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2781. From the Belt and Road to Make in India: A Comparative Assessment of Global Economic Engagement

Author:
Ferhat Çağrı Aras
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Novus Orbis: Journal of Politics & International Relations
Institution:
Department of International Relations, Karadeniz Technical University
Abstract:
China and India have emerged as two of the most influential actors shaping contemporary debates on economic development, governance models, and global economic transformation. As leading emerging economies facing similar structural pressures yet pursuing markedly different development paths, their experiences provide valuable insights into alternative strategies of growth, regional development, and global economic integration. Within this context, this study aims to explore how China and India differ in their development strategies with particular attention to governance structures, regional development policies, and modes of global economic engagement. Drawing on a qualitative comparative research design, the analysis is based on document analysis and qualitative content analysis of official policy documents, development plans, and secondary academic sources. The comparative assessment is structured around three core criteria: governance and planning mechanisms, regional development strategies aimed at managing spatial inequalities, and approaches to global economic integration, with particular emphasis on Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Make in India program. Applying a consistent set of analytical dimensions to both cases allows for a systematic and conceptually balanced comparison. The findings suggest that China’s development strategy is shaped by a centralized, state-led governance model emphasizing long-term planning, large-scale infrastructure investment, and infrastructure-driven global engagement. In contrast, India’s development approach reflects a more decentralized and market-oriented model prioritizing regulatory reform, foreign direct investment, and partnership-based integration into global value chains. Rather than advancing normative evaluations, the study highlights how distinct governance logics produce different strengths and constraints under comparable global conditions. The article contributes to the literature on comparative development by offering a conceptually consistent analysis of China and India that moves beyond descriptive policy narratives. By linking governance structures to regional development strategies and global economic engagement, the study provides original insights into alternative development pathways among emerging economies in the Global South.
Topic:
Development, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), Economic Engagement, and Global South
Political Geography:
China, South Asia, and India

2782. Neoclassical Geo-strategic Analysis of Türkiye’s Military Operations in Syria and Iraq Till Assad’s Fall

Author:
Kanan Ahmadzada and Ramazan Safa
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Novus Orbis: Journal of Politics & International Relations
Institution:
Department of International Relations, Karadeniz Technical University
Abstract:
This article examines and evaluates the reasons, strategic logic, outcomes, and effectiveness of Türkiye's military operations in northern Syria and Iraq until Assad's fall in 2024 as part of its campaign against Kurdish militant factions, particularly the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). Adopting a neoclassical geostrategic framework, paper treats environmental realities and elite perceptions of the threats and opportunities associated with them as central factors explaining elites' strategic decisions. In this way, it explores the evolution of Türkiye’s military confrontation with PKK and associated groups along with Justice and Development Party (JDP) elites' perceptions of threats and opportunities and ideological leanings of neo-Ottomanism and Turkish-Islamic nationalism. Relying on extensive examination of primary and secondary data, the article argues that Türkiye’s operations in Syria and Iraq are mainly a calculated response to an insecure border reality marked by the expansion of PKK, the humanitarian crisis in Syria, and regional instability amid the Arab Spring. Thus, it is argued that these operations are the results of a preventive strategic logic aimed at countering separatism and terrorism threats, under the imperative of "better now than later" in both Syria and Iraq.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Syrian War, Bashar al-Assad, PKK, Neo-Ottomanism, Preventive Measures, Military Operations, and Neoclassical Geostrategy
Political Geography:
Iraq, Turkey, Middle East, and Syria

2783. Youth Participation in Global Climate Governance: A Study on Contemporary IGO-NGO Relations

Author:
Buse Mina Tümkaya
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Novus Orbis: Journal of Politics & International Relations
Institution:
Department of International Relations, Karadeniz Technical University
Abstract:
The evolving relationships between youth environmental movements and intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) within the framework of global climate governance are complex. Focusing on movements such as Extinction Rebellion (XR), Fridays for Future (FFF), Last Generation (LG), and Just Stop Oil (JSO), this article examines how these groups leverage contemporary tactics and mass mobilization to influence policy and public opinion. Utilizing the theoretical framework of Tana Johnson, this research categorizes and analyzes the intricate relations between these movements and IGOs through the 4Cs Taxonomy. While trying to determine which category these relations fall into (cooperative, co-optative, competitive or conflictual), the study also traces the shifts between categories over time and their reasons.
Topic:
Climate Change, Environment, Governance, Youth, NGOs, Political Movements, and Intergovernmental Organizations
Political Geography:
Global Focus

2784. Iran and the Artificial Intelligence Revolution: Vision, Institutionalization, and Offensive Uses Against Israel and the West

Author:
Avi Davidi
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS)
Abstract:
The global artificial intelligence revolution has not escaped Iran’s notice. Despite heavy sanctions and an unprecedented economic crisis, Iran is working to develop advanced capabilities in the field and aims to achieve full independence, free of the whims of foreign actors. Public statements in recent years make clear that the Iranian regime understands the significance of this revolution and its implications for Tehran’s security, domestic, and foreign policy. * Alongside attempts to develop strategic capabilities in the field, Iranian offensive-cyber and influence actors[1] are already integrating AI into their operational toolkit to improve the quality of their attacks and operations. These indications may be an early harbinger of malicious Iranian use of AI capabilities and highlight the dangers that may be posed by the development of independent Iranian AI capabilities. This paper reviews the goals the Iranian regime has outlined in the AI domain, the malicious uses already underway, and additional advanced actions that Iran may undertake—​or is already undertaking—​against its adversaries in general and Israel in particular.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Sanctions, Cybersecurity, Artificial Intelligence, and Economic Crisis
Political Geography:
Iran, Middle East, and Israel

2785. Marking 50 years of the Biological Weapons Convention

Author:
Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs and Jean Pascal Zanders
Publication Date:
03-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs
Abstract:
Fifty years ago, on 26 March 1975, the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on their Destruction entered into force. The Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BTWC) was the first multilateral treaty to outlaw a discrete weaponry category comprehensively. No party to the treaty can develop, produce, otherwise acquire, or retain biological and toxin weapons. Nor can state parties use such weapons in any way or under any circumstances. On its 50th anniversary, 188 states are party to the BTWC. Only nine are on the outside. Four signed the convention (between 1972 and 1975), but they must still ratify it: Egypt, Haiti, Somalia and Syria. Five are non-signatories: Chad, Djibouti, Eritrea, Israel and Kiribati.
Topic:
Arms Control and Proliferation, Treaties and Agreements, Disarmament, Biological Weapons, and Chemical Weapons
Political Geography:
Global Focus

2786. Report on Pugwash Chemical and Biological Weapons Working Group meeting

Author:
Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs
Abstract:
On 3 October 2025, the Pugwash Chemical and Biological Weapons Working Group (CBW WG) held its first event, drawing more than 75 persons from all continents, including the Middle East and North Africa, to a virtual meeting. The primary objective was to gather feedback on potential topics for the WG’s development, thereby gaining a deeper understanding of the WG’s specific role in the current academic and civil society landscape. Registrants completed a small questionnaire covering both topics.
Topic:
Treaties and Agreements, Biological Weapons, Chemical Weapons, Civil Society, and Arms Control and Proliferation
Political Geography:
Middle East, North Africa, and Global Focus

2787. Sulaymaniya conference on chemical weapons

Author:
Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs
Abstract:
On 19 April 2025 the Iraq Pugwash Group organized a conference in Sulaymaniya to commemorate the use of chemical weapons against Kurdish Iraqis in 1988 and to discuss the present efforts to ban chemical weapons and their development both internationally and in the Middle East Region. The following report is prepared by Pugwash Council member Dr. Jean Pascal Zanders who participated.
Topic:
Arms Control and Proliferation, Kurds, and Chemical Weapons
Political Geography:
Iraq, Middle East, Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI), Halabja, and Sulaymaniya

2788. Iran’s Cryptocurrency Economy in Crisis: Financial Implications of Cyberattacks on the Nobitex Exchange

Author:
Avi Davidi
Publication Date:
09-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS)
Abstract:
The Iranian regime is currently grappling with an unprecedented economic and energy crisis that is directly impacting its domestic, regional, and international policies. One of the clearest manifestations of this crisis is the severe damage inflicted on the financial system during the war with Israel—particularly in the sphere of cryptocurrencies. Cyberattacks targeted both central banks and Nobitex, Iran’s largest crypto exchange, from which approximately $90 million was stolen in a June 2025 cyberattack. As a result, crypto trading volume in Iran fell by about 70 percent in July 2025 compared to the previous year. In addition, Israeli and U.S. authorities have recently taken measures against Iranian financing infrastructures that rely on cryptocurrencies. In September 2025, Israel’s National Bureau for Counter-Terror Financing (NBCTF) announced the addresses of 187 USDT wallets it had identified as belonging to the IRGC.[1] Following the disclosure, the UK-based compliance firm Elliptic published an analysis showing that these wallets had received $1.5 billion in USDT. The analysis noted, however, that it could not determine whether the funds had in fact been used by the IRGC.[2] At the same time, the U.S. Treasury Department issued designations against a broad Iranian oil-export network that was evading American sanctions. This network employed a wide array of front companies operating in multiple countries to facilitate illicit trade in Iranian oil. According to the announcement, two Iranian nationals played a central role in the scheme by purchasing roughly $100 million worth of cryptocurrencies between 2023 and 2025 as payment to the Iranian government for oil. The network’s cryptocurrency fundraising activity was also used by the regime to transfer money to Hezbollah-linked entities, thereby contributing not only to sanctions evasion but also directly to the financing of terrorism.[3] This paper examines the consequences of the June 2025 cyberattack on Nobitex for Iran’s ability to rely on cryptocurrencies to preserve economic and social stability, as well as to facilitate strategic trade—including in security and military components—at a time of continued international sanctions. The developments in Iran’s crypto sector highlight its growing importance for the Iranian economy—both for those seeking to evade the international sanctions regime, including regime actors such as the IRGC and oil traders, and for ordinary citizens trying to preserve the value of their savings. At the same time, they underscore the vulnerabilities and problems inherent in relying on cryptocurrencies, as well as the importance of U.S. and Israeli efforts to address this system in order to prevent its illicit use by the regime and to undermine it.
Topic:
Cybersecurity, Economy, Cryptocurrencies, Economic Crisis, and Energy Crisis
Political Geography:
Iran, Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and United States of America

2789. From the “Iron Wall” to “Peace Through Strength”

Author:
Gabi Siboni and Erez Winner
Publication Date:
07-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS)
Abstract:
Israel’s security doctrine must rest on Jabotinsky’s Iron Wall, alongside economic resilience, intelligence, and innovation—rejecting containment in favor of decisive action, aggressive enforcement, and a sustainable, long-term approach to national defense
Topic:
Security, Defense Policy, Intelligence, Economy, Innovation, and Resilience
Political Geography:
Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

2790. A Mediterranean Partnership: A Faded Idea Israel Should Put Back on Its Diplomatic Agenda

Author:
Eran Lerman
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS)
Abstract:
With Brussels reviving the Union for the Mediterranean, Israel cannot afford to stand aside; engagement is vital to prevent marginalization and secure its role in trade, energy, and security
Topic:
Security, Diplomacy, European Union, Partnerships, Trade, Marginalization, and Energy
Political Geography:
Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

2791. A Case of Multi-Dimensional Chess: The Power Game in Syria and the Role of Israel

Author:
Eran Lerman
Publication Date:
05-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS)
Abstract:
Israel’s strategy in Syria requires a delicate balance: bolstering security, supporting allies, countering Turkish expansion, and exploiting shifting dynamics to weaken Hezbollah
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Syrian War, Hezbollah, and Regional Security
Political Geography:
Turkey, Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and Syria

2792. The Japan, China, Iran Triangle: Strategic Implications for Israel

Author:
Eyal Ben-Ari
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS)
Abstract:
As Japan balances between Iran and the West and China deepens its ties to Tehran, Israel faces a shifting landscape demanding new regional approaches
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, International Cooperation, and Strategic Competition
Political Geography:
Japan, China, Iran, Middle East, and Asia

2793. Qatar Positions Itself as Washington’s Preferred Mediator

Author:
Ariel Admoni
Publication Date:
08-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS)
Abstract:
From Congo to Gaza, Doha positions itself as indispensable to U.S. policy, even as it sustains ties to terrorist organizations
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Terrorism, and Mediation
Political Geography:
Middle East, North America, Qatar, and United States of America

2794. The Tehran–Moscow–Beijing Triangle

Author:
Yaakov Lappin
Publication Date:
11-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS)
Abstract:
The revisionist bloc reshaping global power balances—and the dangers it poses for Israel and the West.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Arms Control and Proliferation, Diplomacy, Sanctions, and Weapons
Political Geography:
Russia, China, Iran, Middle East, Israel, Asia, and Palestine

2795. Diplomacy Has Never Prevented Nuclear Proliferation

Author:
Emmanuel Navon
Publication Date:
06-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS)
Abstract:
Contrary to European conventional wisdom, only the use—or threat—of force has stopped states from going nuclear
Topic:
Arms Control and Proliferation, Diplomacy, and Nuclear Weapons
Political Geography:
Europe

2796. Women, Peace and Security Survey: Reflections from Women Peacebuilders

Author:
Kristine Baekgaard, Vanessa Rickenbrode, and Jessica M. Smith
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
Abstract:
The Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS) released results from a global survey of nearly 3,000 women in 121 countries—one of the largest samples of women peacebuilders to date. The Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Survey highlights perspectives of women peacebuilders from around the world: where they find influence and meaning, the challenges they face, and how the international community can better support their critical work. Key findings from the Women, Peace and Security Survey include: Women drive change in their communities, but they have limited influence in formal spaces such as government and international organizations. 62 percent see themselves as able to create change in their households, and 51 percent in their workplaces, but 21 percent report no ability to create change in their national government. While women’s influence at the community level is crucial, we must continue to expand efforts to ensure women’s meaningful—rather than tokenistic—inclusion in all spaces where decisions are made, including formal institutions. Poverty is one of the most pressing challenges shaping women’s experiences of their peace and security work. Women are calling on the international community to provide long-term funding to support their peace and security work. One-­third identify poverty as one of the biggest challenges in their work, highlighting deep interconnections between peace and development. 43 percent identify long-­term funding as an urgent need to accomplish their peace and security goals; 40 percent also report a decrease in funding for their work over the past two years. Responding to this call requires donors to offer funding that is sustained, accessible, and flexible, empowering women-­led organizations to respond to crises, build lasting peace, and strengthen their communities. The most challenging and urgent issues women identify differ by region. Key challenges include, education in South Asia (highlighted as a core challenge by 46 percent of respondents), women’s leadership in the Middle East and North Africa (42 percent), climate-­related security concerns in East Asia and the Pacific (15 percent), and infrastructure deficits in Central and Eastern Europe and Central Asia (26 percent). WPS implementation will be more successful if it is tailored to local needs and priorities, as identified by women in those contexts. Women report that their peace and security work is deeply meaningful, but it comes at great personal costs. 63 percent report gaining new skills through their peace and security work, but 46 percent experience fatigue, and one in four report burnout and worsening mental health as negative consequences of their peace and security efforts, underscoring the strain of sustaining these efforts with limited support. Migrant, refugee, and displaced women are more than twice as likely as women who are not in these groups to perceive more risks associated with their peace and security work. Addressing challenges that endanger women peacebuilders and jeopardize broader progress toward peace and security, such as burnout, financial strain, and exposure to risk, requires interventions that provide sustained protection, resources, and support to women doing this crucial work.
Topic:
Poverty, Women, Peacebuilding, Women, Peace, and and Security (WPS)
Political Geography:
Global Focus

2797. Democracy at a Crossroads: How Americans View Trump’s First 100 Days in Office

Author:
PRRI Staff
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
PRRI: Public Religion Research Institute
Abstract:
Executive Summary Relatively few voters regret their decision in November; however, three in ten non-voters regret not turning out to vote last fall. Nearly all Americans who voted for Kamala Harris (95%) and Donald Trump (92%) are satisfied with their decision to vote or how they voted, as well as 85% of those who voted for another candidate. Thirty-one percent of non-voting Americans say they regret their decision not to vote, compared with 56% who say they are satisfied. Just around four in ten Americans (43%) approve of the job that Trump is doing as president. Roughly four in ten Americans (43%) approve of the job that Trump is doing as president, while a majority (54%) disapprove. White Christian groups are the most likely to approve of the job that Trump is doing as president, including three in four white evangelical Protestants (76%), compared with one-third or fewer of other religious Americans. While Trump gets slightly higher marks for his handling of immigration (48% of Americans approve), just four in ten approve of his handling of the economy (41%) and Russia’s war with Ukraine (40%). White Christian groups are significantly more likely than Christians of color, non-Christians, and unaffiliated Americans to approve of the job that Trump is doing handling immigration, including most white evangelical Protestants (78%), Latter-day Saints (65%), white mainline/non-evangelical Protestants (64%), and white Catholics (63%). While just four in ten Americans have favorable views of Trump, fewer view either Vice President JD Vance or presidential advisor Elon Musk favorably. Four in ten Americans (40%) express favorable views of Trump, including 83% of Republicans, 35% of independents, and 8% of Democrats. White Americans, men, older generations, and those who do not have a four-year degree hold significantly more favorable views of Trump than non-white Americans, women, millennials, Gen Zers, and those who are college-educated. Roughly one-third of Americans have a favorable view of Vance (35%), compared with half of those who hold an unfavorable opinion (50%). Most Americans (58%) view Musk unfavorably. Musk holds less favorable views among Republicans than Trump, 71% vs. 83%. Americans are more likely to view Trump as a dangerous dictator than a strong leader restoring America’s greatness, although such views are polarized along partisan and religious lines. A majority of Americans agree that “President Trump is a dangerous dictator whose power should be limited before he destroys American democracy” (52%), compared with 44% who agree that “President Trump is a strong leader who should be given the power he needs to restore America’s greatness.” Most Democrats (87%) agree with the first statement, while most Republicans (81%) agree with the second statement. Around seven in ten Christian nationalism Adherents (73%) and Sympathizers (70%) view Trump as a strong leader who should be given the power to restore America’s greatness, compared with 46% of Christian nationalism Skeptics and just 15% of Rejecters. Among Americans who voted for Trump and regret their decision, 55% agree that Trump is a dangerous dictator; agreement that Trump is a dangerous dictator is even higher among non-voters who regret their decision not to vote (68%).
Topic:
Public Opinion, Authoritarianism, Democracy, Domestic Politics, Voting, and Donald Trump
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

2798. Advancing Peace and Security: The Role of Gender Advisors

Author:
Rachel George, Jessica M. Smith, and Carla Koppell
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
Abstract:
Among the influential outcomes of UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325, which helped launch the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Agenda in 2000, has been the expansion of dedicated gender advisor positions in governments and multilateral institutions.1 Given women’s persistent underrepresentation in peace and security,2 the gendered impacts of conflict,3 and evidence that addressing these issues increases the likelihood and sustainability of peace and conflict resolution,4 gender advisors emerged as critical roles to help organizations better understand and address the needs of women and girls in their activities, policies, and programs. Sitting within a variety of institutions, these positions provide expert guidance on gender issues across peace and security policy and programming. Their proliferation within organizations that influence peace and development outcomes has been a hallmark of the 25 years since the start of the Agenda. The number of gender advisor positions in relevant national and multilateral fora, as well as within private foundations and civil society, has grown substantially over the past 25 years of multilateral commitments to WPS. But recent political changes have threatened some of these posts, as institutions slash offices, programs, and funds where gender advising was once featured,5 even as organizations increasingly recognize the centrality of gender equality for productive peace,6 sustainable development,7 and economic prosperity.8 With growing evidence of these benefits, many development and security institutions are seeking to maximize how institutional expertise on WPS contributes to effective policies and programs, especially those facing dramatic cuts in resources.
Topic:
Representation, Gender, Women, Peace, and and Security (WPS)
Political Geography:
Global Focus

2799. Funding for Women, Peace and Security: Reflections on 25 Years

Author:
Rachel George, Carla Koppell, Jessica Smith, and Ava Kawamura
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
Abstract:
Funding for the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Agenda has expanded significantly since UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 was first adopted in 2000. By 2023, nearly half of official development assistance was tagged in part for gender equality, reflecting a partial focus on gender integrated across development efforts. • Yet even at its peak, less than 10 percent of aid made gender equality a primary focus. Funding for women’s organizations in fragile and conflict-affected settings remains especially low at less than one percent, underscoring the chronic under-resourcing of the WPS Agenda. • Current metrics indicate declining support for WPS in the face of rising need, though they fail to capture how funds actually reach women on the frontlines. Improved data collection is urgently needed to quantify the amount of gender-tagged resources that truly reach women in conflict contexts. • Severe cuts to development spending and multilateral financing in 2025 are likely to further erode already limited support for gender equality in conflict prevention and response. Without urgent efforts to close gaps and expand funding, funders risk under-realizing the promise of WPS as a demonstrated pathway for peace.
Topic:
Development, Funding, Women, Peace, and Security (WPS), and Gender Equality
Political Geography:
Global Focus

2800. Women’s Representation in Security and Diplomacy: Reflections on 25 Years

Author:
Rachel George, Carla Koppell, Jessica Smith, and Ava Kawamura
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
Abstract:
Women’s representation in international peace and security has expanded substantially, with rates at least doubling in many leadership and staff roles since the adoption of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Agenda in 2000. • The number of women in UN leadership roles has nearly tripled since 2000, accounting for just over half of senior positions today; the number of women ambassadors and peacekeepers is nearly four times higher than in 2000. • Gender parity remains elusive, particularly in the security sector. While numbers have increased, women still represent only 24 percent of ambassadors, 13 percent of defense ministers, and less than 10 percent of peacekeepers. • Women’s persistent underrepresentation in security roles, alongside recent dips in representation in a number of UN and national political roles, warns that progress is fragile. Setbacks underscore the urgent need to invest in women’s participation, especially in the security sector, and to confront the economic, political, and cultural barriers that limit women’s full and meaningful inclusion—a key driver of sustainable peace.
Topic:
Security, Diplomacy, Representation, Women, Peace, and Security (WPS), and Gender Equality
Political Geography:
Global Focus