities than those agreed in the joint Action Plan. The expansion of energy cooperation, far from improving governance and transmitting European norms, has resulted in even less willingness to raise these concerns in Baku. EU policymakers, believing that they lack leverage in the face of hydrocarbon-rich Azerbaijan and insecure about the attractiveness of what the EU has to offer, have not attached conditions to the relationship. Against the background of the Arab Spring and the recent Neighbourhood Policy review, this paper discusses the EU's potential leverage, concluding that a robust EU policy that incorporated human rights would deliver better results. It is time for the EU to link its expectations for political reform to policy consequences.
Topic:: Human Rights, Regional Cooperation, Democracy, and Trade Policy
Political Geography:: Europe and Azerbaijan

1015. Fixing Afghanistan’s Electoral System: Arguments and Options for Reform

Author:: Andrew Reynolds and John Carey
Publication Date:: 07-2012
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU)
Abstract:: Following Afghanistan’s deeply flawed parliamentary election in 2010, calls for electoral reform among both national and international actors have been steadily gaining momentum. One major focus of criticism has been the country’s use of the single non-transferable vote (SNTV) system, which many argue must be scrapped or overhauled before the next set of legislative elections in 2015. A new paper for AREU by international election experts Andrew Reynolds and John Carey explores how and why SNTV has been so damaging over the course of the last two rounds of legislative polls in 2005 and 2010. It argues that by choking political parties or other alliances of the oxygen they need to flourish, SNTV has left Afghanistan with a weak legislature, unable to advance coherent national policy programmes to deal with the country’s significant challenges. In addition, it highlights a raft of other problems that SNTV has either caused or exacerbated, exploring in particular the ways in which it has left the electorate struggling to see how their votes translate into meaningful representation. It goes on to examine possible options for reform, including an analysis of a new draft Electoral Law proposed by Afghanistan’s Independent Election Commission in June 2012.
Topic:: Reform, Elections, Democracy, and Parliamentarism
Political Geography:: Afghanistan and Middle East

1016. The Political Economy of the Media in Turkey: A Sectoral Analysis

Author:: Ceren Sözeri and Zeynep Güney
Publication Date:: 06-2011
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:: When we say “media”, we think of a wide range of activities including news, commercials, films, music, discussion programmes, contests, arts and sports. When we consider that all these activities are associated with the cultural and intellectual world of a society, the importance of the media sector for modern societies becomes more highlighted. Since the media sector carries a unique importance compared to other sectors, the issue of by whom and how these activities are carried out also becomes important. This is because the possibility of private or public power centres regarding the media as a tool to manipulate their own interests is not something that can be ignored. On the contrary, since it is prone to be abused exactly for this purpose in modern societies, the media has always been a sector that requires public regulation. Just like the energy, water and communications sectors. As the modern life, getting more and more complex every day, increases the demand for communication, the communication technologies also develop. And the development of communication technologies changes the modern man and his knowledge and perception on the society in which he is living and the world. It can be said that the process we call “globalization” is exactly this, and virtually all the changes indicating this process are the work of communication technologies and the media. While the physical existence of the world is becoming smaller in the eyes of the modern man thanks to the opportunities provided by communication technologies and the media, the modern man starts to attribute more importance to his own life, his own choices, values and thoughts. Just as the awareness that the mankind has long been mistreating the world caused an increase in environmental actions, the importance that individuals, as consumers and political subjects, have started to attribute to their own demands today causes a new and democratic production approach called “flexible production”, and raises the notion of a “participatory” democracy. In today’s world, the importance of the media, which we are trying to underline, stems in particular from its power to shape the perceptions, thoughts and values of people. Similar to how media is the first to come to mind as a propaganda tool in events of conflicts and wars, media is also the first to come to mind in the shaping of economic and political expectations. Therefore, the idea of controlling the media and thereby securing an influence on the expectations, thoughts and perceptions of the whole society makes the media indispensable for some power holders, and the media sector becomes the focus and domain of the quests for “power” in the society. On the other hand, media encourages people to get informed about themselves and their societies, and therefore has a key importance in the formation of a more democratic society. The learning process of the society requires time, and debates carried out through the media speed up this learning process. Programmes on various subjects speed up the information uptake of the society and help shaping and spreading individual and social thoughts and views. Therefore, the media is an indispensible instrument in the democratization processes of societies. This study was prepared by Ceren Sözeri and Zeynep Güney, and focuses on the structural characteristics of the media sector in Turkey. The authors address the sector-related regulations and the developments occurring during the course of time in these regulations, and then provide an assessment of the place of the media sector in Turkey’s economy. In this framework, the authors analyze not only the competitive structure created in the sector by the companies and company groups operating in it, but also the structures of the subsectors forming the media sector. Sözeri and Güney also address the labour relations and working conditions, a subject that rarely finds its way into this type of studies. This dimension, also addressed with regard to subsectors, has in general made significant contributions that deepen our thoughts on the problems seen in the media. By supporting this study by Sözeri and Güney, TESEV Democratization Program adds to the light it has already shed on the other problem areas of the society. And it is very clear that these efforts mean making important contributions to the development of the mentalities in Turkey.
Topic:: Political Economy, Democracy, Media, and Economy
Political Geography:: Turkey and Middle East

1017. The Arab Spring and Democratization in China

Author:: Youngjin Kim
Publication Date:: 05-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: East Asia Institute (EAI)
Abstract:: Since the fall of Tunisian President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali and Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak in early 2011, the outbreak of the “Arab Spring” has reasserted the universality of democracy. The question then of whether a “Jasmine Revolution” would occur in China has drawn the attention of foreign and domestic observers as well as raised the concern of the Chinese government. Today, even at the official level, the scope of debate on so called “Western-style” democracy is very limited in China regardless of the political standing of any politician whether conservative or progressive. It would be impossible to imagine in this case that there could be any debate over democracy that would lead to sweeping political reforms in the Chinese Communist Party. While on the other end of the political spectrum, a grass roots movement for democracy is also unlikely to develop. Most of the core figures involved in the democratic movement are either in exile overseas, under heavy restrictions at home, or have lost their momentum as time has passed by. Furthermore, possibly the greatest obstacle to any democratization movement in China is the reluctance of the middle-class. While often considered as a powerful driver for democratization in the rest of the world, it would be difficult to expect them to play the same role in China. Simply, the middle-class is the greatest beneficiaries of state-led economic growth and is unlikely to take part in any rapid political transformation. In this regard, the Chinese middle-class is far more conservative than that of any other country. To what extent then would a “Jasmine Revolution” be possible? There are four possible scenarios on the prospect for democratization in China. First, continued high economic growth is destined to bring about democratization. From the perspective of functionalism, improved standards of living as well as expansion of higher education, media, and an increasing consciousness of human rights will make democratization feasible within a certain period. However, such a viewpoint has some limits in that it blindly applies the experiences of the West and a few countries in East Asia to China without any consideration for its distinct history and social conditions. Second, there is the possibility for democratization due to impending social challenges mounting in China. In other words, if a combination of social problems builds up, the Chinese government would be unable to manage them under in its current repressive way. In this situation, the government would have to introduce democratic measures, such as freedom of speech and direct elections, to a substantial extent. Such a prospect though is unlikely to happen in the near future since high economic growth, increases in consumer expenditure, and the elevation of China’s international status will continue for a while, unless a major economic crisis were to occur in China or in neighboring countries. Even if such a crisis were to occur and the Chinese government implements measures for political reform, a soft-landing through democratization would not be guaranteed. Rather, it is highly probable that the unresolved problems would weaken the political control of the government and lead to political disorder. Third, a kind of flexible authoritarianism may be sustained for a long time. China has secured its legitimacy among the population through rapid economic growth, social welfare, administrative efficiency, and an assertive foreign policy. Simultaneously, it has maintained the stability of its system through strict control, systematization, and mass mobilization. Such a flexible authoritarian government is considered a prime alternative to Western-style democracy by the Chinese leadership and pro-government scholars. From such a viewpoint, it would seem unlikely to expect democratization in China for the time being. Lastly, there is a possibility that China would experience political chaos and division, a scenario that covers neither gradual democratization nor flexible authoritarianism. Authoritarian governments unable to actively promote reforms in the political system often fail to meet the social demands which have accumulated as marketization expands. Continued corruption and incompetence in the government leads to public dissatisfaction and might bring about the collapse of the system as in Eastern Europe. In Eastern Europe, countries had implemented ‘shock therapy’ solutions to fix the problems of the socialist system. However, such rapid changes, in some cases, caused severe chaos rather than bring about a smooth transition to democracy. This hard landing scenario cannot be excluded in regarding the future of democratization in China. From a realistic perspective, even though China cannot avert the flow of democratization in the end, top-down democratization or limited democratic reform led by the Chinese Communist Party is more likely as Chinese civil society has yet to fully mature. Nevertheless, as political reforms would weaken the Chinese Communist Party and increase social instability, top-down democratization is likely to be restricted. And this limited reform might even fail to solve social problems ahead. In this case where there is no alternative social force for the Communist Party and its leadership, the direction for the development of Chinese politics will be unpredictable and could bring about unexpected results. China will therefore go through a difficult transition period due to intricate conflicts among domestic political forces.■
Topic:: Social Movement, Democracy, Arab Spring, and Protests
Political Geography:: Africa, China, Middle East, and Asia

1018. Case Study Report: Does Media Policy Promote Media Freedom and Independence? The Case of Turkey

Author:: Ceren Sözeri and Dilek Kurban
Publication Date:: 12-2011
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:: Media policy in Turkey has shaped the media-state relationship since the establishment of the first newspaper in the late Ottoman period. While regulations were often employed as an effective disciplinary tool against the press in processes of state formation and modernization, opponent journalists have constantly been suppressed by state and non-state actors who claimed to act in the name of ‘state interests’. The coup d’état in 1980 and the concomitant economic liberalisation changed the ownership structure of the media sector with the entry of new investors. Following the abolishment of state monopoly on broadcasting in the 1990s, big conglomerates expanding through vertical and horizontal mergers have dominated all fields of the media. The high concentrated market structure in the media was made possible due to the inadequacy of legal barriers to crossmergers, as well as the lack of measures that would prevent media conglomerates from participating in public tenders in other sectors of the economy. The shortcomings of the regulatory framework to promote press freedom and diversity in the media has encouraged big corporations to regard themselves as legitimate political actors that can bargain with the government. Media ownership was restructured following the economic crisis in 2001. Big media groups, which had investments in the financial and banking sectors, were particularly affected by the crisis; some being completely wiped out of the market, while others were seized by the state. Shortly after the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi- AK Parti) came to power in 2002, the mainstream media was reconfigured ideologically as either ‘opponent’ or ‘proponent’ to the government. Notwithstanding the limited positive effects of the EU accession process on media freedom, there are dozens of ECtHR judgments regarding freedom of expression and freedom of the press waiting to be executed by the Turkish state. Journalists who are powerless vis-à-vis the owners and political power are particularly affected by the political polarisation in the media. The structural obstacles to unionization and the lack of solidarity in the profession lead to labour exploitation, low quality content and violations of media ethics. The lack of a strong pro-democracy social movement; the ideological conservatism of the judiciary; the institutional weakness of the parliament; and the lack of democracy within political parties render the government – and future governments – too powerful vis-à-vis the society and the media. On a positive note, however, there is a growing awareness on the need for social monitoring of the media. In the absence of a widely accepted and established selfregulatory framework, various non-governmental organizations and activist groups started to watch the media in order to expand the culture of diversity and to reduce discrimination, racism and hate speech. MEDIADEM is a European research project which seeks to understand and explain the factors that promote or conversely prevent the development of policies supporting free and independent media.
Topic:: Democracy, Media, Freedom of Expression, and Journalism
Political Geography:: Turkey, Middle East, and European Union

1019. Deconstructing “Democracy” in Afghanistan

Author:: Anna Larson
Publication Date:: 05-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU)
Abstract:: Despite widespread concerns about fraud, foreign interference and ineffectiveness, there remains a clear appetite among many Afghans for a system of democratic representation. However, this must be centred firmly around their own priorities if it is to take lasting root. Building on two years of research in six contrasting provinces, this report explores Afghan perspectives on democracy and their possible implications for the future. The research brought together the opinions of men and women from diverse social backgrounds, living on both sides of the rural/urban divide and in areas with varying security levels. Across this array of different hopes, expectations and concerns this revealed, three key themes emerged. • The issue of Afghan ownership against foreign imposition was a hot topic for many respondents. While many people saw “democracy” as an unwelcome imposition of Western culture and values, there was generally strong support for the idea of selecting representatives via elections. Others also spoke of the need to fix Afghan democracy within an “Islamic framework,” though this was rarely defined. • Democracy and democratic participation were also viewed as a distant second priority to ensuring security and stability. Immediate concerns over the threat of violence that political engagement often entails were framed against a more general call for a “politics of consensus” and a deep suspicion of political parties. • There were also sharp contrasts in people’s perspectives on the nature of equality and representation, specifically regarding who should be represented, and how. However, there was an almost unanimous call for greater equality of access to decision-making, service provision and resources, and in this respect many saw Afghanistan’s current “democracy” as little more than a front for the powerful to accumulate wealth and extend their reach.
Topic:: Imperialism, Democracy, Inequality, and Political Parties
Political Geography:: Afghanistan and Middle East

1020. A Pocket of Stability: Understanding Somaliland

Author:: Daniel Forti
Publication Date:: 11-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: This paper provides a comprehensive examination of Somaliland’s unusual development and current standing as a self-declared sovereign nation. Unlike Somalia, a state devastated by a perpetual twenty-year conflict, Somaliland boasts a growing civil society along with a relatively vibrant democracy and accountability to the Rule of Law. Since 1991, the region has become a pocket of security and stability, in absence of formal recognition, by creating government and societal institutions that strongly suit the values and needs of its people.
Topic:: Civil Society, Development, Democracy, and Political stability
Political Geography:: Africa and Somaliland

1021. How Could a European Endowment for Democracy Add Value?

Publication Date:: 09-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Open Society Foundations
Abstract:: The European Union has asked for proposals from the Commission and High Representative to establish a European Endowment for Democracy (EED). Various options are being discussed in Brussels; from potential recipients, to geographic scope, to thematic focus. The debate surrounding the EED provides an opportunity for EU support to civil society to become more extensive and flexible than allowed under current funding rules. The possible creation of a Convention or new agency, and/or the reform of the financial regulation affecting current funding instruments (in particular the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights), deserve support if they offer less burdensome mechanisms for non-governmental actors to access and manage EU funds. This discussion paper explores the potential added value of the EED in relation to the actors and scope of activities currently supported by the EU, and how it would add value to existing modalities of support to civil society. The most valuable outcome of this debate, regardless of whether an EED is established, would be if EU support became more responsive to the needs of the actors working in support of human rights and democracy.
Topic:: Civil Society, Human Rights, European Union, and Democracy
Political Geography:: Europe

1022. EU-AU Relations: The Partnership on Democratic Governance and Human Rights of the Joint Africa-EU Strategy

Publication Date:: 07-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Open Society Foundations
Abstract:: The Joint Africa-EU Strategy (JAES), now in its second three-year Action Plan, has the potential to enhance the Africa-EU strategic partnership but has yet to deliver. The Open Society Institute-Brussels has taken stock of JAES progress in the policy area of democracy and human rights. This paper presents two main conclusions: significant involvement of civil society in the process is still hampered by the overlap of several institutional cultures and structural limitations; and the encounter of two distinct continental approaches to issues of democracy and human rights requires long-term commitment and adaptation on all sides if there is to be real progress. The strategy is in hibernation and the intended paradigm shift—to fundamentally alter European and African relations—has not really taken place. This paper develops a series of recommendations to address this inertia. These include a more political rather than technocratic approach to the partnership; improvements of information flows, outreach and transparency; independent assessments and monitoring of action plans; and closer attention to donor accountability.
Topic:: Civil Society, Human Rights, International Cooperation, Governance, Partnerships, and Democracy
Political Geography:: Europe and Africa

1023. Initial Impact of the Democratic Protests in the Arab World for the Middle East Peace Process

Author:: Boryana Aleksandrova
Publication Date:: 09-2011
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Institute for Security and International Studies (ISIS)
Abstract:: This report explores the correlation between the democratic protests in the Arab world and the Middle East negotiation process. In this sense, the content concentrates primarily on the development of the Israeli-Palestinian negotiation track as the central line of the IsraeliArab relations. Impressive in its domestic political nature and decisive in its immediate ruling consequences, has the dissent in Northern Africa and beyond produced any effect on the already long-lasting Israeli-Palestinian antagonism and its regulation? Can we expect a change in the pat situation, which had been formed at the end of 2010 after the fall of the Tunisian and the Egyptian regimes and the revolts following in the neighbour countries? Where and how are the crossing points between the internal and external negotiation context in the respective regional environment to be defined? Taking into account the specific regional, international/global and local dimensions of the Israeli-Palestinian contention, the answer to the questions above will be pursued by examining the new geopolitical map of the Middle East, the behaviour of the most influential third party for this particular conflict – the government of the United States of America, as well as the unfolding of the local Israeli-Palestinian conflict dynamics before and after the events in the region.
Topic:: Democracy, Geopolitics, Arab Spring, and Protests
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and Arab Countries

1024. Armed Forces and Democracy

Author:: Ali L. Karaosmanoğlu
Publication Date:: 06-2011
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: BILGESAM (Wise Men Center for Strategic Studies)
Abstract:: After the Cold-War, there have been radical changes in the international system and the international structure has, to a certain extent, come to be relative. However, division of power in the international community and non-centralized legal order still dominate their roles of being the most characteristic features of international relations. Under such an atmosphere, “security” (however much its content has changed) is still the “value” that should be primarily protected by individuals, societies and states and the lack of which is the source of concern. Therefore, communities of today’s world also accept the critical function of the armed forces. Furthermore, it has been much clearer in the post Cold War era that the security of an individual and the society is as important as that of the state’s security. In this era, it has also come to the fore that this security of the individual and the society could not be protected without the maintenance of the rule of law, human rights, freedoms and democracy. Therefore, the security provided by the armed forces does not suffice. Then security provided by the armed forces should be backed by democratic values, human rights freedoms and the rule of law. However, the history has showed that the armed forces, in performing its mission of protection, has from time to time easily violated democratic values, human rights, freedoms and the principle of rule of law. In this sense, for the protection of the democratic values and thus for the maintenance of individual and social security, it seems compulsory for the military forces to adhere to the civil authority within the democratic regime and to be controlled by the civil authority alike. In other words, civil-military relations should be conducted on a democratic ground. The problem in civil-military relations is not particular to Turkey or to the countries whose democracy has not yet developed. It is a general problem that manifests itself in different versions in the liberal democracies of the West. The problem in civil-military relations has been much more apparent, especially in America and England with regards to the Iraq and Afghanistan interventions. It would be of use to mention how the theory of political science refers to the importance and the complexity of this problem. According to Peter D. Feaver,1 one of the pioneering names in this scope, the armed forces totally differs from the other state institutions, highlighting where the problem starts. The armed forces is different, as it can be understood from its name of being “armed.” Its big potential of power cannot be compared to any other institution or even to the civil democratic government. Hence, the civil government’s relations with the armed forces cannot be similar to its relations with any other public institutions, such as its relations with any directorate general. The final word in democratic regimes always belongs to the one who comes to power through elections. However, the armed forces has its own hierarchy, disciplinary rules, rules of promotion and assignment and the discretionary power in this scope. The problem is related to the boundaries of this autonomous field.
Topic:: Development, Armed Forces, Democracy, and Civil-Military Relations
Political Geography:: Turkey and Middle East

1025. Undermining Representative Governance: Afghanistan’s 2010 Parliamentary Election and its Alienating Impact

Author:: Noah Coburn and Anna Larson
Publication Date:: 02-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU)
Abstract:: Instead of bringing citizen and state closer together, the 2010 parliamentary election increased the distance between many Afghans and their government. "Undermining Representative Governance" details this finding, showing that a majority of research respondents are being alienated by a process that increasingly appears like a rubber stamp on the control of established powerholders. This is because the pervasiveness of ambiguity and instability throughout the election process made it seem more like a long and sometimes violently negotiated political process, rather than an exercise to select genuine representatives. This was exacerbated by fraud and the wrangling over the release of results, establishment of a special court, and inauguration of the new parliament. Overall, this has compounded an existing distrust of national institutions. The report draws on in-depth interviews in Kabul, Balkh and Paktya Provinces and includes various accounts of election drama, which demonstrate different and sometimes surprising ways that Afghan elections relate to local politics. It concludes that sustained and vigorous reform driven by both the Afghan government and international actors is now necessary if the election system is to broadly serve the Afghan people. However, genuine change seems very unlikely because the instability of the current system instead means that it serves the interests of the powerful.
Topic:: Elections, Democracy, Protests, Rigged Elections, and Parliamentarism
Political Geography:: Afghanistan and Middle East

1026. Democracy, Markets & Transparency 2009

Author:: Gabriel C. Salvia and Hernán Alberro
Publication Date:: 01-2010
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Center for the Opening and Development of Latin America (CADAL)
Abstract:: Leaders of development - The analysis of the cases of New Zealand and Denmark, heading the ranking for third consecutive year, indicates that there are powerful theoretical reasons to think that open economies, liberal democratic regimes and transparent public sectors go together.
Topic:: Development, Markets, Democracy, Economy, and Transparency
Political Geography:: Denmark, New Zealand, and Oceania

1027. Mirage or Reality? Asia’s Emerging Human Rights and Democracy Architecture

Author:: Kelley Currie
Publication Date:: 12-2010
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Project 2049 Institute
Abstract:: The report examines the history, current status and future trends of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR), the Bali Democracy Forum (BDF), and the Asia Pacific Democracy Partnership (APDP). The report also looks at the role that key countries in and around the region are playing in the development of these mechanisms, as well as in shaping the broader context for improved human rights and democratic governance.
Topic:: Human Rights, Governance, Democracy, and ASEAN
Political Geography:: Asia

1028. Uganda Election Report

Publication Date:: 10-2010
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Open Society Foundations
Abstract:: This Open Society Foundations report assesses Uganda's level of preparedness to hold elections in February 2011 and makes recommendations for electoral reform ahead of the elections, if 2011 polls are to be credible. It highlights the disconnect between Uganda's legal framework in theory and that of its implementation in reality, and points to a level playing field in Ugandan politics.
Topic:: Elections, Democracy, Election watch, Domestic Policy, and Polls
Political Geography:: Uganda

1029. The Wolesi Jirga in Flux, 2010: Elections and Instability I

Author:: Anna Larson
Publication Date:: 09-2010
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU)
Abstract:: This paper critically analyses the effects of elections in the current context of 2010, with a specific focus on the Wolesi Jirga, its members and new candidates. It is part of a series on elections in 2009-10. It draws on extensive research compiling over 200 interviews conducted with MPs, their constituents and new candidates, both at the centre in Kabul and in two case study provinces of Balkh and Paktia. It also exists as a parallel study to another discussion paper in the series, written on elections and instability with a focus on constituent perspectives at the local level.
Topic:: Elections, Democracy, Local, and Parliamentarism
Political Geography:: Afghanistan and Middle East

1030. Afghan Election 2010: Alternative Narratives

Author:: Noah Coburn
Publication Date:: 09-2010
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU)
Abstract:: Released shortly before the 2010 parliamentary election, this brief examined the undiscussed stories surrounding the vote. It argued that while the media focused on fraud and insecurity, there were other significant narratives being missed by the coverage preceding the polls.
Topic:: Corruption, Elections, Democracy, Rigged Elections, and Parliamentarism
Political Geography:: Afghanistan and Middle East

1031. The Wolesi Jirga in 2010: Pre-Election Politics and the Appearance of Opposition

Author:: Mohammad Hassan Wafaey and Anna Larson
Publication Date:: 01-2010
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU)
Abstract:: This brief provides some of the initial findings of AREU’s study on parliamentary functions and dynamics. It summarises initial findings based on data collected from semi-structured interviews with a sample of over 50 MPs comprising different backgrounds, provinces, genders, ethnicities, political relationships, and ideologies. In addition, the views of constituents in three provinces, collected for a complementary study, have been drawn upon here to triangulate the information given by MPs.
Topic:: Democracy, Domestic Politics, Community, and Parliamentarism
Political Geography:: Afghanistan and Middle East

1032. The Future of Bilateral Aid in Africa: Size, Flow, Conditionalities and Relative Importance in Countries Budget

Author:: Kristina Svensson
Publication Date:: 04-2010
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF)
Abstract:: The publication addresses the growing frustration with lack of aid effectiveness that has set in motion a slow but visible transformation of the way in which development cooperation is being pursued, as embodied in the Millennium Declaration, the Paris Declaration of 2005 on Aid Effectiveness, and the International Health Partnership. Donors' programs are increasingly result- based, with greater emphasis on national to achieve its goal of assisting newly ownership and leadership, real donor harmonization and alignment with the development strategies of partner governments. There is also increased focus within the donor community on the interactions between economic and democratic development. As a result, development actors have become more enlightened about the importance of accountable, representative and transparent government institutions. At the same time, organizations that promote democracy have learned that a government's failure to deliver visible results can undermine democratic reforms
Topic:: Development, Bilateral Relations, Foreign Aid, Reform, and Democracy
Political Geography:: Africa

1033. Reporte sobre Democracia y Autonomías en Bolivia en el periodo de Evo Morales

Author:: Diego Ayo Saucedo
Publication Date:: 01-2010
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Institute for the Study of International Development, McGill University (ISID)
Abstract:: La realidad Bolivia ha tenido cambios enormes en la última década. En una apretada síntesis se puede definir los siguientes periodos. De 1985 a 2000, fase de establecimiento y consolidación del modelo de democracia representativa de mercado con rasgos multiculturales. De 2000 a 2005, fase de declive y derrumbe del “modelo.” De 2005 a 2010, fase de transición a un modelo descolonizador, autonómico, productivo y solidario. De 2010 en adelante, fase de implementación del nuevo modelo.
Topic:: Development, Democracy, Autonomy, and Evo Morales
Political Geography:: South America and Bolivia

1034. Almanac Turkey 2006-2008: Security Sector and Democratic Oversight

Author:: Ahmet İnsel and Onur Bayramoğlu
Publication Date:: 07-2009
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:: Today it is vitally important that citizens examine the security sector with an aim towards democratization. In order to make such an examination more than just an useless exercise, it must be informed by objective data. Therefore, studies like the Almanac are an indispensable part of examining, debating and researching alternatives to the policies that public and private security actors impose on society, the instruments related to these policies and the solutions that these policies are aimed at. This second Almanac covers the three-year period from the beginning of 2006, when the first study was concluded, to the end of 2008. It also gives some information regarding the first half of 2009. In addition to examining the developments which occurred in the Introduction Ali Bayramo¤lu, Ahmet ‹nsel 2 Turkish security sector during this time, the Almanac also focuses on the discussions surrounding the position of security actors in political and social life. It attempts to summarize the historical background that triggered these developments and thus to elucidate both the continuities and the various divergences from historical patterns and trends in Turkish security sector policy. The most crucial debates in the history of the Republic regarding the political and social position of the security forces in Turkey took place between 2006 and 2008. The debates which followed the discovery of diaries belonging to retired admiral, Özden Örnek, gained new significance with the discovery in 2007 of weapons and ammunition that some retired and active-duty officers had hidden in their houses or buried. A clandestine network of relations between retired and active-duty military officers, police officers and civilians is at the center of the legal proceedings that have become known as the Ergenekon case, which remains on-going. The plans for a coup evidenced by other diaries and documents that came to light after the Özden Örnek diaries and during the Ergenekon investigation, as well as preparation for actions aimed at creating a general sense of insecurity in society, have demonstrated with amazing clarity just how important it is that security sector actors in Turkey be under the supervision of civilian political powers and, most importantly, the parliament.
Topic:: Security, Reform, Democracy, and Oversight
Political Geography:: Turkey and Middle East

1035. Security Sector Policy Report 1: The Security Sector in Turkey: Questions, Problems and Solutions

Author:: Hale Akay
Publication Date:: 12-2009
Content Type:: Research Paper
Institution:: Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:: Security has been and is a problematic and contentious area in the Turkish political system due both to the structural, functional and organizational significance of the security sector within this system and to the autonomous and leading role that the security sector plays. This report discusses the various problems within the Turkish security sector by focusing on the armed forces and includes an analysis of the scholarship created by TESEV’s “Security Sector and Democratic Governance” Almanacs. It may be asserted that Turkey’s civil-military relations and the corresponding institutional structures possess three interrelated qualities: 1) An administrative and legislative structure that is constructed through historical continuity; deepened with every military intervention; institutionalized around a broad and ambiguous national security concept; and on several occasions, concealed behind a veil of secrecy. 2) A form of tutelage where the military sphere expands and the political sphere contracts; where the relationship between authority and responsibility is reversed; and where the military acts as the regulator, not the regulated. 3) An autonomous, institutionally isolated, and over-centralized organizational structure within the military. The analysis in this report primarily highlights these three qualities as well as the security-centered organizational structure in Turkey, and yields the following conclusions: Although significant progress towards civilianization has been recorded since the beginning of the reform process in the 2000s, particularly in the National Security Council (NSC), the definition of national security, on which the NSC and the Secretariat General of the NSC frameworks are based, remains unchanged. Prompted by a national security concept within which the bounds of internal and external security threats are still vague, NSC continues to operate as a center of power where official policies addressing a vast policy universe are made. Despite civilianization of the Secretariat General of the NSC (SGNSC), news stories on some personnel appointments indicate that the military retains its strong hold over internal security matters. At the same time, traditionally ambiguous concepts, like national security, and conventional practices, such as psychological operations, are passed down to new domestic security institutions by their ancestors. The informal mechanisms employed by the Turkish Armed Forces (TAF) to exercise political influence, coupled with the allegations, currently addressed through judicial processes, against the TAF of planning direct military inventions and social engineering schemes, show that the tradition of military guardianship is intact. While some new regulations were introduced to the military’s organizational structure, the practices of concentrating decision-making power in, and of granting autonomy to, the center of the organizational hierarchy is still dominant. The militarization of the field of internal security resumes because secret by-laws and practices that lack legal justification or basis continue to prevail; and the confusion among security sector institutions regarding their corresponding authorities and responsibilities ensues. The changes that need to be implemented to resolve the above issues are grouped into three categories: 1) Regulations involving the redefinition of national security and the abolishment of the military’s role as the regime’s guardian; 2) proposals to change the autonomous organizational structure of the military; and 3) civilian capacity building measures that particularly include increasing the parliament’s powers to oversee the security sector.
Topic:: Security, Politics, Democracy, and Institutions
Political Geography:: Turkey, Middle East, and Mediterranean

1036. The Eastern Partnership and Estonia: Policy Recommendations

Author:: Merle Maigre and Kaarel Kaas
Publication Date:: 11-2009
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: International Centre for Defence and Security - ICDS
Abstract:: ICDS researchers Kaarel Kaas and Merle Maigre have completed a Policy Brief with recommendations and suggestions for Estonia’s engagement with the EU’s Eastern Partnership. The European Union’s Eastern Partnership establishes a new political instrument for the promotion of democracy and economic reforms in the EU’s eastern neighbourhood. Since the war in Georgia in August 2008 and the gas crisis in the winter of 2008/2009, it has become clear that the developments in Ukraine, Moldova, Belarus and the South Caucasus have a direct impact on the security of the EU and Estonia, as well. It is, therefore, in the interests of Estonia to provide maximum support for our eastern partners in their reform efforts and convergence with the EU.
Topic:: Reform, European Union, Partnerships, and Democracy
Political Geography:: Russia, Europe, Ukraine, Moldova, Estonia, South Caucasus, and Belarus

1037. Criminal Justice Performance from a Human Rights Perspective: Assessing the Transformation of the Criminal Justice System in Moldova

Publication Date:: 11-2009
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Open Society Foundations
Abstract:: The aim of this report is to assess the extent of transformation of criminal justice in Moldova almost two decades after independence, and to uncover to what extent the Moldovan criminal justice system still exhibits the characteristics of a repressive state. Criminal Justice Performance from a Human Rights Perspective seeks to determine to what extent the objectives of the criminal justice system are understood and embraced by the criminal justice officials, and to what extent democratic and human rights protections are complied with in practice. The report seeks to understand public attitudes in relation to the criminal justice system and what this means for further reform of the criminal justice system. It also makes recommendations towards the further transformation of the Moldovan criminal justice system.
Topic:: Human Rights, Democracy, Criminal Justice, and Legal Sector
Political Geography:: Moldova

1038. Turkey's Strategy in the Changing World

Author:: Atilla Sandikli
Publication Date:: 12-2009
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: BILGESAM (Wise Men Center for Strategic Studies)
Abstract:: At the last quarter of 20th century, Cold War ended and technological advances in general with significant progresses in communication in particular have generated the phenomenon of globalization. The developments in financial markets and in real economy not only spread through geographical boundaries of nation states but also influence economic, technologic, and socio-cultural spheres decisively. National and international spaces as well as local and global domains are increasingly intertwined. Further beyond the interdependencies among states there are emerging new fields of cooperation and of common interests between societies. Democratic values and awareness on human rights are becoming universally shared norms as their applications expand conspicuously. Pluralist democratic regimes that respect human rights and that achieve a just income distribution provide better welfare systems for their publics. These regimes, in the long term, contribute stability and peace at domestic, regional and international levels. Accordingly, geopolitical weight of the states maintaining such regimes increases.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Regional Cooperation, Science and Technology, European Union, Democracy, and Strategic Planning
Political Geography:: Russia, Europe, Turkey, Middle East, and United States of America

1039. Patronage, Posturing, Duty, Demographics: Why Afghans Voted in 2009

Author:: Noah Coburn and Anna Larson
Publication Date:: 08-2009
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU)
Abstract:: What explains the levels of both participation and enthusiasm during the 2009 elections in Kabul Province? Although some voters were motivated by a sense of national duty, and a desire to take part in the democratic process, the majority voted for a variety of other, overlapping reasons. This paper argues that to understand voting attitudes in Kabul Province it is necessary to also look at social pressure, material incentives, a desire to demonstrate community strength, and a desire to “back the winning horse.”
Topic:: Elections, Democracy, Voting, Participation, and Community
Political Geography:: Afghanistan and Middle East

1040. Pakistan's Governance Imperative

Author:: Paula A. Newberg
Publication Date:: 05-2008
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: MIT Center for International Studies
Abstract:: After the kind of year that no country ever wants, with its government in crisis, repression replacing even the most remote notion of good government, political assassination, and terror stand- ing in the wings, Pakistan elected a new parliament in February. Led initially by a coalition of three parties previously deemed out- casts by President Pervez Musharraf, its cabinet of familiar political faces quickly agreed in principle, and at least in public, on a compel- ling and daunting political agenda. It reversed some emergency rul- ings, negotiated a hasty truce with insurgents living in the conten- tious tribal agency of Waziristan—and then broke down on divisive issues left to them by Musharraf. Domestic politics and foreign policy alike are now fair game for ambitious politicians long removed from power. This isn’t the first time that civilians have inherited the detritus of a mili- tary-led state, and past success has been elusive at best. Prime Minister Yousef Raza Gillani therefore faces not only the problems created by Musharraf ’s national security state, but also the accumulation of decades of mangled constitutions, mixed civil-military law, weakened state institutions and fragmented political parties. Today’s refreshing, if cautious good will nonetheless reflects a political order that was fragile and complex before Musharraf ’s 1999 coup d’etat, and remains so now. The recent blur of pronouncements, plans and policies reflects this history as it touches on Pakistan’s perennially sensitive topics: jumbled electoral rules, imbalances between provincial powers and central government authority, political corruptions long deemed acceptable, and a testy relationship between parliament and the president. Parliament is understandably keen to replace the opacity of Musharraf ’s tenure with a transparency that matches Pakistan’s avid, 21st century media, and in so doing, cement the coalition’s public image.
Topic:: Governance, Democracy, Leadership, and Political Crisis
Political Geography:: Pakistan and Middle East

1041. Iraq’s Political Factions: The Last Chance to Build a Governing Coalition?

Author:: Barry R. Posen
Publication Date:: 01-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: MIT Center for International Studies
Abstract:: President Bush is renewing his efforts to create an Iraq that can govern, sustain, and defend itself, and is throwing more resources at the project. The first priority must be governance, however, as administration and defense cannot happen without a functioning government. And government cannot function without a legitimate, broad-based, political consensus. Such a consensus has eluded Iraqis since March 2003, and the President’s new strategy includes no political program to create such a consensus. Instead, he counts on creating a coalition of existing “moderates,” which do not exist, as the intense violence within Iraq clearly demonstrates. Thus, the President’s troop increases, economic assistance, and intensified train- ing will likely prove futile.
Topic:: Imperialism, Democracy, State Building, and Iraq War
Political Geography:: United States, Iraq, Middle East, and North America

1042. Turkey: Misperceptions and the Healing Touch of Democracy

Author:: Doğu Ergil
Publication Date:: 05-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: MIT Center for International Studies
Abstract:: Mass demonstrations in late April brought out hundreds of thousands of people in Ankara and perhaps a million people one week later in Istanbul, an awesome scene on both occasions. Demonstrations of lesser scale are underway in smaller cities like Canakkale and Manisa—a trend to continue until early elections scheduled for July 22. The demonstrations were comprised of mainly women and middle-class urban people who chanted their allegiance to secularism and a modern way of life, which they believed to be endangered by the religious leanings of the incumbent government. But is this a legitimate fear? The same government, led by the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi or AKP), has been in place since its electoral victory in 2002 and no substan- tial alteration took place in the basic tenets of the regime. Now, with the prospect of the election of the first Turkish president from this party, anxieties are high. The fear that such a danger is imminent has to be sociologically accounted for.
Topic:: Social Movement, Democracy, Protests, and Oppression
Political Geography:: Europe, Turkey, and Asia

1043. Coming to Terms with Forced Migration: Post-Displacement Restitution of Citizenship Rights in Turkey

Author:: A. Tamer Aker, Ayşe Betül Çelik, Deniz Yükseker, Dilek Kurban, and Turgay Inalan
Publication Date:: 08-2007
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:: The large number of civil wars in the world in which ethnic groups are involved has given rise to a growing body of literature about how to rebuild nations so that they do not lapse back into violence. Among these is the well-researched new book by the Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (“TESEV”), Coming to Terms with Forced Migration: Post-Displacement Restitution of Citizenship Rights in Turkey. Its five co-authors, Dilek Kurban (TESEV), Deniz Yükseker (Koç University), Ayşe Betül Çelik (Sabancı University), Turgay Ünalan (Hacettepe University) and A. Tamer Aker (Kocaeli University) dig deeply into the causes of conflict and displacement in Turkey, seeking to go beyond official versions and to unearth what really occurred in their country and how best to move forward to resolve the political, economic and social divisions. Each of the authors brings a different discipline to the book, together examining displacement from a broad perspective, encompassing the sociological, political, psychological, demographic and legal. Reinforcing their two years of academic research is rigorous field work in the provinces of Diyarbakır, Batman, Istanbul and Hakkâri where they interview municipal leaders, civil society and the people who were forcibly displaced. Among their major findings is one especially important for the government and the international community to register: that internal displacement in Turkey is not just a security problem confined to a limited number of hamlets in the southeast but a widespread and large-scale phenomenon with impact on “the whole nation.” After all, some one million men, women and children were forcibly uprooted from rural areas in the east and southeast of the country as a result of the armed struggle from 1984 to 1999 between the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan - “PKK”) and the Turkish military. Large numbers fled to urban areas all over the country where they have long experienced poverty, poor housing, joblessness, loss of land and property, limited access to physical and mental health care services, and limited educational opportunities for their children. Acknowledging the plight of the displaced in both rural and urban areas and developing effective policies and programs to help them reintegrate is therefore critical not only for the lives of the displaced but also for the coherence and stability of the country as a whole.
Topic:: Human Rights, Migration, Minorities, Democracy, Citizenship, and Displacement
Political Geography:: Turkey, Middle East, and Mediterranean

1044. Violence and Insecurity: The Challenge in the Global South

Author:: Diane E. Davis
Publication Date:: 11-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: MIT Center for International Studies
Abstract:: It does not seem that long ago that optimism flowered about prospects for Democracy and sustained economic development on a worldwide scale. But hopes for the future have dimmed over the last several years, as problems of violence, crime, and insecurity have emerged with a vengeance in many parts of the global south. Forget big ideas about democracy; forget the aspirations for a globally competitive development strategy. Growing numbers of citizens in the global south are turning to demands for basic needs and human rights, as reflected in the accelerating desire for security and a life without violent conflict.
Topic:: Development, Human Rights, Democracy, and Conflict
Political Geography:: Global South

1045. Democratic Oversight of the Security Sector: Turkey and the World

Author:: Volkan Aytar
Publication Date:: 03-2006
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:: The longitudinal political and social “weight” of the Turkish Armed Forces, and the imbalances ensued, are considered among the most important and complex issues in Turkish history. Recently, the need for further harmonization of the Turkish Civilian-Military Relations (CMR) with the democratic standards was underlined at the European Commission’s (EC) successive Annual Progress Reports on Turkey. The issue will no doubt be among the most important issues in Turkey’s EU accession process. One could claim this can best be achieved by a healthy cooperation between the government, parliament and security sector institutions (the armed forces, the police department, the gendarmerie, and others) with the assistance of expert opinion, and by taking into consideration the demands stemming from civil society. Moreover, apart from the issue of harmonization of the Turkish CMR with the EU standards and universal democratic norms, the vitally important problem of implementing a substantive Security Sector and Bureaucracy Reform (SSBR) would certainly be on the top of Turkey’s agenda for years (even decades) to come. SSBR shall cover not only CMR-related issues but also involve the establishment of democratic control and oversight mechanisms on all domestic security institutions by taking a citizen-centered approach. Placed at a context going far beyond the narrow and somewhat misleading confines of a mere CMR issue, the problem needs to be addressed in its diversity and complexity. Since the very concepts of “reform” and “control of the armed forces” still remain controversial in Turkey, TESEV aims to contribute to this (potentially divisive and politicized) process by helping 6 “normalize” the debates on the issue, in a cool-headed, objective and scientific manner. In this context, the fruitful past collaboration between the Geneva-based Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF – the Republic of Turkey is a founding member since November 20th, 2003) and TESEV seems to be becoming even more crucial in helping shape the ongoing process (indeed, the EC’s 2005 Turkey Progress Report lauded TESEV & DCAF’s work). TESEV strives to further the agenda of democratic and civilian oversight of the security sector by taking as its target audience, legislators, media professionals and civil society at large. National and international symposia, presentations at the Special Commissions of the Turkish Grand National Assembly, as well as documentary and critical studies on the Security Sector are among the interlocking project activities and outputs.
Topic:: Security, Armed Forces, Democracy, and Accountability
Political Geography:: Turkey and Middle East

1046. Seeking Kant in the EU’s Relations with Turkey

Author:: Ali Murat Özdemir, Hakan Altinay, Jean-François Leguil-Bayart, Senem Aydın Düzgit, and Şeyla Benhabib
Publication Date:: 12-2006
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:: We believe European Union membership is in the interests of Turkey, the EU, and the global community. We are deeply concerned at the way the European Union is failing to respect the principles of equal treatment in its relations with Turkey. We do not argue that Turkey is ready for EU membership; and we recognise that Turkey has a lot to do, primarily regarding democratic governance, to make itself ready for membership. However, we also believe that increasingly discriminatory practices towards Turkey violate the Enlightenment principles upon which Europe itself is founded and endanger the formation of a Europe governed by Kantian ideals. This perspective necessitates identifying key events that gave rise to this concern during the period after the 1997 Luxembourg Summit. The main aim of this report is to examine the extent to which the EU has adhered to its official statements on fairness and equal treatment and whether or not the assertion that the EU has breached Kantian ideals is valid. The focus of this report will be two-fold. The first focus will be on the 'double standards' evident in the EU's policies towards Turkey, which we will point out by comparing the EU's treatment of Turkey with its treatment of other candidate countries. It is now widely accepted that there is a clear double standard in the way in which the EU deals with candidate-nations and member states, especially in areas such as human rights and the protection of minorities; the report will be on instances in which the EU has not kept key promises with Turkey or 'systematically distorted' communication has been abound in discussions over the issue. We believe that such an endeavour is imperative to see the way in which the EU today is deviating from the Kantian ideal of achieving a Europe without dividing lines, where 'you do as you would be done by.'
Topic:: Treaties and Agreements, Governance, European Union, Democracy, Regional Integration, and Immanuel Kant
Political Geography:: Europe, Turkey, Middle East, and Mediterranean

1047. La lucha por el futuro: El veneno del populismo y la cura de la democracia

Author:: Robert F. Noriega
Publication Date:: 12-2006
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research
Abstract:: Mientras que la atención del mundo está centrada en la lucha contra Irak y el ascenso de China, se está librando una batalla por el alma de las Américas más cerca de nuestro país. En términos simplistas, esta confrontación podría describirse como una lucha de poder entre la visión del presidente de Estados Unidos, George W. Bush, y la visión de quien se autoproclamó su némesis, el presidente venezolano Hugo Chávez. Igualmente engañosas son las caracterizaciones que describen esta situación como un enfrentamiento entre la izquierda y la derecha, los ricos y los pobres, el norte y el sur. Pero ésta no es una batalla entre dos líderes poderosos o entre las ideologías de la izquierda y la derecha. La lucha que se está librando en el hemisferio occidental concierne a la democracia en sí: ¿puede satisfacer a un público impaciente? Por un lado, están los líderes de la izquierda y la derecha que consideran que las instituciones democráticas y el Estado de Derecho son indispensables para la prosperidad y la libertad.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Democracy, Populism, and Hugo Chavez
Political Geography:: Latin America and Venezuela

1048. Derechos Humanos y Gobernabilidad Democrática. Oportunidades para la Cooperación Canadiense en el Perú

Author:: Carmela Chávez Irigoyen
Publication Date:: 01-2006
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Institute for the Study of International Development, McGill University (ISID)
Abstract:: Recientemente, Canadá ha anunciado que el Perú se encuentra entre los 20 países en los cuales va a enfocar su ayuda al desarrollo. Se contará con mayores recursos financieros y humanos y se continuará trabajando para un mayor enfoque programático y geográfico orientándolo a lograr una mayor efectividad de la ayuda en respuesta a los principios de la Declaración de París. Así mismo ACDI ha priorizado un enfoque de derechos humanos en el campo de la governanza del sector de industrias extractivas y continuar con los programas de mejoramiento de la calidad en la educación formal, con énfasis en educación intercultural. Así mismo, continuará siendo un importante donante para el fortalecimiento de la Defensoría del Pueblo.
Topic:: Development, Human Rights, Governance, and Democracy
Political Geography:: South America and Peru

1049. The Democracy Makers: Human Rights and the Politics of Global Order

Author:: Nicolas Guilhot
Publication Date:: 04-2005
Content Type:: Book
Institution:: Columbia University Press
Abstract:: Has the international movement for democracy and human rights gone from being a weapon against power to part of the arsenal of power itself? Nicolas Guilhot explores this question in his penetrating look at how the U.S. government, the World Bank, political scientists, NGOs, think tanks, and various international organizations have appropriated the movement for democracy and human rights to export neoliberal policies throughout the world. His work charts the various symbolic, ideological, and political meanings that have developed around human rights and democracy movements. Guilhot suggests that these shifting meanings reflect the transformation of a progressive, emancipatory movement into an industry dominated by “experts” ensconced in positions of power. Guilhot’s story begins in the 1950s when U.S. foreign policy experts promoted human rights and democracy as part of a “democratic international” to fight the spread of communism. Later, the unlikely convergence of anti-Stalinist leftists and the nascent neoconservative movement found a place in the Reagan administration. These “State Department Socialists,” as they were known, created policies and organizations that provided financial and technical expertise to democratic movements and also supported authoritarian, anti-communist regimes, particularly in Latin America. Guilhot traces the intellectual and social trajectories of key academics, policymakers, and institutions, including Seymour M. Lipset, Jeane Kirkpatrick, the “Chicago Boys,” influenced by Milton Friedman, the National Endowment for Democracy, and the Ford Foundation. He examines the ways in which various individuals, or “double agents,” were able to occupy pivotal positions at the junction of academe, national, and international institutions, and activist movements. He also pays particular attention to the role of the social sciences in transforming the old anti-communist crusades into respectable international organizations that promoted progressive and democratic ideals, but did not threaten the strategic and economic goals of Western governments and businesses. Guilhot’s purpose is not to disqualify democracy promotion as a conspiratorial activity. Rather he offers new perspectives on the roles of various transnational human rights institutions and the policies they promote. Ultimately, his work proposes a new model for understanding the international politics of legitimate democratic order and the relation between popular resistance to globalization and the “Washington Consensus.”
Topic:: International Relations, Globalization, Human Rights, and Democracy
Political Geography:: Global Focus
Publication Identifier:: 9780231504195
Publication Identifier Type:: ISBN

1050. The Istanbul Symposium: Empowering Women in Public Life and Democratic Development in the BMENA Region

Author:: Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Publication Date:: 11-2005
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:: "One of the issues the Democracy Assistance Dialogue will concentrate on is the empowerment of women in public life. As agreed on in Rome Ministerial meeting of DAD on 25 November 2004 "Democratic development requires inclusion of women as an active and essential component of society. To stimulate active participation of women in democratic practices is also a fundamental priority. The Dialogue shall support efforts aimed at promoting women's participation in political life and active contribution to democratic projects and programs. Indeed, a substantial gender gap exists in the BMENA region. Like in many other countries, women are the most disadvantaged segment of society simply because they are women. Gender inequality in the region is compounded by high levels of illiteracy among women, In many countries women still cannot enjoy their political rights sufficiently and their chances of social and political participation are completely blocked. Gender related discrimination is a major impediment to democratic reform in the region. If women constitute half of their respective societies, then, along with men, they should partake in decision-making pertaining to their common future.
Topic:: Gender Issues, Women, Democracy, Inequality, and Discrimination
Political Geography:: Turkey and Middle East

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COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS