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2501. Canadian-Based Company Fined by U.S. Commerce Department for Hiding U.S. Exports to Iran

Author:
Aline Spyrka
Publication Date:
11-2025
Content Type:
Case Study
Institution:
Institute for Security and International Studies (ISIS)
Abstract:
Canada-based biotechnology company Luminultra illegally exported from its Maryland-based production facility three Photonmaster luminometers and 25 aqueous test kits valuing $33,438 USD to Iran on October 21, 2022. Under instructions from the Iranian buyer, and hopes of future sales to the Iranian market, Luminultra agreed to falsify export declarations and ship the items from the United States via the United Arab Emirates (UAE) to Iran. Under further instructions from the Iranian buyer, Luminultra received payment at a Canadian bank in Canadian dollars specifically to avoid payment for the shipment in USD and through a US bank. The case shows a lack of awareness of the risks and penalties associated with willful violation of export controls and sanctions and indicates that Canada needs to improve its outreach to the industry, especially now that a wide range of UN sanctions on Iran are re-instated. It also shows the importance of UN sanctions to prevent banks in third countries from processing illicit payments from Iran. Luminultra signed a settlement agreement in September 2025 and agreed to pay the $685,051 fine. They also agreed to establish an export compliance system and complete export compliance audits over a three-year probationary period.[1]
Topic:
Sanctions, Exports, Compliance, and Luminulta
Political Geography:
Iran, Middle East, Canada, North America, and United States of America

2502. The IMF’s Lebanon Framework: Balancing State Debt with Depositor Rights

Author:
Samara Azzi
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:
So far, the proposals presented to Lebanon’s central bank risk prolonging rather than solving the country’s financial and economic woes. As Lebanon faces multiple challenges with economic and financial recovery from the country’s 2019 economic collapse, two interconnected issues remain particularly controversial: recovering the money of Lebanese who lost access to their bank deposits and holding those responsible for squandering their money accountable. Many insist on placing the blame on the Lebanese banking sector, thereby absolving current and former government officials of their role in swindling account holders. This is the narrative preferred by Hezbollah and its allies, who provided the political cover for the culture of corruption that eventually led to economic collapse. The new government is negotiating a reform package with the IMF, which presents a great opportunity to hold officials and politicians accountable. However, discussions do not seem to be moving in the right direction. Rather than focusing on accountability, the IMF, like other international lenders, appears to be focused primarily on minimizing the indebtedness of its prospective client—in this case, the Lebanese state—at the expense of depositors and the central bank.
Topic:
Debt, IMF, Banking, and Economic Crisis
Political Geography:
Middle East and Lebanon

2503. U.S. and Chinese Dual Citizen Engineer Pleads Guilty to Stealing Missile Launch and Detection Technology

Author:
Jessica Kim and Sarah Burkhard
Publication Date:
08-2025
Content Type:
Case Study
Institution:
Institute for Security and International Studies (ISIS)
Abstract:
During and shortly after his employment at a large U.S. defense contractor, a Chinese-US dual citizen downloaded thousands of export-controlled and proprietary files from the company’s secure server onto multiple hard drives, some of which remain at large. The files included manufacturing specifications and test results for two sophisticated types of sensors used for space-based detection and tracking of threats, suitable for tracking ballistic and hypersonic missiles. The files included assembly designs and engineering specifications for a specialized vacuum-sealed, cooling enclosure to further protect the radiation-hardened sensors in space. While it is not explicitly stated that he acted at the direction of the Chinese government, it appears likely that Gong intended to utilize the information he stole to benefit the Chinese military.
Topic:
Science and Technology, Intellectual Property/Copyright, Missile Defense, Exports, and Defense Industry
Political Geography:
China, North America, and United States of America

2504. South Korea and the Middle East’s Defense Localization Drive: A New Strategic Fit

Author:
Bonggeun Kim
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:
Given South Korea’s willingness to offer technology transfer, local production arrangements, and politically flexible partnerships, it has become an attractive alternative to Western and Russian suppliers, presenting both opportunities and competitive challenges for U.S. policy in the region.
Topic:
Defense Policy, International Cooperation, Partnerships, and Localization
Political Geography:
Middle East, Asia, and South Korea

2505. Coal, Oil, Gas, and Nuclear: Risks in Turkey’s Growing Energy Demands

Author:
Mustafa Enes Esen
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:
Without further diversification of suppliers, expanded renewable capacity, strategic investments in LNG, and nuclear partnerships beyond Russia, Turkey risks exchanging one form of energy dependency for another.
Topic:
Gas, Diversification, Supply Chains, Nuclear Energy, and Energy
Political Geography:
Turkey and Middle East

2506. A Roadmap for Israel-Lebanon Peace

Author:
Hanin Ghaddar, Robert Satloff, and Ehud Yaari
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:
Pursuing even incremental steps will be difficult in a country long dominated by Iran’s chief regional proxy, but the two countries’ leaders have cracked the door open for future diplomacy.
Topic:
Diplomacy, Regional Politics, and Peacemaking
Political Geography:
Iran, Middle East, Israel, and Lebanon

2507. Balancing National Security and Economic Priorities in the U.S.-Jordan Relationship

Author:
Saud Al-Sharafat
Publication Date:
05-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:
As the U.S. administration shifts towards an economics-first approach to foreign policy, Jordan will need to find ways to emphasize the benefits of the two countries' decades-long broader strategic relationship in public messaging—both for its own national security interests and as a way to assuage public concerns. Recent developments in U.S.-Jordanian relations, from the announcement of President Trump’s “Middle East riviera” plan for Gaza to tariff announcements—have prompted the question of how Jordan will deal with the current regional challenges it faces as the United States reorients to an economy-focused approach. For a country like Jordan, which has relied on a combination of military support and diplomatic engagement with the United States and Israel for more than seven decades, its primary challenge now lies in integrating these new market-based visions with the realities of the entrenched political conflicts that surround and impact its domestic national security. Jordan will have a dual challenge: managing domestic attitudes towards this U.S. reprioritization and, on an external level, articulating a dynamic and forward-thinking strategy to emphasize its continued importance to U.S. policymakers. On the one hand, Jordan's options in response to a more distant United States are few and far from ideal; yet Jordan has its own strong incentives to promote stability in the region, as well as concrete examples it can point to regarding how the value of its relationship with the United States extends beyond the economic when it comes to the impact of its stability and security in broader regional dynamics. Perhaps most importantly, Jordan has been and can continue to be a regional first line of defense against all types of extremism, whether leftist, nationalist, or religious. Ensuring that this message reaches those in power in the United States may require more extensive and creative avenues than in the past, but will be vital in emphasizing the ongoing value of the relationship.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, National Security, Bilateral Relations, and Economy
Political Geography:
Middle East, North America, Jordan, and United States of America

2508. Iraqi Kurds Could Facilitate and Mediate in PKK-Turkish Peace Process


Author:
Wladimir van Wilgenburg
Publication Date:
05-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:
New developments in the PKK-Turkey peace process are a window of opportunity for Iraqi Kurdish parties to stabilize areas of Iraqi Kurdistan affected by the conflict and help facilitate a lasting peace. In a major development, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) leadership announced on May 12 that the group would disband, potentially marking an end to its forty year conflict with Turkey after a peace process began between its imprisoned leader Abdullah Öcalan’s and the Turkish state last October. However, much of the conflict has unfolded not in Turkey but in Iraq—and specifically the Kurdistan Region of Iraq—where Turkey has fought the PKK since the 1980s in a conflict that has threatened civilian lives, prompted internal displacement, and damaged the local economy. Given the destabilizing role of this conflict there, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) has proven keen on a successful peace process in Turkey, since it could remove what it sees as PKK’s territorial encroachment in Iraqi Kurdistan. Both the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the KDP have also played mediating roles in the previous peace processes between Turkey and the PKK. While the PKK entered the Qandil mountains in Iraqi Kurdistan via a deal with the KDP in 1982, the PKK subsequently extended its presence outside of Qandil in the 1990s and came into conflict with the KDP during the Kurdish civil war. And during Turkish military cross-border operations against the PKK in Iraqi Kurdistan, which have increased since 2019, there have also been skirmishes and tensions between the KDP and PKK in Iraqi Kurdistan, including clashes between the PKK and Peshmerga, assassinations, market fires, and drone attacks on Peshmerga forces. The Turkish-PKK conflict has also led to civilian casualties in Iraqi Kurdistan, such as when eight Iraqi tourists were killed in 2022 in Turkish strikes, sparking diplomatic tensions between Baghdad and Ankara. These activities have been deeply concerning to the KDP, leading it to call on the PKK to return to Qandil and leave other areas of Iraqi Kurdistan in 2021 and offering its support for new peace talks with Turkey in return.
Topic:
Security, Diplomacy, Kurds, Political Parties, PKK, and Peace Process
Political Geography:
Middle East and Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI)

2509. Leveraging the Gaps in Russia and China’s Complex Relations with Iran

Author:
Richard Nephew
Publication Date:
03-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:
Far from signaling a strong trilateral alliance, their history of often transactional cooperation reveals strategic gaps that Washington can leverage to help curb Iran’s nuclear ambitions. For all the hoopla that preceded it, the trilateral China-Iran-Russia meeting on Tehran’s nuclear program did not appear to generate anything of great significance. The joint statement issued after the March 15 Beijing gathering largely echoed previous such documents, from condemning “unlawful unilateral sanctions” against Iran to reiterating a mutual desire for a diplomatic solution. That said, the mere act of holding the meeting may have been the objective, to signal to the world that the three countries stand together. This show of unity could have immediate practical effects given the partial expiration of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action in 2025—including the “snapback” provision that permits the UN to reimpose full sanctions on Iran if a JCPOA participant triggers the mechanism. At the same time, the three governments still have diverging historical and strategic interests on a range of issues—differences that will not dissipate just because they hold a joint meeting and share friction with the United States. If Washington hopes to exploit these fault lines, however, it must properly understand them.
Topic:
International Relations, Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Sanctions, and JCPOA
Political Geography:
Russia, China, Iran, and Middle East

2510. Attacking Iran's Nuclear Program: The Complex Calculus of Preventive Action

Author:
Michael Eisenstadt
Publication Date:
03-2025
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:
Should a negotiated deal prove elusive, policymakers will need to consider how to define a successful strike, Iran’s potential responses, and whether a strategy of prevention can be sustained. ran’s nuclear program is one of the most pressing foreign policy challenges facing the Trump administration. While the president has expressed his preference for a diplomatic solution to the crisis, many Israeli officials believe that Iran’s current weakness provides a unique opportunity to destroy or at least set back its nuclear program through a military strike. Should a negotiated deal prove elusive, policymakers will need to weigh the pros and cons of military action and answer several questions, including: How does one define a successful strike? What challenges need to be addressed in planning a campaign to destroy or degrade Iran’s nuclear weapons program? How sustainable is a strategy of prevention? And how might Iran respond to such a campaign? In this Policy Note, military expert Michael Eisenstadt explains that a preventive attack likely won’t be a one-off but rather the opening round of a lengthy campaign employing military strikes, covert action, and other elements of national power. Such a campaign, he writes, could presage either a more stable order for the region or a new, danger­ous phase in one of its most volatile conflicts.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Nuclear Weapons, Nuclear Energy, Regional Security, and Preventive Measures
Political Geography:
Iran and Middle East

2511. Setting Up the Next Phase of U.S.-UAE Nuclear Cooperation

Author:
Noam Raydan
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:
With the U.S. point man on energy development touring the Gulf and Chinese and Russian nuclear initiatives on the rise, the Trump administration should consider how best to replicate the responsible Emirati model elsewhere in the region. To kick off his first official tour of the Middle East, U.S. energy secretary Chris Wright arrived in the United Arab Emirates this week, where he has been meeting with key stakeholders and is expected to make a timely visit to the Barakah civil nuclear power plant in al-Dhafra. The plant visit comes amid growing global enthusiasm about nuclear energy, both to meet decarbonization targets and to address tech company plans for more data centers and artificial intelligence initiatives that require substantial amounts of nonstop power. Yet Wright also has an opportunity to underscore the importance of solid nuclear policy in a region where such technology is usually associated with proliferation risks.
Topic:
Development, International Cooperation, and Nuclear Energy
Political Geography:
Russia, China, Middle East, United Arab Emirates, and United States of America

2512. China Flexes Its Soft Power in the KRI

Author:
Winthrop Rodgers and Sardar Aziz
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:
In the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, signs of Chinese soft power are increasingly visible to residents of an area with longstanding ties to the United States. As the world’s largest nation without a state of their own, Kurdish politicians in Iraq have long prioritized robust and visible relationships with foreign powers as a means to ensure the leaders and interests of Iraq’s Kurdistan Region (KRI) remain relevant amid changing geopolitical tides. For foreign governments, this welcoming atmosphere provides an opportunity to nurture the green shoots of soft power, often in the most ordinary ways. Given the longstanding role of U.S. foreign aid in the KRI, Chinese soft power efforts and the Kurdistan Regional Government’s (KRG)’s response may provide a bell weather for how other longstanding U.S. allies respond to the shift in American attitudes towards aid and its attendant soft power.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Geopolitics, and Soft Power
Political Geography:
China, Middle East, United States of America, and Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI)

2513. Countering Iran's Deceptive Behavior in Nuclear Negotiations

Author:
Farzin Nadimi
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:
In negotiations, the Iranian regime prefers to operate discreetly and secretly, allowing Tehran to shape the information spectrum and protract talks to buy time and wear down their negotiation counterparts. By shining light on the diplomatic process, U.S. policymakers can provide a counter-narrative that takes to task Iranian intransigence and provides accurate information for the Iranian public. Iran's adept use of secrecy, disinformation, and stalling tactics has long posed significant challenges to international efforts aimed at curbing its nuclear ambitions. As the United States prepares for its renewed negotiations with Tehran, anticipating and countering these tactics is key to shaping the negotiating context and facilitating diplomatic progress.
Topic:
Diplomacy, Negotiation, Propaganda, Disinformation, and Nuclear Energy
Political Geography:
Iran and Middle East

2514. Allowing Political Opposition in the New Syria

Author:
Ishtar Al Shami
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:
The new Syrian government will be judged not just by its treatment of minorities, but also how it approaches political opposition—and its checkered history in this regard gives pause.
Topic:
Minorities, Domestic Politics, Syrian War, Opposition, Post-Conflict, and Ahmad al-Sharaa
Political Geography:
Middle East and Syria

2515. Media Representation of ‘Diyarbakır Mothers’: A Cross-Newspaper Comparison and Analysis

Author:
Halime Kökce
Publication Date:
06-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Turkish Journal of Middle Eastern Studies
Institution:
Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:
In today's world, the media plays a powerful role in shaping perspectives on social issues. The portrayal of the ‘Diyarbakır Mothers’ in the media highlights a critical area of research on the media's influence on social perception. This study examines how four different newspapers (Yeni Şafak, Sözcü, Sabah and Cumhuriyet) represent the ‘Diyarbakır Mothers’ and explores the media's impact on shaping social perception. To achieve this, the language used by these newspapers, their headline choices, and their news content are examined through discourse analysis, aiming to uncover the media's stance on this issue. By employing this method, the linguistic choices and narrative strategies within the news articles are assessed to understand how they shape the public perception of this topic. By analyzing the language, headline choices, and content of these news articles, the study aims to reveal the media's stance on this issue. This analysis offers valuable insights into the political orientations of these newspapers, their influence on social perceptions, and the strategies they use to engage their audiences. Ultimately, this study helps us understand the diversity in how the ‘Diyarbakır Mothers’ are portrayed in the media and prompts us to question the role of media in shaping social issues.
Topic:
Media, News Analysis, Representation, Society, Perception, and Diyarbakır Mothers
Political Geography:
Turkey, Middle East, and Diyarbakır

2516. Resilience and Roadblocks: The Abraham Accords at Five Years

Author:
David Makovsky
Publication Date:
09-2025
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:
The architecture behind Arab-Israel normalization has survived the war years, but expansion to other countries will require a credible embrace of diplomacy, along with regional collaboration to shape Gaza’s future. Ahalf-decade after Israel normalized relations with the UAE, Bahrain, and Morocco, it is remarkable that the strategic architecture for deepening these relationships—and engaging potential new partners—remains in place. Israel’s prosecution of the war in Gaza has undoubtedly strained ties with Arab states, but no partner has suspended them, and steady cooperation persists in areas like air defense and trade. This resilience reflects a larger reality in which Israel’s military successes have upended the regional balance of power to Tehran’s detriment, including through the decimation of Hezbollah and direct blows to Iranian military and nuclear infrastructure. But Arab actors are deeply concerned about Israel’s reliance on military force and advocate a clear pivot to diplomatic engagement. In this Policy Note, analyst David Makovsky discusses Abraham Accords partners and prospects, while explaining the role of creative tradeoffs in facilitating past breakthroughs. But he also emphasizes that widening the tent will require an end to the Gaza war and Israeli collaboration with Arab states to shape the territory’s future.
Topic:
Normalization, Resilience, Abraham Accords, and Regional Politics
Political Geography:
Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

2517. To Halt the Jihadist Advance in Somalia, Work with Turkey and the UAE

Author:
Ido Levy
Publication Date:
08-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:
Overhauled Turkish and Emirati training programs for the Somali army and renewed funding for the African Union mission could provide the boost that Mogadishu needs, and Washington should push for both. n July 27, the al-Qaeda-affiliated jihadist group al-Shabab seized the town of Mahas in central Somalia. For the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS), the loss of Mahas after a series of defeats is particularly stinging, as the town was liberated by African Union (AU) and government forces in 2014. Al-Shabab’s latest onslaught, which began earlier this year, has brought it additional territories around the capital. The empowered al-Qaeda affiliate is also still bent on attacking U.S. interests around the world. Last year, a federal court convicted an al-Shabab operative in New York of plotting a “9/11-style attack,” and in 2023, U.S. authorities charged an American citizen arrested in Kenya for attempting to join al-Shabab to attack the United States. Moreover, the UN has reported a budding tactical relationship in which the Yemeni Houthis transfer weapons and know-how to al-Shabab, while the Somali group agrees to ramp up piracy to support Houthi attacks on Red Sea shipping. Seizing more territory in Somalia gives al-Shabab additional resources and infrastructure for such activities abroad.
Topic:
Security, Training, Jihad, and Al-Shabaab
Political Geography:
Africa, Turkey, Middle East, Somalia, and United Arab Emirates

2518. Spy Versus Spy: Iran’s Playbook for Espionage in Israel

Author:
Sarah Boches and Matthew Levitt
Publication Date:
08-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:
Tehran’s recruitment of Israelis for military surveillance, sabotage, assassination plots, and other operations is on the rise, showing how the shadow war between the two adversaries continues to evolve even after their recent hot war.
Topic:
Security, Conflict, Surveillance, and Espionage
Political Geography:
Iran, Middle East, and Israel

2519. How Washington’s Drone Policy Is Catching Up to Reality

Author:
Elizabeth Dent and Grant Rumley
Publication Date:
09-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:
To balance competition and global responsibility, the Trump administration should combine its welcome reinterpretation of the MTCR with updated nonproliferation standards and robust safeguards.
Topic:
Weapons, Drones, Nonproliferation, and Competition
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

2520. Freeing Libya’s Locked-Up Oil Reserves

Author:
Joseph Hammond
Publication Date:
09-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:
Restoring the oil-for-fuel program would avert a near-term crisis and potentially provide a platform for more ambitious reform—though it is unlikely to succeed without greater transparency, international monitoring, and subsidy changes.
Topic:
Oil, Natural Resources, Reform, Exports, and Energy
Political Geography:
Libya and North Africa

2521. Facing Fiscal Pressures: Iraq’s Struggle for Reform Ahead of the 2025 Election

Author:
Mohammed Hussein
Publication Date:
09-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:
Facing Fiscal Pressures: Iraq’s Struggle for Reform Ahead of the 2025 Election
Topic:
Reform, Elections, Domestic Politics, Fiscal Policy, and Elites
Political Geography:
Iraq and Middle East

2522. Place, Loneliness, and Existence: The Phenomenology of Space in About Dry Grasses from the Perspectives of Heidegger and Merleau-Ponty

Author:
Evren Günevi Uslu
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Academic Inquiries
Institution:
Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:
Studies on the representation of space in cinema have gained conceptual depth particularly since the 2000s, influenced by thinkers such as Gilles Deleuze, Michel Foucault, and Henri Lefebvre. This study examines how the Anatolian steppe is represented as a phenomenological ground in Nuri Bilge Ceylan’s film About Dry Grasses (2023). In the film, space is not merely a physical backdrop for the narrative but functions as a lived domain that shapes the characters’ existential orientation, temporal perception, and ethical positioning. Drawing on Edmund Husserl’s concepts of the “lived body” (Leib) and the “lifeworld” (Lebenswelt), as well as Maurice Merleau Ponty’s notions of “chiasm” (intertwining) and “embodiment,” the study analyzes the tactile, visual, and temporal relationship between character and space. The research is conducted using a qualitative methodology. Six visual frames selected from the film are analyzed through the lens of phenomenological film analysis. Each scene is examined in terms of framing, color, tactility, intentionality, and ethical-political dimensions, and these analyses are contextualized within the film’s broader narrative structure. The findings indicate that in About Dry Grasses, the steppe is not simply a spatial setting, but an active component that shapes the characters’ psychic and bodily existence. The film renders space as a perceptible, resistant, and directive ground, transforming the viewer from a passive observer into an embodied perceiver. In this respect, the study opens a phenomenological discussion of spatial perception in Turkish cinema and offers an original contribution to the notion of “sensory thinking” in film analysis.
Topic:
Cinema, Phenomenology, Embodiment, and Nuri Bilge Ceylan
Political Geography:
Turkey and Middle East

2523. Exploring Reflections of the 2023 Kahramanmaraş Earthquake on X: A Computational Study on Türkiye and Syria

Author:
Sadettin Demirel, Zindan Çakıcı, and Neslihan Bulur
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Academic Inquiries
Institution:
Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:
Earthquakes are multidimensional phenomena that disrupt socio-structural systems and erode collective resilience frameworks. Social media acts as a vital platform for information dissemination and communication within such contexts. The Kahramanmaraş earthquakes of February 6, 2023, induced significant physical and demographic consequences across Türkiye and Syria. A review of existing literature indicates a disproportionate emphasis on Türkiye within communication studies, with minimal attention to Syria or comparative analyses between the two nations. This study conducts a comparative analysis of social media discourse on the February 6, 2023, earthquakes in Türkiye and Syria. Employing computational techniques, including sentiment analysis, textual analysis, and network analysis, over 256,227 tweets were examined to identify dominant themes, linguistic patterns, and sentiment polarity shifts. The analysis reveals distinct differences in social media reflections of Türkiye and Syria. Discourse on Türkiye primarily addressed rescue operations and infrastructural damage, while content on Syria centered on humanitarian crises and political constraints affecting disaster response. Posts related to Syria exhibited a higher proportion of negative sentiment. This research contributed an empirical framework for examining the dynamics of public discourse during earthquake crises and clarifies the interrelationship between social media narratives and socio-political structures in contexts characterized by fragile state.
Topic:
Social Media, Fragile States, Earthquake, Comparative Analysis, and Computational Techniques
Political Geography:
Turkey, Middle East, and Syria

2524. Powerful Women, Men in Power: An Analysis of Kösem Sultan and Lady Macbeth

Author:
Kadriye Bozkurt
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Academic Inquiries
Institution:
Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:
There has been an intricate relationship and interconnectedness between gender and power/authority throughout human culture and history. From the male rulers of kingdoms to the male leaders of nations, the power dynamic has been structured around male participation, with various forms of power in the hands of men. Two powerful fictional female characters created in Turkish and English literature, A. Turan Oflazoğlu’s Kösem Sultan and William Shakespeare’s Lady Macbeth, will be analysed in this study to reflect the distribution of power by gender. These two strong female characters at the centre of this study, are remarkable for their intelligence, ambition and lust for power. Since the qualities associated with incompletion and fragility are ascribed to women, they have only indirectly come to power because they are not men. By considering the practices that are effective in social and political life such as the sultanate system and the great chain of being in the fictional periods in which the plays are set, the link between the concept of power and gender will be revealed. The relationship between power and gender will also be evaluated in the context of Simone de Beauvoir's ideas on male domination and Michel Foucault's ideas on power, as they have a significant impact on the perception of power and gender in today’s societies. Therefore, this study will highlight the relationship of power dynamics with gender issues through the analysis of the plays Kösem Sultan and Macbeth by referring to the ideas of Foucault and Beauvoir.
Topic:
Power, Gender, William Shakespeare, Lady Macbeth, A. Turan Oflazoğlu, and Kösem Sultan
Political Geography:
Global Focus

2525. Before the ‘New’: Reclaiming Indigenous Relational Ontologies through Linda Hogan’s Memoir The Woman Who Watches Over the World

Author:
Nesrin Yavaş
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Academic Inquiries
Institution:
Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:
This article critically examines the epistemological limitations of Western new materialist theory by foregrounding Indigenous relational ontologies, with Linda Hogan’s memoir The Woman Who Watches Over the World serving as a focal text. While new materialism has challenged anthropocentric paradigms by recognizing the agency of nonhuman entities, it frequently overlooks longstanding Indigenous philosophies in which land, matter, and spirit are inseparably entangled. This study highlights how Hogan’s narrative embodies a relational worldview where earth, animals, objects, and memory participate in the production of meaning and ethical responsibility. By framing Indigenous materialisms as autonomous theoretical systems rather than cultural supplements, the article redefines matter as sentient, storied, and historically embedded. This perspective not only destabilizes the perceived novelty of Western theory but also proposes a model of human–nonhuman relations grounded in reciprocity, place-based ethics, and spiritual kinship. The article contributes to current debates in environmental humanities and decolonial theory while establishing a foundation for future research on non-Western materialisms, multispecies worldviews, and local ontologies across global contexts.
Topic:
Relational Ontology, Indigenous Materialisms, Epistemic Colonization, and Linda Hogan
Political Geography:
Global Focus

2526. A Bibliometric Analysis of Political Science Research on a Global Scale

Author:
Emre Aydilek
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Academic Inquiries
Institution:
Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:
This research aims to contribute to a macro-level understanding of the intellectual foundations of the field of political science by examining it in depth through bibliometric analysis and discovering the epistemological insights hidden in it, as well as the basic dimensions of studies in the discipline. Thus, it is objectives to provide basic data and guidance to academics working on the methodology of the discipline of political science. Accordingly, the trends, topics, and general themes of academic studies published in universally respected journals with high-impact factors in the field of political science will be identified. The article's original value is the first thorough bibliometric study of the discipline in Turkish national literature and one of the first few thorough bibliometric studies in international literature. This study conducted a brief literature review to examine key scientific texts on political science methodology that reflect general trends. Subsequently, data retrieved from two selected databases (Scopus and WoS) were analyzed and interpreted using text-mining tools (WOSviewer and R Studio). As a result of this analysis, 17 datasets and meaningful patterns emerged. Word clouds, bibliometric maps, heat maps, and word maps were obtained, which include the analysis of studies according to years, fields, types, impact values, factors, themes, trends, and countries with the most studies. The findings are interpreted in the conclusion, and a general trend in the discipline is presented.
Topic:
Political Science, Methodology, and Bibliometric Analysis
Political Geography:
Global Focus

2527. A Comparative Analysis of the Piece “Op. 6 No: 2 Nocturne” by Clara Wieck Schumann, one of the Female Composers of the Romantic Period, with the Nocturnes of Frederic François Chopin

Author:
İlayda Çetin and M. Nevra Küpan
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Academic Inquiries
Institution:
Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:
This study includes a comparative analysis of the composition titled "Op.6 No.2 Nocturne" by Clara Wieck Schumann, a female composer from the Romantic era, with the nocturnes of Frederic François Chopin. The purpose of this research is to determine the similarities and differences between Clara Wieck Schumann's aforementioned work and the works of Frederic François Chopin, who is an important male composer of the same period, in the same form. In this study, firstly a literature review was conducted. Then, in line with the purpose of the research, a comparison of Clara Wieck Schumann's composition titled "Op.6 No:2 Nocturne" with Frederic François Chopin's compositions titled "Op.27 No:2 Nocturne" and "Op.9 No:2 Nocturne" was carried out using harmonic, form and style analysis methods. When examining the harmonic analysis of the compositions, including accompaniment and chord styles, ornaments, rhythmic structures, and stylistic features, it is observed that they exhibit a similar emotion and style. Accordingly, it can be inferred that Clara Wieck Schumann was influenced by Frederic François Chopin in her composition. The conducted analysis is of importance not only in determining the similarities and the differences between the works of both composers, but also in terms of increasing the visibility of female composers in the music world.
Topic:
Culture, Music, Frederic Chopin, and Clara Schumann
Political Geography:
Global Focus

2528. Digital Postcolonialism in Africa and Class Debates: Protoproletariat or Pooriat?

Author:
Özgür Yılmaz
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Academic Inquiries
Institution:
Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:
This study explores the concept of digital postcolonialism, analyzing how digital economies perpetuate colonial dynamics and deepen global inequalities. Digital colonialism, much like historical colonialism, exerts control over developing regions through monopolistic ownership of digital infrastructure, data, and platforms by tech giants primarily located in the global North. By examining the labour conditions of digital workers, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa, this study highlights the emergence of a “digital blue-collar” workforce facing precarious, low-wage conditions dictated by platform algorithms. Through the introduction of the concept “pooriat,” the study underscores the severe poverty and dependency that characterize this workforce, reflecting a new form of economic subjugation in the digital age. These conditions reinforce a digital hierarchy, where peripheral regions provide labour and data without fair compensation or control, paralleling colonial resource extraction. The study also discusses the potential of alternative frameworks, such as platform socialism, to challenge these power imbalances by democratizing control over digital infrastructures. This research contributes to the discourse on global inequality, digital dependency, and socio-economic restructuring, emphasizing the need for a more equitable digital economy.
Topic:
Post Colonialism, Labor Issues, Inequality, Class, Exploitation, and Digital Colonialism
Political Geography:
Africa

2529. A New Concept in Public Relations: A Systematic Review on "Corporate Social Advocacy"

Author:
Beris Artan Özoran and Aycan Ulusan
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Academic Inquiries
Institution:
Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:
The increasing public demand for brands to contribute to the creation of a ‘more livable world’ has played a critical role in shaping the transformation of corporate strategies centered around corporate social advocacy. This shift has also necessitated further academic inquiry into the subject. In this context, this study aims to offer both a conceptual evaluation of corporate social advocacy and a systematic review of academic research conducted in this field. The findings suggest that corporate social advocacy is gaining substantial prominence in both corporate and academic contexts. However, the review also identifies notable methodological gaps within the existing body of literature. Furthermore, an important observation is that the majority of studies focus predominantly on U.S. corporations and societal issues, leading to a body of literature that is largely constrained to the U.S. context.
Topic:
Public Relations, Corporations, Social Responsibility, and Systematic Review
Political Geography:
Turkey and Global Focus

2530. Addressing Maritime Security in Smaller South Asian States: Opportunities for US, Indian, and International Partnerships

Author:
Frank O'Donnell
Publication Date:
07-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
East-West Center
Abstract:
Under the dominant US paradigm of great-power competition, the maritime domain as a concept can often be viewed as shorthand for maintaining open access to sea lines of communication (SLOCs) and assuring sufficient deterrence against Chinese and Russian maritime coercion. The December 2020 joint US Navy, Marines, and Coast Guard Maritime Strategy emphasized these points. While these issues are important, this framing downplays two key US and global security factors. These firstly include the broader, multidimensional, and often interactive set of maritime security challenges – such as illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing, piracy, smuggling, disastrous climatic changes, and insufficient maritime law enforcement capacities – experienced by most world states, as opposed to a reductive, classical focus on the comparative naval and maritime force balances among the few international and regional powers. The second is the rising populations and economic influence of these smaller states, meaning their risk exposure to these maritime security threats poses deeper consequences beyond their borders and regions. It also means that, in an increasingly multipolar world, these states will have growing agency to select key relationships to nurture, and to decline or distance themselves from others. For great-power competition strategists, partnering with these states on their maritime security priorities as they define them will be critical to improving their own resilience and their ability to secure the global commons. Moreover, it will help nurture the durable relationships, based on mutual understanding, that each of the expert authors in this Occasional Paper special series argue their focal states are seeking. Such efforts should not be viewed as mutually exclusive with a preferred focus on high-end naval and maritime competition with rival powers, but a fundamental element of a successful grand strategy.
Topic:
Security, Partnerships, Geopolitics, Maritime, and Strategic Competition
Political Geography:
South Asia, India, and United States of America

2531. Navigating Indo-Pacific Waters: Maritime Governance and Integrating Whole-of-Government and Nation Approaches in the Philippines

Author:
Ivy Ganadillo
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
East-West Center
Abstract:
The Philippines faces mounting challenges in its maritime domain. This includes geopolitical tensions, criminal activities, environmental degradation, and socio-economic vulnerabilities in coastal communities. Institutional fragmentation and outdated policies further complicate these issues by hindering effective governance. To address these pressing concerns, revising and modernizing the National Maritime Security Policy and Strategy (NMSPP) is more than an administrative necessity. It is a strategic imperative. This policy overhaul can serve as the foundation for safeguarding maritime sovereignty, fostering innovation in ocean-based industries, and ensuring the sustainability of the Philippines’ critical marine ecosystems. As an archipelagic nation with over 7,600 islands, the Philippines’ strategic location amplifies its vulnerability to maritime challenges. Competing territorial claims in the West Philippine/South China Sea strain limited resources, while illegal fishing, marine pollution, piracy, smuggling, and human trafficking are just some of the many threats that pose risks to both national security and livelihoods. The NMSPP, previously known as the National Marine Policy (NMP), was designed as a framework for integrating maritime issues into the national agenda. However, it has struggled to keep pace with evolving realities. In 2024, President Ferdinand R. Marcos Jr. issued Executive Order No. 57 (EO 57), which renamed and reorganized the National Coast Watch System into the National Maritime Council (NMC), reflecting the administration’s intent to unify governance. However, realizing this vision demands a comprehensive update to the NMSPP.
Topic:
Governance, Geopolitics, Maritime, Vulnerability, and Regional Security
Political Geography:
China, Philippines, and Indo-Pacific

2532. The Republic of Korea’s Contributions to Pacific Maritime Governance

Author:
Wooyeal Paik
Publication Date:
02-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
East-West Center
Abstract:
The Republic of Korea (ROK) has a significant interest in Pacific maritime governance owing to its reliance on maritime trade, its security concerns in the Indo-Pacific region, and how the ROK’s Indo-Pacific Strategy intersects with its aspirations to become a “Global Pivotal State,” a term coined by the Yoon Suk Yeol government. The ROK's objectives and actions in Pacific maritime governance can be understood through its strategic perspectives, policies, contributions, and the challenges it faces. There are two ROK objectives related to Pacific maritime governance. The first is to ensure freedom of navigation. As a major trading nation, South Korea is highly dependent on sea routes connecting the Korean peninsula to the East China Sea, the South China Sea, and the Malacca Strait for its exports and imports, including critical energy and other resources. Safeguarding freedom of navigation in the West Pacific along with so-called “like-minded” countries is vital to its economic security, often labeled as protecting supply chains. Second, regional stability and security via enforcing alliance and alignment are critical. South Korea aims to contribute to maritime stability, particularly in response to increasing tensions involving regional power competition between China and the United States alongside Japan. In particular, the hegemonic challenger, China, has aggressively grown its military presence in the West Pacific. For South Korea, guarding against North Korea’s ever-growing military threat remains a priority. Strengthening alliances and security partnerships among like-minded countries in the region is critical. South Korea seeks to enhance security cooperation with key regional players such as the United States, Japan, Australia, the Philippines, Vietnam, and Pacific Island countries such as Fiji to promote maritime governance.
Topic:
Governance, Maritime, Freedom of Movement, Regional Security, and Regional Stability
Political Geography:
Asia, South Korea, and Indo-Pacific

2533. Navigating Indo-Pacific Waters: Maritime Governance and Why Australia and Japan Must Lead in Capacity Building in Southeast Asia

Author:
Aaron Magunna
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
East-West Center
Abstract:
Southeast Asian countries continue to face various maritime policy challenges. Beijing’s aggressive conduct toward other littoral states in the South China Sea and increased China-US tensions have highlighted the pervasiveness of traditional security threats while prospects for a more stable maritime order are undermined by the stalled negotiations between China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) over a Code of Conduct for the South China Sea. Regional countries are also concerned about issues such as piracy and armed robbery at sea, the effects of the climate crisis, and illegal, unreported, and undocumented (IUU) fishing, which is estimated to cost ASEAN members up to $6 billion annually. Notably, these challenges are not solely linked to narrow maritime security issues but broader maritime governance capabilities, meaning the “capacity to enforce the framework of laws, regulations, policies, and institutions generated both within the legal jurisdictions of states and the international community.” As the new Trump administration has shifted US policy on aid, countries like Australia and Japan will have to increasingly step up in the delivery of maritime capacity-building programs in Southeast Asia.
Topic:
Crime, Environment, Governance, Maritime, and Regional Security
Political Geography:
Japan, Australia, Southeast Asia, and Indo-Pacific

2534. Navigating Global Value Chains and Economics in 2025: US–Vietnam Relations in a Changing IndoPacific

Author:
Thanh Nha Nguyen
Publication Date:
08-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
East-West Center
Abstract:
Vietnam has emerged as an indispensable link in Indo-Pacific manufacturing networks. The country’s strategic advantage lies in its ability to adapt to shifting policies while mitigating risks from trade frictions. To sustain these gains, Vietnam must invest strategically in long-term competitiveness by upgrading workforce skills, improving infrastructure, and climbing the value chain through enhanced design and innovation capabilities. Vietnam’s adaptability has made it a prime beneficiary of the ongoing realignment in global supply chains driven by US trade policy changes. Tariffs on Chinese goods and broader efforts to "de-risk" supply lines have prompted many manufacturers to expand operations in Vietnam, sharply boosting exports and investment. By 2023, Vietnam had vaulted from the 12th- to 7th-largest exporter to the United States, as US imports from Vietnam rose by nearly 35 percent year-on-year. High-profile firms, including Samsung, Apple contractors, and major textile producers, have accelerated investments in Vietnam, solidifying its role as a preferred “China+1” manufacturing base.
Topic:
Economics, Manufacturing, and Global Value Chains
Political Geography:
Vietnam, North America, United States of America, and Indo-Pacific

2535. Cybersecurity in Vietnam: Challenges and Opportunities in an Era of Digital Transformation

Author:
Hung Tran
Publication Date:
03-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
East-West Center
Abstract:
Vietnam has experienced remarkable digital transformation over the past two decades with Internet penetration surging from zero percent in 2000 to 78 percent in 2023. This rapid digital growth, however, has brought increasing cybersecurity challenges. This article examines the current state of Vietnam's cybersecurity landscape, identifies key challenges, and explores opportunities for international cooperation to strengthen the nation's cyber resilience. Online fraud represents one of the most prevalent cybercrimes targeting Vietnamese internet users. A survey conducted by the National Cybersecurity Association (NCA) in 2024 involving 59,000 respondents identified fake investment schemes, institutional identity impersonation, and fraudulent lottery announcements as predominant forms of fraud. The Vietnam Information Security Warning Portal received nearly 16,000 reports of online frauds in 2023, resulting in estimated losses of USD 16.6 billion, equivalent to 3.6 percent of the country's GDP. These figures likely underrepresent the true scope of the problem, as many incidents go unreported.
Topic:
International Cooperation, Cybersecurity, Internet, and Digital Transformation
Political Geography:
Vietnam and Southeast Asia

2536. Empowering Blue Economy Communities through Data and Innovation

Author:
Genevieve Donnellon-May
Publication Date:
05-2025
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
East-West Center
Abstract:
As the blue economy grows in importance—encompassing sectors from fisheries and aquaculture to maritime transport and offshore energy—so too must our understanding of the families and communities who power it. Given the continuing rise in commercial fishing demand and aquaculture expansion, the importance of ocean resources for global food security and economic stability has become even more critical. Unsustainable practices like overfishing and ocean acidification further threaten both marine ecosystems and community livelihoods. Coastal laborers and their families often remain invisible, underpaid, and vulnerable despite their oversized role in sustaining ocean-based industries. To ensure a more inclusive and sustainable ocean economy, a Targeted Research and Data Collection Program to gather comprehensive data collection and monitoring systems to recognize these contributions and enhance protections for entire communities, while also advancing Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 14 (sustainable oceans), is needed.
Topic:
Climate Change, Food Security, Innovation, Data, Economic Stability, and Blue Economy
Political Geography:
Global Focus and Indo-Pacific

2537. Navigating Uncertainty: Civil Society’s Struggles and Challenges in Post-2011 Tunisia

Author:
Hamza Meddeb and Rania Berro
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
The concept of “civil society” (mujtamaâ madanî) emerged in Tunisia during the associative boom of the 1980s, a period marked by the transition from a political monopoly by the ruling party to a more pluralistic party landscape. This genesis during the political dynamism of the 1980s positioned “civil society” as a symbol of participatory ideals and citizenship.1 Over time, the term in Tunisia became largely synonymous with the associative sector, overshadowing other forms of autonomous sociability and collective action, such as trade unions, professional organizations, clubs, and leisure-focused organizations. Far from being a neutral concept, “civil society” acquired a political charge, often tied to democratization efforts. The pre-2011 history of civil society in Tunisia was characterized by a persistent duality, with many associations navigating between authoritarian co-optation and the affirmation of citizenship.2 ) Created or co-opted by the Bourguiba and Ben Ali regimes, many associations served as tools for exerting control over society. Whether initiated from the top by incumbent authorities or fostered and directed by the State, numerous organizations became instruments of patronage and played a crucial role in bolstering and perpetuating authoritarian regimes from 1956 to 2011.3 In contrast to these were associations operating in domains deemed “politically sensitive,” advocating for public and individual freedoms. These groups championed causes ranging from human rights and women’s rights to the rights of unemployed graduates, political prisoners, children, migrants, and journalists. They stood against torture and violence towards women, reflecting a profound aspiration among individuals and social groups to expand realms of freedom. In their confrontation with the regime, they asserted their determination to transition from the status of subjects (ra'ya) to that of citizens.4 These independent groups played a key role in the January 2011 revolution and the subsequent transition. The post-2011 period was marked by a major upheaval in the legislative framework which facilitated the creation of numerous associations active in different fields and across different geographies. Given the active role of Tunisia’s civil society in the post-2011 transition, it is crucial to examine the underlying factors that have facilitated this active engagement. The substantial financial and technical support provided by both institutional and private donors has played a significant role. Nevertheless, this influx of support has also led to the emergence of an associative landscape heavily dependent on foreign funding and shaped by project-based approaches that, in one way or another, align with donor agendas. This approach, coupled with a project-cycle funding model, has left little room for associations to develop their own long-term agendas and strategies, thus weakening their community connections. Furthermore, it has widened the existing gap between well-established civil society associations with strong connections in the capital city of Tunis and smaller, mainly service-oriented organizations, in peripheral and rural regions. Over more than half a century, the trajectory of civil society in Tunisia has been shaped by professionalization, which stands as the main dividing factor between the pre- and post-2011 eras, between generations of activists, and, to some extent, between Tunis and the rest of the country. While professionalization empowered civic actors after 2011, it also paradoxically contributed to their vulnerability, as they found themselves increasingly targeted and delegitimized by populist discourse, which portrays them as “foreign-funded elites” that are a threat to national sovereignty. However, this fragility is not solely a product of populism. It also stems from the multiple internal cleavages that cut across civil society and from a conception of democracy that ultimately failed to consolidate. This paper aims to provide insights into Tunisia's civil society landscape, highlighting its strengths and weaknesses. It will underscore its notable achievements, such as active participation over the past decade in the drafting of the 2014 constitution, the transitional justice law, and anti-racism legislation. However, it also examines missed opportunities and obstacles that have contributed to the current situation, including the resurgence of authoritarianism and the repressive measures imposed by President Kais Saied on dissenting voices, including civil society organizations (CSOs).
Topic:
Civil Society, Mobilization, Activism, and Kais Saied
Political Geography:
North Africa and Tunisia

2538. Beyond Scarcity: Social Inequality and the Politics of Water in Morocco

Author:
Zakaria Ibrahimi
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
Water in Morocco is a political issue, as it is in most human societies, but it also presents itself primarily as a cultural and social one.1 The history of Moroccan society and the structure of its social and cultural institutions can be unreservedly characterized as shaped by water. This is due to facts confirmed by historical texts on Morocco, which document, for example, conflicts between Moroccan tribes over water, pastures, and all water-related resources.2 Others reveal the position of water in the policies of the Moroccan state throughout its history. Writings on the history of famines and epidemics also showed the role that water played in the demographic, social, cultural, and political changes that the country experienced throughout its history after each drought year.3 Perhaps this is what prompted General Lyautey, one of the founders of the French Protectorate, to say, "To rule in Morocco is to rain." Researchers on Morocco's political affairs, including Rémy Leveau, draw attention to the role that water played in establishing and legitimizing governance in Morocco.4 Equally, historian Abdallah Laroui revealed the succession of political unrest in Morocco after each drought year.5 The issue of water in Morocco is not and has never been a natural one. Rather, it has always been a public and collective issue, one that has shaped and organized most Moroccan institutions and through which social inequalities have emerged. This is why many Moroccan researchers did not find it awkward to distinguish between state water and community water, between sacred water and ordinary water, between water of God and water of the state, etc. These binaries emerged historically through the water policies adopted by Morocco from at least 1914 until today following the introduction of the first law under the French Protectorate, which refers to state ownership of water and natural resources and prohibits all forms of collective ownership by tribes, groups, and individuals who historically considered water to be the property of the group and an integral part of its identity and social organization, and have collectively built systems, sites, and authorities to regulate water and its distribution and to settle conflicts over it. Water has been used in the contemporary Moroccan state as a direct source for building the legitimacy of the political system, legitimizing some of the economic and political choices on which the post-independence state was built, penetrating political elites, and excluding others from any political ambitions.6 Therefore, the political economy on which the post-independence state was built, which favored agriculture and ensuring food security in a society living under an accelerated demographic transition, put in one way or another water and water-related policies in a central position. This paper seeks to uncover the political character of water in Morocco, and how discourses on water have evolved in recent decades, moving from a discourse of abundance to one of scarcity, from the water of God to the water of the state, of the community, and of the engineer, as well as the transformation of water within the current public space into a resource for struggle, protest discourses, temporary waves of discontent, and one of the key elements of contestation in various Moroccan spheres.
Topic:
Environment, Water, Inequality, and Scarcity
Political Geography:
North Africa and Morocco

2539. Cybercrime against Women in Yemen: Legal frameworks and social change

Author:
Monia Mohammed
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
According to estimates issued for 2023, the number of Internet users in Yemen had reached over 9 million users, effectively more than a quarter of the country’s population. While such tremendous development of access to the internet has expanded opportunities for connection and communication, it has also come to pose significant risks in traditional or conservative societies like the one in Yemen. Indeed, this can be seen in the phenomenal increase in the rate of cybercrimes in Yemen, where a growing number of women have become the targets of blackmail and defamation through social media. The lack of clear legislation to curb this epidemic in a country already in the midst of a civil war has made it difficult to create deterrents or administer punishments commensurate with the seriousness of these crimes against women and their consequences on society as a whole. Yemeni legislation on cybercrime1 is largely limited to the protection of banking operations, specifically Law No. 40 on payment systems and electronic financial and banking operations, issued in 2006 by the Yemeni Legislature. This new legislation was based on a number of articles in the 1994 Crimes and Penalties Law, which refers to assaults on personal freedom or threats to broadcast private secrets, as well as other articles from sections criminalizing wrongful injury, violation of privacy, and blackmail.2 In most cases of cybercrime, therefore, these latter articles, in addition to Law No. 13 of the Criminal Procedures Legislation, are applied as a kind of partial remedy. The lack of a comprehensive legal framework is coupled with a lack of adequate capacity to deal with the growing scourge of cybercrime. Yemeni legislators have failed to add amendments and updates to the legal system to deal with the growing number of cases of online harassment, blackmail, and violation of privacy affecting women in Yemen. Recognizing the gravity of cybercrime, as well as the extent to which women are disproportionately its victims, is crucial to remedying this legislative vacuum. This paper will describe the reality of Yemeni women when it comes to cybercrime by detailing cases of cyber extortion, the role played by the family and society, as well as the types of perpetrators. It will also address the state’s efforts at dealing with such cases in light of the prevailing legislative vacuum and deteriorating security situation that adversely impacts girls and women and often places the blame on them. How do the security and judicial authorities deal with victims, what is the role of state institutions in confronting cybercrime, and what role do feminist movements and advocacy campaigns play in pressuring decision-makers to find solutions to such crimes, which are relatively new to Yemeni society?
Topic:
Crime, Women, Cybersecurity, and Internet
Political Geography:
Middle East and Yemen

2540. Tunisia’s Climate Justice Movement

Author:
Mariem Madhi
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
As a hotspot for climate change risks, Tunisia faces pressing challenges. One of the most water-scarce countries in the world, Tunisia ranks 20th globally in water stress.1 In 2023, the country's per capita water availability was just 400 cubic meters annually, well below the 1000 cubic meters threshold for water poverty set by the UN. Climate change is projected to decrease rainfall by up to 30% by 2050,2 impacting agriculture, which contributes 9% to the country's GDP and employs 16% of the workforce.3 Coastal zones will likely experience rising sea levels, increased temperature, salinity, and acidity, causing significant impacts, including loss of urban areas, infrastructure, and ecosystem degradation. Over 3100 hectares of urban land are at risk of submersion, and 44% of the coastline is highly vulnerable to these effects. The tourism sector faces significant threats from coastal erosion and sea-level rise, with an estimated loss of 1000 jobs per year by 2030.4 Climate change will increase vector-borne, water-borne, and food-borne diseases, exacerbate air pollution-related health issues, and raise the risk of floods damaging infrastructure. These effects are already being felt. In the Kerkennah Islands off the east coast of the mainland, for example, local fishermen are facing declining fish stocks and increasing water salinity due to climate change, jeopardizing their livelihoods – a case that shows how climate change disproportionately impacts marginalized groups and underscores the urgent need for policies that address both ecological challenges and social inequities (Hafsi and Azouni, 2024).5 Most research to date on Tunisia’s climate politics has focused on governmental policies to address climate challenges. This study turns instead to the role of grassroots activism, particularly youth movements and civil society organizations (CSOs), in shaping Tunisia’s post-revolution climate actions. Through the lens of social movement theory, we investigate two central questions: How have grassroots movements shaped environmental governance in Tunisia following the revolution? How does Tunisian civil society engage international climate frameworks to influence local climate actions in Tunisia?
Topic:
Climate Change, Environment, Activism, and Climate Justice
Political Geography:
North Africa and Tunisia

2541. Egypt's Takaful and Karama program: Caught between reality and uneven evaluations

Author:
Mostafa Shehata
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
Evaluations of social protection programs funded by the World Bank and the Egyptian government continue to focus on achievements while neglecting to calculate the impact of the programs themselves on changing poverty rates among Egyptians. Evaluations from independent think tanks may be better viewed as they discuss the achievements and outcomes of protection programs as opposed to the initial intentions of the programs.1 Egypt adopted an economic reform program in 2014 to close the budget deficit, which resulted in an economic crisis that increased the country's need for foreign exchange. Egypt entered a cycle of successive borrowing and inflation until the time of writing this paper. The Egyptian economic program was accompanied by rising prices in general and food commodities in particular, leading to an increase in the level of inability of poor families to cope with these increases. Despite this, the Egyptian government continues to implement economic reforms that it pledged to its lenders, led by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), by reducing the size of subsidies and increasing the number of families benefiting from social protection programs. The World Bank provided a $400 million initiative to the Egyptian government to protect the most vulnerable, and through the Ministry of Social Solidarity, the social protection program “Takaful and Karama” was launched. Throughout the years of implementing Takaful and Karama, the Egyptian government has tried to avoid the issues of previous subsidy programs, especially those related to not reaching the actual beneficiaries. After years of providing in-kind support through many programs, most notably the commodity subsidy (Tamween), in which more than 60 million people are registered, the government tried to expand the use of cash transfers through the Takaful and Karama program to ensure that the support reaches the target groups. The results of multiple evaluations conducted on social protection programs, specifically Takaful and Karama, reflect the varying extent to which the programs show success or achievement of some targets and failure in others, depending on the evaluator and the evaluation criteria adopted.
Topic:
World Bank, Reform, Economy, Public Policy, and Social Protection
Political Geography:
Middle East, North Africa, and Egypt

2542. Lebanon’s Climate Actors

Author:
Karen-Jo Mourad Karam and Mariem Madhi
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
Due to its geographic location and socio-political landscape, Lebanon is particularly vulnerable to climate change and is already experiencing its impact. Increasing temperatures, declining rainfall, and prolonged droughts and heatwaves are degrading the country’s natural resources and people’s health and livelihood. Further exacerbating the country’s vulnerability to climate change are rapid urbanization, political instability, fragmented governance, war, and ongoing economic and financial crisis – all of which hinder effective adaptation and mitigation strategies. To confront these challenges, and in an attempt to fill the gaps left by governmental inaction, Lebanese civil society organizations (CSOs) and activists are increasingly engaging with climate governance. Based on interviews with 16 of the main CSO actors involved in climate activism and advocacy in Lebanon, this brief delineates the landscape of climate activism identifying the actors involved, their demands, the challenges they face, their policy impact to date, and opportunities for progress.
Topic:
Climate Change, Environment, Civil Society Organizations, and Activism
Political Geography:
Middle East and Lebanon

2543. Drug Control in Tunisia: Between Criminalization and Public Health Challenges

Author:
Eya Hariz
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
This paper aims to critically analyze the stages of Tunisia's anti-drug policy. In the first part, the paper traces the transformations of this policy and how its effects produced a social issue that prompted actors and decision-makers to treat it as a public issue requiring intervention. The second section examines the impact of the criminalization policy in exacerbating the phenomenon of drug use and addiction and disrupting its treatment as a public health issue. It then looks at the impact of this situation on addressing the phenomenon and ensuring justice in the legal and medical treatment of the issue. The study adopted a participatory observation methodology, including field observations in a rehabilitation center in Tunisia and in associations specialized in addiction, as well as attending workshops and meetings on the topic. The study also relied on interviews with various stakeholders to complement the field research.
Topic:
Training, Public Policy, Public Health, and Drug Policy
Political Geography:
North Africa and Tunisia

2544. Toward Inclusive Climate Action in Jordan

Author:
Hussam Hussein
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
Jordan’s vulnerability to climate change and its reliance on external resources make it a key case study for understanding how inclusive approaches can drive meaningful climate action. This report explores Jordan’s evolving climate action landscape, focusing on grassroots mobilization and institutional engagement. It takes an inclusive approach and is rooted in research-based evidence that a participatory, rights-based approach can produce more effective, accountable, and legitimate outcomes. The insights derived from this report provide diverse recommendations for responding to barriers and opportunities for inclusive climate action.
Topic:
Civil Society, Environment, Water, Activism, and Inclusion
Political Geography:
Middle East and Jordan

2545. Syria’s Expanding but Fragile Civic Space: Opportunities and Risks in the Post-Assad Transition

Author:
Haid Haid
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
The fall of the Assad regime triggered a marked expansion in civic space in Syria. Associations are registering with fewer obstacles, public gatherings have returned, and criticism of officials circulates more freely. Debate is part of daily life again, and people can question authority without the fear that once defined public behavior. Although the legal basis for these changes is still incomplete, the change represents a clear shift from decades of tight control and has enabled civic activity on a scale not seen in years. Yet progress is uneven and fragile. Access to information remains limited, participation in public affairs varies widely, and political parties are still suspended. Much of the new openness depends on political will rather than enforceable rights. Outdated laws still apply, and local authorities retain broad discretion. Civic space is wider in practice, but it lacks the structural safeguards needed to ensure that these gains endure. Syria’s civic environment is also not developing evenly across topics. Humanitarian work usually proceeds with little interference because it meets urgent needs and helps maintain stability. Political initiatives face much tighter oversight. Efforts related to reform, participation, accountability, or constitutional issues often meet higher barriers, stricter requirements, and attempts to reshape their content. In some cases, approvals are denied altogether, shutting down discussion before it begins. Geography further shapes civic opportunity. Safer areas, such as Damascus, allow more open engagement. Regions marked by fear, instability, or sectarian tension, including the coast, remain subdued. Local authorities differ in how they regulate civic activity: some use rigid controls, others permit informal practice, and some tighten restrictions as they consolidate power. The movement of activists across regions reinforces these contrasts, making geography a defining factor in how civic space expands or contracts. Openness has also shifted over time. The first months after the change in power were widely seen as a period of unusual openness, with a permissive atmosphere that allowed civic activity to flourish. As authorities reasserted control, oversight tightened, and approvals grew harder to obtain, especially for initiatives that did not fit official priorities or the roles envisioned for civic actors. Rising polarization and informal intimidation further narrowed the space, prompting self-censorship and fear. By mid-2025, growing mistrust and stricter controls pushed many activities into private or low-profile settings. Personalities also shape civic space. With unclear rules and overlapping mandates, outcomes often depend on individual officials. Some enforce old regulations rigidly, slowing or blocking activities, while others allow events to proceed informally. Well-connected or politically aligned organizers usually face fewer obstacles, while lesser-known groups encounter delays, cancellations, and tighter scrutiny. In this discretionary system, civic actors must decide whether to test limits or avoid them. The result is a fluid, uneven environment that leaves more critical or rights-focused groups especially exposed to unpredictable restrictions. Risk tolerance also shapes how civic actors navigate the transition. Those willing to test limits see legal ambiguity as an opportunity to expand space, using the moment to push boundaries. More cautious groups rely on formal procedures, over-complying when rules are unclear and steering clear of anything that might draw scrutiny. These choices often reflect differences in networks, resources, and perceived protection. The result is a mixed landscape shaped by both caution and boldness, where progress depends as much on personal risk appetite as on formal rules. Safeguarding and expanding civic space requires coordinated action across authorities, civic actors, and international partners. Authorities should halt enforcement of repressive laws, strengthen constitutional protections, modernize legislation governing civic life, and harmonize procedures nationwide. Civic actors should build coalitions, work with reform-minded officials, take the lead on legal reform, deepen civic education, and document violations. International partners must prioritize civic freedoms through their diplomacy, support institutional reform, offer flexible long-term funding, and integrate civic space into transition monitoring. Strengthening these foundations is essential to transform fragile openings into durable rights and prevent a slide back into controlled participation. Civic space cannot be treated as conditional. It requires strong legal foundations and consistent institutional support. Without these, public participation remains exposed to shifting political moods and personal discretion. Syria now faces a critical choice between returning to controlled engagement or embracing a genuinely open civic environment that supports diverse voices and democratic renewal. The decision will shape the credibility of the transition and the country’s long-term stability. Missing this moment would close off the very space Syrians need to rebuild their future on their own terms.
Topic:
Civil Society, Syrian War, Post-Conflict, and Political Transition
Political Geography:
Middle East and Syria

2546. Lebanon’s Energy Crisis in Context: Postwar Reconstruction and Political Fragmentation

Author:
Soha Mneimneh
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
Lebanon has endured Israeli aggression for decades, most recently during the war that began in October 2023, which has completely destroyed seven towns and entire neighborhoods in at least 37 southern villages.1 The war has so far claimed over 4,000 lives, displaced approximately 870,000 people to date, and resulted in the destruction of around 361 buildings in Beirut.2 Beyond war casualties, the aggression has had profound implications for Lebanon’s political and institutional landscape. It has not only weakened Hezbollah’s activity across different locations and sectors (primarily in service delivery) but also reshaped the broader political arena.3 Since the ceasefire in October 2024, other major events have also altered the political landscape. A new president, Joseph Aoun, was elected on 9 January 2025, ending a more than two-year presidential vacuum. This was followed by the appointment of the new prime minister, Nawaf Salam, on 13 January 2025, and the formation of the Lebanese cabinet on 8 February 2025. While some view these changes with cautious optimism, others fear uncertainty, especially when it comes to the pace and outcome of reconstruction. The question that will mostly define the success or failure of this government is its ability to end the war and lead a credible reconstruction process. Reconstruction presents both a critical challenge and a rare opportunity to address Lebanon’s deep-rooted structural inequalities. A primary issue in this context is access to electricity, a basic service that has been unreliable for decades. The energy crisis, already existent, was exacerbated by the recent financial collapse, leaving the formal energy sector unable to provide consistent power to the majority of the Lebanese population.4 Decades of inadequate infrastructure, political paralysis, and economic instability have forced most people to rely on informal, costly, short-lived, and harmful energy sources, primarily neighborhood diesel generators operated by unofficial local providers.5 As stakeholders begin yet another postwar reconstruction process, they will need to address a complex web of governance issues, implement inclusive energy policies, and establish proper financing mechanisms to ensure a just and resilient energy transition. A primary financial enabler in this process is international aid.6 While foreign aid and loans offer an opportunity, past experiences have shown that without structural reform, visionary and strategic reconstruction, transparent national oversight, and clear mechanisms of accountability, aid risks reinforcing political clientelism and social inequalities rather than enabling equitable development.7 There is a need to challenge this reality by relying on energy-efficient reconstruction processes that integrate renewable energy into urban environments in order to reduce dependence on fossil fuel imports. This paper explores the challenges and opportunities for energy recovery in Lebanon’s postwar reconstruction by examining three interrelated components: (1) the actors involved in the energy sector and their fragmented strategies that influence energy provision across three timeframes (before the crises, during the current emergency, and in the near future); (2) energy-related planning regulations, with a focus on how existing and proposed laws shape the reconstruction of energy systems and the potential adoption, or hinderance, of sustainable technologies; and (3) the political economy and financial gaps in the current recovery process. It argues that Lebanon’s energy recovery must move beyond short-term fixes and rebuilding as was, and adopt a comprehensive reform agenda that integrates governance, legal, economic, and financial reforms.
Topic:
Politics, Reconstruction, Energy Crisis, Fragmentation, and Power Sector
Political Geography:
Middle East and Lebanon

2547. Energy Transition Challenges in Iraq and the Kurdistan Region

Author:
Diana Kaissy
Publication Date:
11-2025
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
Iraq faces formidable obstacles in shifting to a cleaner and more equitable energy system. In 2023, Iraq ranked third globally in gas flaring – behind Russia (~59 billion m³) and Iran (20.4 billion m³) – burning roughly 17 billion cubic meters of associated gas, according to the World Bank’s Global Gas Flaring Tracker.1 This flaring not only wastes potential fuel and revenue but also pollutes the air and exacerbates climate change. Most of this flaring involves associated gas produced alongside oil, which could be captured and utilized. Non‑associated flaring is comparatively minor and usually linked to operational upsets, so Iraq’s pervasive flaring is largely avoidable if policy and infrastructure gaps are addressed. A significant portion – around 20% of Iraq’s flared gas – comes from the semi-autonomous Kurdistan Region (KRG) in the north.2 Unlike in remote deserts, many KRG oil fields are near towns and villages, meaning local populations are heavily exposed. An estimated 1.19 million Iraqis (mostly in the north) live within 1 km of multiple flare sites, suffering elevated health risks​.3 These conditions underscore the environmental justice issues at stake: rural and minority communities near oil sites bear the brunt of pollution and health impacts​. In fact, Iraq flares more gas than it imports from Iran to power its electricity grid, underscoring an energy‑security paradox: the country wastes domestic gas while relying on costly imports. Beyond flaring, Iraq’s broader energy transition challenge stems from heavy dependence on oil for revenues and power generation, weak infrastructure for gas capture, and decades of conflict and underinvestment. Iraq’s national grid is underpowered and often supplemented by diesel generators, while renewable energy is only beginning to be introduced. Crucially, political fragmentation between Baghdad’s federal government and the KRG has led to disjointed energy policies. However, deeper than this territorial divide is the closed nature of Iraq’s energy policymaking. Decisions about oil and gas are dominated by a narrow set of actors with minimal parliamentary oversight and no comprehensive legal framework, creating a “limited access order” that hampers investment, transparency and regulatory enforcement across both federal Iraq and the KRG. This briefing focuses on Iraq’s main energy transition challenges and the power dynamics impeding progress, with a special lens on the KRG. It also examines implications for gas flaring policy and offers recommendations – including engaging regional coalitions – to advance a just energy transition, one that is fair, inclusive, and transparent.
Topic:
Environment, Politics, Energy, and Energy Transition
Political Geography:
Iraq, Middle East, and Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI)

2548. Regulating a Pluralistic and Decarbonized Electricity Supply through Public Service Principles of Equity and Solidarity

Author:
Alix Chaplain and Éric Verdeil
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
“Chaos”, “individualism”, “waste of resources”: while some experts see the boom in Lebanon’s solar market — now exceeding 1.3 GW of installed capacity — as an opportunity for “energy transition”, others denounce the unequal, uncontrollable, and erratic nature of this phenomenon.1 Promoted by public authorities until 2020, then driven by the collapse of Électricité du Liban’s (EDL) production and the rising cost of diesel for generators, decentralized photovoltaic (PV) systems are accessible in Lebanon only to a privileged minority of the population. The public authorities currently insufficiently regulate this electricity service commodification. Indeed, the Decentralized Renewable Energy (DRE) Law 318/2023 provides electricity exchange mechanisms in a horizontal market and facilitates the development of renewable energies by encouraging private actor investment.2 The reform is based on the assumption that lower costs will ultimately automatically benefit all households. However, this seems unrealistic, leaving social justice out of reach in the current state of affairs. This policy brief aims to reflect on the development of a structurally pluralistic and decarbonized electricity supply, where public infrastructure is the main tool for mutualization and equity. To be effective, it requires the definition and implementation of public service principles. The great heterogeneity in electricity supply — combining the grid, generators, and renewable energies — requires a rethink in public service. It can no longer be based on the principles of a uniform service and equal user treatment that characterize conventional grid-based services. 3 Instead, it should be based on universal and equitable access to a diversified and increasingly decarbonized service. In supplying a public service, solidarity between users is key. Solidarity is socio-technical, involving pooling, sharing, and regulating between a wide range of systems that optimize national supply from an economic, technical, and environmental perspective. But solidarity above all is socio-political, with public services theoretically embodying equity and socio-spatial integration among citizen-users, thereby giving substance to fundamental rights inherent to national solidarity and citizenship in Lebanon. Our proposal is therefore to rethink these principles of public service, considering the electrical transformations currently underway in Lebanon. This work is based on the doctoral thesis defended by Alix Chaplain in 2023 and comparative research carried out as part of the Hybridelec project coordinated by Eric Verdeil and Sylvy Jaglin, updated with recent data.4
Topic:
Environment, Electricity, Public Service, Decarbonization, Equity, and Power Sector
Political Geography:
Middle East and Lebanon

2549. Pathways for Energy Justice in Lebanon’s Post-war Reconstruction

Author:
Yasmina El Amine
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
This study evaluates Lebanon’s energy needs for postwar reconstruction through the framework of the energy trilemma – security, sustainability, and affordability – while incorporating a fourth pillar of resilience to reflect the conflict and post-conflict context. It analyses patterns of destruction and damage in the energy sector, examining impacts on the national grid, decentralized communal renewable systems, and household renewable energy. Methodologically, the study draws on stakeholder interviews with municipal actors, energy experts, donors, renewable energy providers, journalists, and civil society organizations to capture both institutional perspectives and local experiences. Site visits were conducted during the month of March 2025 to 10 locations in the south of Lebanon and Bekaa (see section 4) where interviews were conducted with municipal actors, the electricity utility EDL, the private company Mrad Electric tasked with grid repairs, and solar distributers and installers to get preliminary insights on the extent of damage and reconstruction progress and related challenges. Following that, 15 in-depth interviews with energy experts, donors, journalists, and civil society actors provided additional perspectives on the destruction and reconstruction processes, as well as on the potential integration of renewable energy and energy justice into the broader reconstruction framework. Complementary sources of secondary data were also consulted, compiled by the founder of Takom Energy and the LSES, who provided mappings of municipal renewable energy systems for water projects and electricity. The study further assesses secondary data from CNRS-L of satellite imagery analysis to evaluate the overall destruction of solar infrastructure (including household level) across the Bekaa and south Lebanon, offering regional insight into the scale and intensity of damages. This report also engages in a critical analysis of existing policy and regulatory frameworks to identify structural gaps, implementation barriers, and opportunities for reform. In parallel, it examines donor strategies and international recovery frameworks, with a focus on how financing instruments, conditionalities, and reconstruction priorities are shaping the postwar energy agenda. By integrating these dimensions, the study not only assesses the material impacts of the war on Lebanon’s energy sector but also interrogates the political, financial, and institutional dynamics that will influence reconstruction outcomes and the sector’s recovery. Ultimately, it seeks to provide evidence-based, justice-oriented policy recommendations to support a more equitable, resilient, and sustainable energy future.
Topic:
Reconstruction, Sustainability, Armed Conflict, Energy, Power Sector, and Renewable Energy
Political Geography:
Middle East and Lebanon

2550. Unlocking Solar Energy Access in Lebanon through Innovative Finance and Blended Models

Author:
Nicolas Farhat
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
Lebanon’s chronic electricity crisis has left citizens and businesses with only a few hours of daily power, forcing a reliance on costly private diesel generators. In the absence of public alternatives, solar adoption has grown rapidly since 2020. The rollout, however, has been fragmented and largely self-financed,1 leaving low-income households, Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs), and municipalities excluded from access. While solar offers a clean and viable alternative, the lack of enabling policies, regulations, and finance has meant that benefits remain concentrated among wealthier groups, undermining national recovery and energy justice. To address these gaps, Lebanon should adopt targeted financing solutions that make solar accessible to all segments of society. Priority actions include supporting microfinance institutions (MFIs) that extend small-scale loans for households, expanding blended finance vehicles such as SoLR& that can provide lease-to-own and rental packages for MSMEs, and developing risk-mitigated Public Private Partnership (PPP) frameworks that enable municipalities to host solar farms. In parallel, the government must reinstate tax and customs exemptions on solar equipment, issue the implementing decrees of the Distributed Renewable Energy Law, and operationalize credit- and risk-mitigation tools.
Topic:
Environment, Finance, Innovation, Solar Power, and Power Sector
Political Geography:
Middle East and Lebanon