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21. The geopolitics of critical minerals and implications for Brazil and Canada

Author:
Igarapé Institute
Publication Date:
05-2026
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Igarapé Institute
Abstract:
Critical minerals have moved from the margins of industrial policy to the center of geopolitical competition. Cobalt, copper, lithium, nickel, graphite, and rare earths now underpin three strategic imperatives: energy transition, digital infrastructure, and defense readiness. As rivalry between the United States and China intensifies, and as China leverages its dominance in processing, governments are reshaping supply chains through new alliances and targeted policy interventions. Brazil and Canada are central to this emerging mineral order. Both countries combine strong geological endowments with institutional capacity and diplomatic reach. Canada brings diversified extraction, growing midstream ambitions, and a coordinated policy approach reinforced during its 2025 G7 presidency. Brazil brings vast reserves and a more assertive industrial strategy aimed at moving up the value chain and reducing reliance on raw material exports. Yet both face the same structural challenge: transforming resource abundance into lasting economic and geopolitical influence. China’s dominance in processing reflects decades of accumulated technological capability, specialized expertise, and industrial learning—not simply subsidies. Closing this gap requires sustained investment in midstream capacity, particularly in refining, chemical conversion, and skilled labor. This article examines the forces shaping the global minerals landscape, including demand dynamics, supply chain vulnerabilities, and the evolving toolkit of geoeconomic competition. It analyzes how major powers are structuring alliances and how Brazil and Canada are positioning themselves within this shifting architecture—both individually and as potential partners. It concludes by outlining pathways for bilateral and regional cooperation, from building a Canada-Brazil midstream corridor and aligning standards to investing in human capital and strengthening regional infrastructure. The window for action is narrowing: as the institutional framework of mineral security takes shape, countries that move early and strategically will help define the rules of the system rather than adapt to them.
Topic:
Industrial Policy, Geopolitics, Lithium, Supply Chains, Rare earth elements (REEs), Energy Transition, and Critical Minerals
Political Geography:
Canada, Brazil, and South America

22. Between Borders and States: Illegal Mining and Mercury Trafficking in the Amazon

Author:
Igarapé Institute
Publication Date:
06-2026
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Igarapé Institute
Abstract:
The Amazon is facing a growing set of pressures shaped by the convergence of accelerated environmental degradation, the expansion of illicit economies, and the fragility of state presence. In this context, illegal gold mining and mercury trafficking occupy a central position, both because of the environmental and public health impacts they produce and because of the way they connect the Amazon rainforest to transnational chains of trade, finance, and logistics. The dynamics sustaining this mechanism, however, do not originate in the forest. Mercury, an essential input for gold amalgamation, enters the region through opaque channels, while the extracted gold enters formal circuits of trade, often far from the territories where socio-environmental impacts are concentrated. Although Amazonian borders are often portrayed as obstacles to addressing these illicit activities, a closer analysis offers insights into the governmental actions and institutional limitations that shape the effectiveness and continuity of the Amazonian countries’ responses over time. It is from this perspective that this study is developed. The research examines how mercury trafficking and illegal gold mining are subject to different forms of state intervention — criminal, administrative, regulatory, and territorial — and how these interventions combine, overlap, or become misaligned when illicit dynamics cross national borders. The study is based on two case studies that illustrate, from different perspectives, the challenges of confronting illegal gold mining and mercury trafficking at the Amazonian border regions. The first focuses on the structure and operation of corporate networks involved in the mercury trade. The second examines the institutional architecture centered on the judiciary and state bodies tasked with protecting Indigenous peoples living in voluntary isolation threatened by illegal mining. Finally, the study presents conclusions aimed at strengthening institutional responses to illegal mining and the input trafficking in the Amazon, with emphasis on both coordination among national bodies and regional cooperation.
Topic:
Regional Cooperation, Governance, Trafficking, Mining, Indigenous, Illicit Financial Flows, Environmental Crime, and Mercury
Political Geography:
South America and Amazon

23. Gender Gaps in Academic Careers Evidence from Economics in Argentina

Author:
María Edo, Mariana Marchionni, Maria Florencia Pinto, and Mariana Viollaz
Publication Date:
02-2026
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Center for Distributive, Labor and Social Studies (CEDLAS)
Abstract:
This paper provides the first comprehensive analysis of gender disparities in academic economics in Argentina, and one of the few systematic studies on this topic in developing countries. Using newly collected and harmonized data from administrative records, university sources, web scraping, and ad-hoc surveys, we document women’s representation across stages of economics education and academic careers. We identify a leaky pipeline: a small gender gap at the undergraduate level widens in later stages, including research activity, faculty positions, publications, rankings, and leadership roles. Exploring potential drivers—such as academic performance, aspirations, exposure to role models, coauthorship, networking, funding, service—we find that women and men exhibit similar performance and comparable aspirations to pursue academic careers, yet their trajectories diverge. Although descriptive, our results suggest that gender disparities are unlikely to reflect differences in ability or preferences, and instead arise from a complex interaction of structural conditions and individual choices.
Topic:
Economics, Developing World, Inequality, Academia, and Gender
Political Geography:
Argentina and South America

24. Labor market impacts of an internship program on people with disabilities

Author:
Inés Berniell, Lucila Berniell, Victoria Castillo, Belén Cañuelo, and Dolores de la Mata
Publication Date:
05-2026
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Center for Distributive, Labor and Social Studies (CEDLAS)
Abstract:
This paper examines the impact of an internship program in Argentina (Programa Primer Paso) on the formal employment trajectories of People with Disabilities (PwD). Using administrative data from 2002–2023 and a staggered differencein-differences design, we estimate that program participation persistently increases formal employment and improves employment stability over time. On average, the probability of being formally employed rises by about 8 percentage points within three years after treatment, with the effect growing over time. The program also increases sustained employment—measured as at least six or twelve months of formal work per year—as well as the total number of months in formal jobs. Importantly, about three-quarters of the observed employment gains arise from jobs at firms other than the initial internship host, indicating broader integration into the formal labor market rather than the formalization of pre-existing ties. These results are robust to alternative specifications and pre-trend tests. The effects are larger for individuals residing in the capital city and for those placed in medium- and large-sized firms, while they are smaller for individuals with mental disabilities. No clear differences are found by age or gender. From the perspective of participating firms, we find no evidence of changes in their hiring behavior toward PwD after hosting a PPP intern with a disability. These findings suggest that internship programs can be an effective tool to reduce labor market gaps for people with disabilities in developing countries, with patterns consistent with the alleviation of informational frictions, the raising of expectations about employment prospects, and the acquisition of transferable skills.
Topic:
Employment, Disability, Labor Market, and Internships
Political Geography:
Argentina and South America

25. Asymmetric Adaptation to Heat and Energy Poverty

Author:
Adriana Camacho, Leonardo Gasparini, Luis Laguinge, Jorge Puig, and Hernan Winkler
Publication Date:
04-2026
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Center for Distributive, Labor and Social Studies (CEDLAS)
Abstract:
We study the responses of household electricity consumption to temperature changes, focusing on asymmetries between welfare deciles. Our analysis exploits a unique panel dataset for Peru that links household survey microdata with repeated administrative records on energy use and local temperature. Using fixed-effects models, we estimate how electricity consumption varies with temperature, highlighting the unequal capacity of households across income deciles to adapt to climate change. Based on this evidence, we propose and implement a novel measure of adaptive energy poverty, which captures households’ ability to respond to rising ambient temperatures through increased electricity consumption.
Topic:
Electricity, Temperature, and Energy Poverty
Political Geography:
South America and Peru

26. Navigating Disagreement: Why Did the Brazilian President Visit the United States?

Author:
FARAS
Publication Date:
05-2026
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Future for Advanced Research and Studies (FARAS)
Abstract:
On May 6, 2026, Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva traveled to Washington at the invitation of U.S. President Donald Trump, seeking to strengthen bilateral relations. The visit coincided with mounting domestic pressures on the Brazilian president, following a series of successive setbacks—most notably a vote by more than two-thirds of Congress members in favor of legislation proposing to reduce sentences handed down against former President Bolsonaro, despite the presidential veto, and the Senate’s rejection of da Silva’s nominee for the Supreme Court—the first time in decades that a president’s choice for the Court had been turned down. Those reverses gave fresh momentum to Bolsonaro’s son as a leading presidential contender in the 2026 elections, even as da Silva’s capacity to advance his domestic agenda showed signs of strain. Complicating the picture further were a number of unresolved Brazilian-American tensions, set against a turbulent international and regional backdrop marked by escalating U.S.–Chinese competition in Latin America, a dynamic that rendered the visit a practical test of Brazil’s ability to balance its rapprochement with Washington against its commitments to Beijing within the BRICS framework. Against that backdrop, the analysis that follows traces the most significant points of friction in Brazilian-American relations in recent times, examines the motives behind the visit and its anticipated outcomes, and assesses the potential repercussions for the wider region.
Topic:
Diplomacy, Bilateral Relations, Geopolitics, Donald Trump, and Lula da Silva
Political Geography:
Brazil, South America, and United States of America

27. A Rightward Turn: Domestic and Foreign Policy Implications of De la Espriella’s Rise in Colombia

Author:
FARAS
Publication Date:
07-2026
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Future for Advanced Research and Studies (FARAS)
Abstract:
Colombia’s presidential runoff, held on June 21, 2026, resulted in a victory for right-wing candidate Abelardo De la Espriella, who won 49.66% of the vote against 48.70% for left-wing Senator Iván Cepeda, the candidate of the ruling “Historic Pact” coalition. The result came amid an unprecedented degree of political and security polarization and marks a shift to the right after four years of rule under Gustavo Petro, Colombia’s first left-wing president. Barred by the constitution from seeking re-election, Petro had thrown his support behind Cepeda as his successor. De la Espriella had also led the first round of the elections, taking 43.7% of the vote against Cepeda’s 40.9%, a result that set the stage for a direct contest between two political projects with sharply divergent visions on security and the economy.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Elections, Domestic Policy, Right-Wing Politics, and Abelardo de la Espriella
Political Geography:
Colombia and South America

28. Land Protection, Credit Access, and the Insurance Gap: The De Soto Trap

Author:
Werner Hernani-Limarino
Publication Date:
05-2026
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Institute for Advanced Development Studies (INESAD)
Abstract:
Bolivia’s Ley 1720 (April2026) allows small holders to voluntarily convert constitutionally protected pequeña propiedad—land that cannot be seized by creditors— into pledgeable mediana propriedad, explicitly targeting the credit-access channel that Hernando de Soto popularized. This paper develops a dynamic model showing that such convrersion creates a De Soto trap: the households most likely to convert are those most desperate for liquidity, not those best positioned to benefit from credit, and these households face the highest default probability. Without complementary insurance, land flows irreversibly from vulnerable smallholders to those with capital to purchase foreclosed properties. The model yields three results: (i) adverse selection into conversion emerges endogenously from the threshold conditions; (ii) aggregate smallholder land decays exponentially toward zero--a ratchet that cannot reverse without policy intervention; (iii) mandatory insurance as a conversion requirement filters out non-viable applicants, bounds land loss, and raises net welfare by a factor of four. Calibrated to Bolivian agricultural census data, the model predicts that under current policy, 120,000 households will lose their land within 25 years. The law addresses the channel (credit) for which the empirical evidence is weakest while removing a protection (implicit insurance through inalienability) whose value the risk literature suggests is large. Bolivia's reform inverts the optimal policy sequence.
Topic:
Insurance, Land Reform, Credit Constraints, Land Tenure, and Adverse Selection
Political Geography:
South America and Bolivia

29. Smog, not lights. Tracking Bolivia’s 2024–2026 recession from space

Author:
Werner Hernani-Limarino and Ahmed Eid
Publication Date:
05-2026
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Institute for Advanced Development Studies (INESAD)
Abstract:
Nighttime lights are the standard satellite proxy for economic activity, but they fail to detect recessions. On a 2020–2024 panel of nine Bolivian departments, VIIRS lights match the sign of PIB growth 78 percent of the time during expansions but only 39 percent during contractions —worse than coin-flip. The reason is structural: lit infrastructure is a stock that does not contract when activity falls, while fossil-fuel combustion is a flow that does. Tropospheric NO2, a neardirect measure of combustion retrieved daily by ESA’s Sentinel-5P satellite, maintains 72 percent sign concordance during contractions. We exploit this asymmetry to build a monthly recession indicator from TROPOMI NO2 over eleven Bolivian metropolitan areas, July 2018 through April 2026. The indicator peaked in June 2023; INE quarterly PIB first registered negative year-on-year growth five quarters later, in 2024Q4. Through November 2025 the satellite and INE agree to within one log point. A pre-break SARIMA trained through November 2025 projects a 2026 PIB contraction of approximately 2 percent, consistent with the IMF (−3.3 percent), World Bank (−3.2), and IIF (−4) forecasts, though the confidence interval is wide. The centered-12-month March 2026 endpoint becomes fully observable from actual data in October 2026, and we commit to a revisit at that date. The indicator is reproducible from free Copernicus data with a two-month publication lag..
Topic:
Infrastructure, Recession, Early Warning, Lighting, and Nitrogen Dioxide
Political Geography:
South America and Bolivia

30. Trumping Venezuela: Six Thoughts on the Political Significance of the US Military Intervention

Author:
Thomas Kleine-Brockhoff and Patrick Keller
Publication Date:
01-2026
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP)
Abstract:
The US attack on Venezuela on January 3, 2026, marks a new phase in the foreign and security policy of the Trump administration. In which ideas about a new world order is this policy rooted? What does it mean for Germany and Europe? We offer a six-point assessment.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Military Intervention, Donald Trump, Hugo Chavez, and Security Policy
Political Geography:
Europe, South America, Germany, Venezuela, North America, and United States of America

31. Structural Misalignment and the Limits of Pressure: Trump and Brazil’s 2026 Election

Author:
Andre Pagliarini and Feliciano de Sá Guimarães
Publication Date:
09-2026
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft
Abstract:
A conservative wave is spreading across Latin America. Since 2025, Chile, Bolivia, Peru, Colombia, and Honduras have elected right-wing governments that have all largely deferred to President Trump. Now attention turns to the Oct. 4 election in Brazil, a neck-and-neck race in the region’s largest country. On the surface, a victory by right-wing candidate Flávio Bolsonaro would suggest Brazil will align with Trump administration policies. But Brazil’s diverse commercial relations and commitment to regional leadership complicate this narrative. Washington should temper its expectations and recognize potential structural conflicts between US priorities — especially exclusionary policies toward China — and Brazil’s national interests. Throughout the 20th century and into the 21st century, Brazilian governments of all ideological persuasions have consistently resisted perceived subordination to the US. Regardless of who wins the presidency, we should expect Brazil to continue prioritizing national sovereignty. Ignoring this reality threatens to place the US and Brazil on a collision course, potentially harming both nations. Brazil has increasingly attempted to triangulate its foreign policy with the United States and China. As Brazil’s largest trading partner, China is essential to Brazil’s economic standing, making decoupling from China unrealistic. The Trump administration should accept this reality and refrain from economic coercion aimed at forcing Brazil to cut ties with China. Coercive pressure on this or other issues would stoke nationalistic fervor across Brazil’s ideological spectrum — a reaction Washington would also provoke by meddling in the election process. The United States should refocus diplomacy on security. It should lean into collaborative efforts to crack down on cartel violence in Brazil, which are broadly popular among Brazilians. Brazil should, in turn, reassure the United States that it has no intention to expand its relationship with China into a military partnership. Such security collaboration, paired with these reassurances, would let Brazil triangulate between the world’s two superpowers, putting its sovereignty in service of its citizens’ security and its economic vitality. Cooperation between the United States and Brazil is possible if either Bolsonaro or Lula wins. But it would require each country to recognize the structural differences that exist between them and reach understandings accordingly. As a self-described nationalist, Trump should understand Brazil’s sovereigntist instincts and pursue a diplomatic path consistent with both his administration’s security aims in the Western Hemisphere and Brazil’s vital interests.
Topic:
Security, Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Bilateral Relations, Elections, Donald Trump, and Regional Power
Political Geography:
Brazil, South America, North America, and United States of America

32. Demilitarizing Counternarcotics: 25 Years of Evidence from Colombia

Author:
Lee Schlenker
Publication Date:
06-2026
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft
Abstract:
For the past quarter-century, Colombia has been at the center of US counternarcotics policies in the Andean region and broader Western Hemisphere. With Colombia poised to select a new president next week, and the Trump administration taking an increasingly aggressive and militarized approach to drug policy in Latin America, this brief examines the implications of past US–Colombia cooperation for the future of Colombia and for US counternarcotics strategies more broadly. This brief finds that a dual approach to curtailing the cocaine economy, which combines rural development with citizen security, has been most effective, whereas militarized approaches are effective only when embedded in broader efforts to establish state presence and the rule of law. Mass aerial coca fumigation — the primary Colombian counternarcotic strategy from 2000 to 2007 — significantly reduced immediate-term coca crop coverage, but did not translate to significant reductions in cocaine production due to successful coca cultivation adaptations. The chemicals from fumigation have also caused irreparable damage to local water supplies, food production, and public health. Beginning in 2007, Colombia transitioned to a more hands-on, manual coca eradication campaign, a strategy that has proven successful when sequenced with more comprehensive development plans and legal, carefully designed negotiations with some armed groups. These negotiations should be oriented toward the reintegration of armed groups into the legal economy, politics, and civilian life, as was pursued in the 2016 peace deal with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC. Absent this, eradication campaigns tend to erode community trust in the state, strengthen the territorial hold of armed groups, and place civilians in harm’s way. Broader US drug interdiction and inspection of larger vessels are essential for disrupting drug shipments originating from Colombia. The United States should boost cooperation with Colombia to expand interdiction efforts, strengthen intelligence gathering, and share capabilities. Joint efforts should also include enhanced regulatory integration and coordination against money laundering, terrorism financing, and other illicit financial flows. If the goal is to halt the flow of drugs coming into the US, the Colombian experience demonstrates that a solely militarized approach is unlikely to succeed and could create significant negative spillovers. A comprehensive approach that combines security efforts with state presence, viable development alternatives, and the rule of law is far more productive and bears little if any resemblance to the Trump administration’s ongoing unilateral boat strikes.
Topic:
Development, Narcotics Trafficking, Demilitarization, and Cocaine
Political Geography:
Colombia, South America, and United States of America

33. Do alternative households improve paid employment outcomes? A comparative analysis of same-sex partnerships in Brazil

Author:
Cicero Braga and James Heintz
Publication Date:
01-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Political Economy Research Institute (PERI), University of Massachusetts Amherst
Abstract:
This paper explores the labor market implications of household formation among same-sex married couples in Brazil, comparing them with different-sex married couples and unpartnered individuals. Using data from the Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra de Domicílios Contínua (PNADC) from 2016 to 2019, the study provides a descriptive overview of same-sex households and analyzes patterns of partnership formation, racial and educational endogamy/homogamy, and paid employment outcomes. Despite data limitations, findings suggest that same-sex couples may benefit from household formation by adopting alternatives to traditional patriarchal dynamics. Women in same-sex partnerships exhibit greater labor market participation and earnings, while men may experience reduced pressure to conform to traditional breadwinner roles. All married/partnered individuals earn a wage premium, relative to unpartnered individuals, but this premium varies by type of couple, sex, and the partner’s education and employment status. The paper highlights the importance of recognizing diverse household structures to fully understand economic well-being and inequities. Further research on the broader spectrum of "families of choice" is necessary to better capture the economic experiences of the LGBTI community in Brazil.
Topic:
Employment, LGBT+, Economic Inequality, Labor Market, Household, and Gender Roles
Political Geography:
Brazil and South America

34. From polarisation to autocratisation: the role of information pollution in Brazil's democratic erosion

Author:
Anita Breuer
Publication Date:
01-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS)
Abstract:
This study explores the complex relationship between information pollution, polarisation, and democracy in Brazil, a country that has recently experienced both democratic erosion and a pivotal democratic “U-turn”. Information pollution – the dissemination of false, misleading or harmful information – has become a global challenge, undermining societal peace and demo-cratic stability. In Brazil, these dynamics have been particularly pronounced, reflecting deep-seated socioeconomic inequalities and the impact of disinformation in an increasingly polarised political landscape. Grounded in a holistic analytical framework, this study moves beyond the narrow conception of countering disinformation as a challenge confined to the digital space. By incorporating socio-economic, media, legislative and political contexts into the analysis, it provides a comprehensive understanding of the factors that facilitate the emergence of information pollution. By doing so, the framework also enables the formulation of tailored policy recommendations that consider the distinct characteristics of Brazil’s context, while offering lessons relevant to other countries facing similar challenges. The analysis of the socioeconomic and social context highlights how in Brazil, persisting poverty and inequalities and the digital divide restrict access to diverse information sources, leaving marginalised groups disproportionately vulnerable to disinformation and hate speech. In this environment, hate speech targeting black women and members of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer (and others) (LGBTQ+) community has been a prominent driver of polarisation, which exacerbates the discrimination and marginalisation of individuals at the intersection of race, gender and sexual orientation. The characteristics of the Brazilian media landscape and information ecosystem further fuelled these dynamics. Highly concentrated media ownership and declining traditional journalism have undermined information diversity and opinion plurality. At the same time, digital platforms have become fertile ground for the spread of polarising narratives, driven by the rise of politainment and political messaging disguised as religious truth by influential evangelical leaders. Within Brazil’s regulatory and institutional context, outdated legislation on internet governance has left significant gaps in the oversight of digital platforms. The implementation of existing transparency legislation is deficient and fragmented. Political interference and the misuse of secrecy laws have further undermined transparency mechanisms. Against this backdrop, state transparency offerings provide an inadequate counterweight to disinformation circulating on digital platforms. The political context has exacerbated these challenges, with cultural and ideological divides exploited by political actors to erode trust in democratic institutions. Disinformation played a central role during the administration of Jair Bolsonaro who pursued a grievance-based mobilisation strategy, amplifying societal divisions by exploiting narratives around corruption, inequality and moral values. This approach triggered a process of affective polarisation, with religious rhetoric playing a significant role in framing political opponents as existential threats to traditional and conservative values. Across all these contexts, vulnerabilities, such as low digital literacy, concentrated media consumption, and societal cleavages, amplify the impact of information pollution. This study finds that information pollution has fuelled affective polarisation, fostering mistrust, hostility, and violence, which in turn has jeopardised key elements of democratic quality, including respect for counterarguments, electoral integrity, institutional checks and balances, and public accountability and lastly support for democracy itself. The findings of this study point to critical entry points for addressing information pollution. At the national level, strengthening Brazil’s transparency regime emerges as a key priority, particularly by making access to public information more inclusive and enhancing the autonomy of institutions tasked with upholding transparency. The modernisation of Brazil’s internet governance framework is equally important, requiring broad based publication consultations and robust mechanisms for platform accountability. To ensure impartiality, authorities tasked with overseeing internet governance must maintain sufficient independence from the executive branch and should feature a cross-sectoral, multi-stakeholder composition, incorporating voices from civil society, academia, technical experts, and the private sector. At the international level, enhancing cross-border collaboration is paramount. The Global Digital Compact adopted in 2024 offers an important foundation for promoting shared technological solutions and fostering multilateral cooperation. Regional organisations in Latin America, such as the Organization of American States (OAS) and the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR), also have a critical role to play in harmonising regulations and strengthening digital governance. Brazil’s recent experience illustrates the complex interplay between structural enablers, digital dynamics, and political strategies that drive polarisation and democratic erosion. At the same time, its ability to reverse autocratisation at the ballot box provides valuable lessons for curbing information pollution and fostering democratic resilience worldwide.
Topic:
Polarization, Autocracy, and Democratic Backsliding
Political Geography:
Brazil and South America

35. To Vote or Not to Vote: Venezuelans Face Another Election Choice

Author:
Catherine Ellis
Publication Date:
05-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
The North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA)
Abstract:
In the shadow of a contested presidential vote, Venezuela’s upcoming regional elections reveal more about power struggles than democratic representation.
Topic:
Elections, Domestic Politics, Representation, and Voting
Political Geography:
South America and Venezuela

36. The Reinvention of the Strike: 10 Years of Feminist Uprising in Argentina

Author:
Verónica Gago and Linas Kojala
Publication Date:
05-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
The North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA)
Abstract:
This year marks the 10-year anniversary of the Ni Una Menos movement. Understanding the tensions that mark these moments of intense rearrangements and changes in increasingly militarized capitalism is urgent.
Topic:
Capitalism, Protests, and Labor Strike
Political Geography:
Argentina and South America

37. Debates over TPS for Venezuelans Reveal Diasporic Divide

Author:
Francisco Llinas Casas and Erick Moreno Superlano
Publication Date:
05-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
The North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA)
Abstract:
The battle over Temporary Protected Status provides a window into the class, racial, and political divisions within the Venezuelan diaspora in the United States.
Topic:
Politics, Race, Diaspora, Class, Immigration Policy, and Temporary Protection Status (TPS)
Political Geography:
South America and Venezuela

38. Cuerpx en Vela: Travesti Performance Against the Necro-State

Author:
Malú Machuca Rose
Publication Date:
05-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
The North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA)
Abstract:
Artist Germa Machuca uses her body as an altar and guiding light to illuminate the connections across anti-trans and anti-Indigenous violence in Peru.
Topic:
Arts, Violence, Indigenous, Transgender, and Travesti
Political Geography:
South America and Peru

39. At the Thresholds: Labor Organizing as Travesti-Trans Formal Workers in Argentina

Author:
Francisco Fernández Romero, Pato Laterra, and Victor Sánchez
Publication Date:
05-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
The North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA)
Abstract:
Travesti and trans workers in the formal sector expand imaginaries about the relationship between LGTBQ+ people and work, contributing to broader labor struggles for all of society.
Topic:
Labor Issues, LGBT+, Transgender, and Organizing
Political Geography:
Argentina and South America

40. For Trans Men in Colombia, All Cops Are Bastards

Author:
Nikita Dupuis-Vargas Latorre
Publication Date:
05-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
The North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA)
Abstract:
Violence against trans men by state forces is widespread—and little studied. The profiling inherent to mandatory military service only aggravates the problem.
Topic:
Violence, LGBT+, Police, Transgender, and Police Brutality
Political Geography:
Colombia and South America