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Begin New Search Political Geography Africa Content Type Journal Article

151. Françafrique: Franco-African Relations and French Military Engagement in Post-Colonial Africa

Author:
Luqman Saka
Publication Date:
03-2024
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
France has had a long history of association and relationship with Africa, dating back to the 17th century. France’s first permanent and occupied territory was the settlement of Saint-Louis, also known as “Ndar”, in Wolof, the most prominent African language in Senegal. Following the Berlin agre-ement formalizing the partitioning of Africa, France consolidated its claims on territorial possessions at the coast of Senegal and other coastal areas and inland across West Africa and the Sahel. Much as France’s colonial posses-sions in Africa might have expanded after the partition, the Four Communes (Quatre Communes) — comprising Dakar, Goree, Rufisque, and Saint-Louis —, all in present-day Senegal, were special among colonial territories in Afrique Occidentale Française, AOF (French West Africa) (Bawa 2013). Indeed, for years, Saint-Louis was the administrative headquarters of both colonial Senegal and the adjoining colonial territory of Mauritania.
Topic:
International Relations, History, Colonialism, Post-Colonial, and Military Engagement
Political Geography:
Africa, Europe, and France

152. To Stay or to Go Back: The Cornelian Dilemma of the Burkinabe Diaspora in Ghana

Author:
Serge Noel Ouedraogo and Boubacar Sambare
Publication Date:
10-2024
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
Ghana is a major destination for Burkina Faso migrants. Immigration towards Ghana emerged and flourished as a result of the combination of structural and cyclical causes. Political, economic and psycho-social reasons have various levels, governed the initiation and maintenance of migration from Burkina Faso to Ghana3. As a result, there is a large number of Burki-nabe diaspora living in Ghana. According to official sources in Burkina Faso, there are between 1.5 and 3 million of them. In recent years, Burkina Faso has adopted a national migration policy (known as the national migration strategy) and has created a ministry responsible for Burkinabe living abroad within its government structure, with the aim of protecting its diaspora, involving it more closely in the development of the country and encouraging voluntary returns.
Topic:
Development, Economics, Politics, Immigration, and Migrants
Political Geography:
Africa, Ghana, and Burkina Faso

153. Egyptian Foreign Policy Under al-Sisi Government: Paths to Diversification of Partnerships

Author:
Charles Pereira Pennaforte and Mateus José da Silva Santos
Publication Date:
04-2024
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
The second half of 2023 was marked by an important process invol-ving Egyptian external action at the regional and global levels. In August, within the framework of the XV BRICS Summit in Johannesburg, the Afro--Arab country was among the six states formally invited to join the multila-teral initiative starting in 2024. The expansion of the emerging bloc, based on the possible presence of actors located in strategic regional spaces such as the Middle East and North Africa, has assumed importance in the face of the uncertainties that drive a complex scenario of hegemonic transition. For Cairo, such a measure represented, among other things, the consolidation of a process of diversification in its external partnerships, strengthening ties with new global actors (China and Russia), as well as other emerging powers.In the complex symbiosis between the search for preservation of autonomy and domestic security, as well as attempts to mobilize material resources aimed at confronting macroeconomic challenges and building a new development process (Hinnebusch and Shama 2014), such a move constitutes an important analytical window into the transformations that have occurred in Egypt’s foreign policy over the past years. Constituting, in the view of Gamal M. Selim (2020), the third major restructuring in Egypt’s history as a Republic since 1953, the perspectives on a regional and global repositioning of Cairo in the face of systemic and domestic dynamics involve a set of factors, such as the conciliation between a discourse of full resumption of external action after years of domestic instability following the fall of Hosni Mubarak (1981–2011) and the instrumentalization of its geostrategic position between Africa and the Arab World, in the midst of increasing external vulnerability.In this sense, this article analyzes the main domestic and systemic characteristics involved in the transformations of Egypt’s international inser-tion over the past two decades, considering the mediation between the pre-servation of traditional lines of external action and the consolidation of new partnerships, offering geopolitical and geoeconomic alternatives in the face of escalating global tensions. At the intersection of World-Systems Analysis (WSA) and theoretical aspects of Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), this study evaluates Egypt’s potential to occupy a historical position of articulation between global and regional dynamics, considering its condition as a Bri-dge State between two continents. Through qualitative analysis, combining a review of specialized literature on contemporary Egypt and journalistic texts, a multilevel perspective is developed, seeking to answer the following questions: what is the nature of the process of diversifying Egypt’s external relations? How do contemporary macroeconomic and geopolitical challenges limit or provide opportunities for the production of an autonomous type of insertion by Cairo?This text is divided into three parts. First, the main theoretical-metho-dological assumptions guiding the development of this study are established. Then, an analysis of Egypt’s international insertion trajectory since the begin-ning of the military-led Republic in the 1950s is carried out. Finally, the main elements constituting the domestic and systemic environment surrounding external diversification efforts in recent years are highlighted.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Development, Partnerships, Diversification, and Abdel Fattah el-Sisi
Political Geography:
Africa, Middle East, North Africa, and Egypt

154. The COMESA-EAC-SADC Tripartite Agreement in the Context of Implementation of the African Economic Community (AEC)

Author:
Almeida Zacarias Machava and Tomás Bernardo Chirindza
Publication Date:
04-2024
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
In 1963, at the time of the establishment of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the idea of promoting cooperation among newly independent states as a strategy for economic transformation was evident. Consequently, it did not take long for the perspective of integrating national markets into a single regional market to become the dominant orientation. Such integration was designated as the African Economic Community (AEC) (Ferreira 2005).During the 28th OAU Summit in 1991, a “Magna Carta” for African economic integration was adopted, known as the Abuja Treaty, with the objec-tive of creating a continental economic community to be achieved by the end of a thirty-four-year period (by the year 2028), as stipulated in Articles 4 and 6 of the treaty establishing the AEC. The idea of transforming the OAU into the African Union (AU), giving it new features, along with the foreseeable adoption of an economic program for the continent — which later became the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) — could prove decisive in overcoming the barriers to regional economic integration. To promote the creation of the AEC, NEPAD aligns with the broader principles and objec-tives of the former (NEPAD 2001). It is suggested that regional integration efforts be carried out within the framework of the major existing Regional Economic Communities (RECs). From this perspective, each state should be linked to only one of these RECs, which differs significantly from the current situation. At present, there is an overlap of integration processes across the African continent, highlighted by one of its main challenges: the multiple memberships of a single state in more than one community.This issue, in itself, is identified by many authors as one of the main obstacles to the development of the integration process, which has hindered the establishment of the much-anticipated AEC. Reports from the AU and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa indicate that it is necessary to rationalize integration mechanisms in Africa (African Union 2007). A manifestation of the interest in rationalizing these mechanisms is the crea-tion of the Tripartite Free Trade Area (COMESA–EAC–SADC). The Tripartite Bloc has agreed on the harmonization of trade agreements among the three Regional Economic Communities, the joint implementation of interregional infrastructure programs, and institutional arrangements through which the three RECs would promote integration. The establishment of this bloc aligns with the visions of the African Union and the African Economic Community regarding regional integration. Its objective is for the three RECs to work towards achieving the implementation of the AEC.The approaches adopted in this article ultimately seek to answer the following question: How can the Tripartite Agreement enable Africa to effectively implement the African Economic Community? Answering this question is important as it clarifies that the establishment of the Tripartite Free Trade Area (TFTA) is one of the key projects aimed at addressing the issue of multiple memberships of states in different RECs, thereby accelera-ting the regional integration process and the effective implementation of the AEC. In turn, the implementation of the AEC will foster a strong continental economy and reduce external trade dependency. The pursuit of this answer will be conducted through a qualitative approach based on a hermeneutic exercise.
Topic:
Regional Economy, Economic Transformation, COMESA, and African Economic Community (AEC)
Political Geography:
Africa

155. Technological Spillovers from Foreign Direct Investment in Kenya

Author:
Naftaly Mose, Omonike Ige-Gbadeyan, and John Thomi
Publication Date:
04-2024
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) plays a vital role in the economic development of countries by providing access to capital, technology, and managerial expertise (Asongu et al. 2018). In recent years, Kenya has appe-ared as a prominent destination for FDI in Sub-Saharan Africa, attracting investments across various sectors such as manufacturing, telecommunica-tions, finance, and infrastructure (Ideue 2018). The government of Kenya has actively pursued policies to encourage FDI inflows as a means to stimulate economic growth and foster technology development (Mungai 2021). Techno-logical innovation is the economic function through which new technologies are introduced into production and consumption. Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) serves as a channel for technology transfer from multinational corpo-rations (MNCs) to domestic firms in Kenya (Kotey 2019). MNCs often bring advanced technologies, managerial expertise, and best practices, which can significantly enhance the technological capabilities and competitiveness of local industries (Zhang et al. 2019). Through joint ventures, licensing agre-ements, and collaborations with local partners, FDI facilitates the diffusion of knowledge and skills, thereby contributing to technology absorption and innovation in Kenya (Wanjere 2022).Moreover, various sectors in Kenya have experienced substantial tech-nological advancements driven by FDI (Odhiambo 2022). For instance, the telecommunications sector has witnessed significant investments from inter-national telecom companies, leading to the expansion of mobile networks, internet connectivity, and digital infrastructure (Chesula and Kilika 2020). This has not only improved access to communication services, but has also spurred innovation in mobile payments, e-commerce, and digital entrepre-neurship (Ndung’u 2018). Similarly, the manufacturing sector has benefi-ted from FDI through the introduction of new technologies and production methods, leading to increased efficiency, product diversification, and export competitiveness (Wei et al. 2020).
Topic:
Science and Technology, Foreign Direct Investment, Innovation, and Economic Development
Political Geography:
Kenya and Africa

156. Russia's Strategic Pivot to Africa: Geopolitical Implications in a Multipolar World

Author:
Habib Badawi
Publication Date:
04-2024
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
The global geopolitical landscape is undergoing significant transfor-mation, with new power centers challenging the longstanding dominance of Western nations. Among these emerging players, Russia has increasingly sought to expand its influence beyond its traditional spheres of interest. In recent years, Moscow has undertaken a strategic pivot towards Africa, revi-ving historical ties and forging new partnerships across the continent. This renewed engagement comes at a critical juncture, as tensions between Russia and the West have escalated, particularly in the wake of the Ukraine conflict.The resurgence of Russian interest in Africa is not merely a tactical move but a strategic reorientation of foreign policy. As Abramova (2024) argues, this rapprochement is driven by long-term strategic considerations rather than short-term tactical gains. This shift reflects a broader reassess-ment of Russia’s global role and its aspirations to challenge the Western-do-minated international order.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Geopolitics, Multipolarity, Strategic Interests, and International Order
Political Geography:
Africa and Russia

157. Mozambique: Violent Extremism and Terrorism in Cabo Delgado Province

Author:
Ercilio Neves Brandao Langa
Publication Date:
04-2024
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
The paper analyzes the terrorism in the Cabo Delgado Province, in the north of Mozambique, aiming to understand the conflict, inspect the process of radicalization of young Mozambicans and verify its c causes using categories and typologies. Why has the province of Cabo Delgado become the newest epicenter of violent religious extremism and terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa? This is the question that guides the paper. The violent extremism and the terrorism pose significant challenges for the human security and the socioeconomic development of the African continent.
Topic:
Security, Development, Terrorism, Violent Extremism, Radicalization, and Socioeconomics
Political Geography:
Africa, Mozambique, and Cabo Delgado

158. THE ROLE OF REGIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS INSTITUTIONS IN TIMES OF ARMED CONFLICTS IN AFRICA

Author:
Ufuoma Veronica Awhefeada
Publication Date:
03-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Liberty and International Affairs
Institution:
Institute for Research and European Studies (IRES)
Abstract:
Armed conflict is a perennial problem that has plagued Africa for decades, resulting in flagrant human rights abuse. The central problem this paper seeks to address is identifying the laws establishing institutions and agencies for protecting human rights in Africa and examining how well-adapted these institutions are to protect human rights in times of armed conflict in Africa. This research employs the doctrinal research method, which entails an examination of the relevant primary sources of the law as laid down in the statutes and treaties and interpreted by the courts as well as secondary source materials, including journal articles, reports, and other relevant sources materials. It is contended that though human rights institutions were not established with the goal of interventions in times of armed conflict to protect human rights, they can be adapted to meet this challenge to stem the tide of gross human rights violations during armed conflicts. The paper concludes by recommending the expansion in the practice of the mandate of these human rights institutions to accommodate mechanisms for the protection of human rights in times of armed conflicts.
Topic:
Human Rights, International Humanitarian Law (IHL), and Armed Conflict
Political Geography:
Africa

159. IMPROVING WOMEN’S EMPOWERMENT THROUGH DEVOLUTION IN KENYA: THE CASE OF NAIROBI AND KAKAMEGA COUNTIES

Author:
Sylvester Chisika and Chunho Yeom
Publication Date:
03-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Liberty and International Affairs
Institution:
Institute for Research and European Studies (IRES)
Abstract:
This study aimed to investigate the progress of women's empowerment through employment opportunities in Nairobi and Kakamega Counties in Kenya between 2013 and 2017. Despite the increasing policies that aim to mainstream social equity and equality, there is still a significant gap between policy commitments and practices. The study evaluated whether the implementation of devolved governance in the two counties has improved women's empowerment. The study's framework included an in-depth review of policy documents, official records, and reports from official websites to understand women's economic empowerment status in Nairobi and Kakamega. The study analyzed qualitative and quantitative data from County Integrated Development Plans and other secondary sources. Specifically, it examined compliance with the 30% gender rule, requiring women to hold at least 30% of all elective and appointive positions. The study found that Nairobi commands the largest share of formal sector wage employment in Kenya, and women's access to employment opportunities remains slightly lower than men in both counties. Despite implementing the 30% gender rule, the study revealed the need for more comprehensive policies that promote gender equality and women's economic empowerment in both Nairobi and Kakamega.
Topic:
Employment, Sustainable Development Goals, Representation, and Gender
Political Geography:
Kenya and Africa

160. CTC Sentinel: October/November 2023 Issue

Author:
Devorah Margolin, Matthew Levitt, Paul Cruickshank, Brian Dodwell, and Caroline Morgan
Publication Date:
11-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
CTC Sentinel
Institution:
The Combating Terrorism Center at West Point
Abstract:
On October 7, Hamas killed 1,200 Israelis in the largest terror attack since 9/11, carrying out acts of brutality that matched, and even surpassed, the worst atrocities of the Islamic State. The resulting war in Gaza, the escalation in tensions across the Middle East, and the anger in Arab and Muslim communities over the large number of Palestinian civilians killed in the conflict so far have upended the international terror threat landscape, creating acute concern about reprisals, and given the attacks already seen in France and Belgium, raised the specter of a new global wave of Islamist terror. In our feature article, Devorah Margolin and Matthew Levitt write that “The brutal Hamas-led October 7 attack on Israeli communities near Gaza represented a tactical paradigm shift for the group.” They observe that “the group’s explicit targeted killing and kidnapping of civilians [on October 7] baldly contradicts Hamas’ articulated revised political strategy since it took control of the Gaza Strip in 2007. Ironically, Hamas’ sharp tactical shift only underscores that the group never abandoned its fundamental commitment to the creation of an Islamist state in all of what it considers historical Palestine and the destruction of Israel.” Global jihadi groups have been exploiting the conflict in Gaza to call for attacks. In our feature interview, EU Counter-Terrorism Coordinator Ilkka Salmi says that “these calls to attack or to engage in some terrorist activity spread extremely quickly on social media and that’s why they could have a rapid and serious impact on the security situation. It reminds me of the days back in 2014-2016 when Daesh propaganda was at its high peak. The situation in Israel, combined with that sort of propaganda, could change the security situation in the E.U. quite drastically.” Tore Hamming writes that “three factors are likely to determine the impact of the ongoing events on the trajectory of the terrorism threat in the West: the length of the war, the scale of Israel’s offensive in Gaza, and the degree of support from Western nations to Israel.” Erik Skare stresses that analysts need to holistically examine both what Hamas says and does to better understand the group. He writes: “October 7 likely signifies the victory of those in the movement who have grown frustrated with an excessive focus on politics, advocating instead for a renewed emphasis on violence to reach their long-term goals.” In our second interview, General (Retired) Stephen Townsend, who commanded AFRICOM until August 2022, warns about intensifying jihadi terrorist threats across Africa. He says that al-Qa`ida’s affiliates there are “probably the largest threat to U.S. interests in the region today. And as they gain capacity, they’ll broaden their picture to the region and globally, to include our homeland eventually, I think.” Finally, Asfandyar Mir examines the counterterrorism dilemmas facing the United States in Pakistan and Afghanistan. He writes: “Al-Qa`ida and the Islamic State are pivoting to exploit Hamas’ October 7 terrorist attack on Israel and the civilian harm in Israel’s military campaign in Gaza since … Policymakers should take seriously the risk of a surprise terrorist provocation from Afghanistan.”
Topic:
Terrorism, Military Affairs, Counter-terrorism, Al Qaeda, Islamic State, and Hamas
Political Geography:
Afghanistan, Africa, Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and Gaza

161. CTC Sentinel: September 2023 Issue

Author:
Lorena Atiyas-Lvovsky, Eitan Azani, Michael Barak, Assaf Moghadam, and Christopher Faulkner
Publication Date:
09-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
CTC Sentinel
Institution:
The Combating Terrorism Center at West Point
Abstract:
In this month’s feature article, Lorena Atiyas-Lvovsky, Eitan Azani, Michael Barak, and Assaf Moghadam find that “jihadi rhetoric is rarely translated into violent attacks against Israeli and Jewish targets … The relative dearth of successful operations, however, has not deterred global jihadi organizations from regularly leveraging the Palestinian issue for political gain, and in order to reinforce their stature as powerful actors in the Middle Eastern and global arenas. Despite jihadi lip service to the Palestinian cause, support for global jihad among Arab Israelis and Palestinians has remained relatively low. Physical and ideological barriers erected by Israel and the Jewish community have so far limited the capacity of global jihadi actors to operate against Israel and the Jewish community.” Christopher Faulkner, Raphael Parens, and Marcel Plichta explore the future of the Wagner Group in Africa after the death of its founder, Yevgeny Prigozhin. They write: “Wagner personnel in Africa appear poised to carry on their original missions given the importance of the continent to Russia’s broader strategic ambitions. Though the mercenary mutiny and Prigozhin’s death may lead clients to raise questions about what a continued partnership with Wagner means for relations with the Kremlin, Moscow has signaled a tolerance, if not need, for Wagner or a Wagner-like entity in Africa. Abandoning Wagner clients would severely undermine Russia’s influence on the continent.” Aaron Zelin and Devorah Margolin explore the Islamic State’s shadow governance in eastern Syria since the group lost its last piece of territory in the country in 2019. They write: “While it is true that the organization’s insurgency has been degraded in recent years, only focusing on the Islamic State’s attack claims and propaganda misses an important trend happening at the local level: … the Islamic State has continued attempts to govern as shadow actors in eastern Syria.” They warn that thanks to these efforts, “even if it sounds far-fetched now, a reasonable worst-case scenario is that the Islamic State could rapidly take advantage of a changed local context to attempt to carve out a small statelet in eastern Syria again.”
Topic:
Non State Actors, Counter-terrorism, Islamic State, Jihad, Wagner Group, Jewish community, Private Military Companies (PMCs), and Yevgeny Prigozhin
Political Geography:
Africa, Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and Syria

162. CTC Sentinel: April 2023 Issue

Author:
Christopher Faulkner, Raphael Parens, Marcel Plichta, Paul Cruickshank, and Lucas Webber
Publication Date:
04-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
CTC Sentinel
Institution:
The Combating Terrorism Center at West Point
Abstract:
The late General Wayne A. Downing, a former distinguished chair of the Combating Terrorism Center at West Point, used to tell his colleagues at the Center, “Who thinks wins.” In this month’s feature article, Christopher Faulkner, Raphael Parens, and Marcel Plichta argue that smarter counterterrorism in the Sahel, and across sub-Saharan Africa, can pay big dividends for the United States on the field of great power competition. They write that “the United States is at a critical juncture as it looks to adapt its counterterrorism mission. Nowhere is this more evident than in the Sahel region of Africa, where for the past decade, the United States has relied on France to serve as the counterterrorism lead. Those days are over, at least for now, and the United States is left attempting to balance its counterterrorism efforts in the frame of great power competition. However, too often these two strategic objectives are cast as zero-sum. In reality, U.S. counterterrorism in the Sahel, if appropriately reassessed, designed, and implemented, can generate real wins for the United States as it seeks to counter Russian and Chinese influence in the region. Additionally, and most importantly, it can improve the prospects for stability and security for African states in desperate need of both.” Our interview is with two counterterrorism officials at the Catalan Police – Mossos d’Esquadra: Inspector Lluis Paradell Fernandez, head of the Central Analysis Unit, Intelligence and Counterterrorism Service, and Deputy Inspector Xavier Cortés Camacho, head of the Counterterrorism Central Area. They discuss lessons learned as a result of the 2017 Islamic State-inspired attacks in Barcelona and Cambrils, the evolving threats Catalonia faces, and the importance of “a joined-up effort in working to prevent violent extremism.” Lucas Webber and Daniele Garofalo write that “the Islamic State’s leadership and central propaganda apparatus have been pushing to boost the Somalia branch’s profile, while pro-Islamic State-Somalia groups have been producing media content to help the movement’s message reach Somali, Amharic, Oromo, and Swahili speakers to boost fundraising, recruitment, and violent incitement efforts as well as to grow grassroot support in regions populated by these ethnolinguistic communities.” They argue that “these developments could have regional security implications if the Islamic State is able to strengthen the Somalia branch using these means. Bolstered transnational connections could enable violent incitement and attacks directed into neighboring countries.” Nodirbek Soliev examines digital terror financing by central Asian jihadis. He writes that “their online financing efforts tend to involve three stages. The first is the dissemination of fundraising propaganda and contacting prospective donors via online public accounts. The second is communication via encrypted messaging apps to identify a suitable mode of transaction and to provide security protocols. The third is the transaction itself. Understanding these mechanisms can help enhance relevant countries’ response strategies against terrorism financing risks.”
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Counter-terrorism, Islamic State, and Strategic Competition
Political Geography:
Africa, Russia, China, Spain, North America, Somalia, Sahel, and United States of America

163. CTC Sentinel: March 2023 Issue

Author:
Emilia Columbo, Kristina Hummel, Madeleine Biscaichipy, Alexander Ritzmann, and Francesco Marone
Publication Date:
03-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
CTC Sentinel
Institution:
The Combating Terrorism Center at West Point
Abstract:
This month’s feature article focuses on the challenge posed by the evolving Islamic State insurgency in Mozambique. Emilia Columbo writes: “The deployment of regional military and police forces to Cabo Delgado Province in northern Mozambique to assist the Mozambican government against what was then a growing jihadi insurgency nearly two years ago has introduced new dynamics into the conflict, expanding the insurgency’s presence in the region and increasing the importance of the information space as each side works to persuade its constituencies that the conflict is proceeding in its favor.” She assesses that the sustainability of security gains along the coast “will depend largely on the government’s willingness to develop and implement a more balanced counterterrorism approach that addresses the underlying grievances driving this conflict.” Our interview is with Jessica White and Galen Lamphere-Englund, co-conveners of the Extremism and Gaming Research Network, which started a little over two years ago as a practitioner- and researcher-led initiative to try and unpack concerning developments in the online space. Alexander Ritzmann writes that “the alleged plot against the German government by the Reichsbürger group Patriotic Union, whose key members were arrested on December 7, 2022, is best understood as a thwarted, possible early-stage terrorist plot, rather than a preempted imminent violent coup attempt. The Reichsbürger, who are comprised of different groups and networks, claim that the German state of today does not legally exist. Many Reichsbürger ascribe to a version of the anti-Semitic ‘New World Order,’ others believe in ‘QAnon.’” He notes that “although the vast majority of Reichsbürger are neither considered violent nor right-wing extremists by German security agencies, the threat posed by a minority of violent and extremist Reichsbürger persists, with German security agencies continuing to thwart alleged violent activity linked to different Reichsbürger groups.” Francesco Marone examines how an ongoing hunger strike by the imprisoned insurrectionary anarchist terrorist Alfredo Cospito has amplified the threat in and beyond Italy posed by “a transnational extremist tendency that promotes ‘self-organized’ illegal and violent actions, even against people.”
Topic:
Insurgency, Counter-terrorism, Islamic State, and Political Extremism
Political Geography:
Africa, Europe, Italy, and Mozambique

164. CTC Sentinel: January 2023 Issue

Author:
Heni Nsaibia, Caleb Weiss, Brian Dodwell, and Stig Jarle Hansen
Publication Date:
01-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Counter Terrorist Trends and Analysis
Institution:
The Combating Terrorism Center at West Point
Abstract:
This issue focuses on Africa, the current epicenter of global jihadi terror. On January 18, 2023, the military junta in Burkina Faso demanded that France withdraw its troops from the country within a month, raising concerns the regime in Ouagadougou may be set to follow Mali in hiring the Wagner Group to help contain the worsening jihadi threat to their country. In the feature article, Héni Nsaibia and Caleb Weiss write that “there seems to be a very significant probability that the military government in Burkina Faso will indeed hire Wagner in the near future.” They assess that a future potential Wagner deployment to Burkina Faso would entrench Russian influence in the region, complicate Western policy in West Africa, and “likely result in a further upsurge in jihadi violence in Burkina Faso given the fact that jihadi attacks, perpetrated by both JNIM and the Islamic State, have increased dramatically across Mali since Wagner’s deployment there just over a year ago.” In our interview, Brigadier General Rose Keravuori, the Deputy Director of Intelligence at the United States Africa Command, observes that “for al-Qa`ida and ISIS, the most operationally active and financially lucrative affiliates are on the African continent.” She warns that Islamic State groups are looking to grow in southern and central Africa and that in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso, the al-Qa`ida affiliate JNIM “has grown exponentially, so much so that the littoral countries of Ghana, Togo, and Benin view it as an existential threat.” Stig Jarle Hansen writes that “there are reasons to be optimistic that the current Somali offensive against al-Shabaab could enduringly weaken the group. The operations have gained momentum and demonstrated that the Somali army has made large improvements over the last decade. The use of local clan militias as well as U.S. and Turkish drone support have acted as force multipliers, and the Somali government is finally making a concerted effort to go after al-Shabaab’s income generation.” He argues that “what will be key is to erode al-Shabaab’s ability to infiltrate government-controlled areas and to govern, tax, and implement ‘justice’ in these areas. In the past, this has been crucial to al-Shabaab resilience and income. Accordingly, there needs to be more focus on a ‘clear and hold’ strategy rather than just ‘search and destroy.’”
Topic:
Counter-terrorism, Jihad, Al Shabaab, and Wagner Group
Political Geography:
Africa, Somalia, and Burkina Faso

165. The Guinea Worm, President Carter and Me: A Journey Through Health Diplomacy

Author:
Lisa Rotondo
Publication Date:
05-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
American Diplomacy
Institution:
American Diplomacy
Abstract:
In September 2001, just days before 9/11, I arrived in Pissila, Burkina Faso for my Peace Corps assignment. I was eager to get to work helping my new home community do surveillance for a neglected tropical disease (NTD) called dracunculiasis, or Guinea worm disease. As a Peace Corps Volunteer in rural Burkina Faso, I biked from village to village, asking community members if they were aware of anyone with Guinea worm disease, an infection that has impacted both humans and animals since ancient times. Thanks, in part, to the work of volunteers before me, I never actually saw a person with Guinea worm disease during my two years as a volunteer. Burkina Faso was on the brink of eliminating the disease, and I remember thinking that the children in my community would never know the word for Guinea worm in their language, Moorè; it would not be in their vocabulary because they would never have to worry about it. I’ve reflected on that more than once during my career in public health. Knowing that we are truly making diseases history has been the drive underlying my efforts for the last two decades.
Topic:
Diplomacy, Health, Memoir, and Public Health
Political Geography:
Africa, United States of America, and Burkina Faso

166. Coming to Grips with Poverty in Africa

Author:
Mark Wentling
Publication Date:
05-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
American Diplomacy
Institution:
American Diplomacy
Abstract:
Reducing poverty has been at the heart of U.S. foreign assistance in dozens of low-income countries for more than a half-century. Despite U.S. foreign policy objectives, much work, and hundreds of billions of assistance dollars expended, the poorest of the poor have not advanced. While some low-income countries have made some small progress, after decades of aid most are still in the bottom ranks of absolute poverty. All the countries in the Least Developed Country (LDC) category have more poor people than ever before. Thirty-seven of forty-seven of these LDC countries are in Africa. Although a handful of countries have graduated from LDC status, this disturbing ranking remains basically unchanged since the LDC list was established by the UN General Assembly in 1971. This unchanging list of extremely poor countries tells us that a better understanding of poverty is needed, especially in Africa, to make U.S assistance programs more effective. While Asian countries have made remarkable progress over the past 50 years in reducing the number of poor, the absolute number in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) continues to grow. People in SSA are more than twice as likely to live in poverty than in South Asia, the next poorest region in the world. The World Bank reported there were 284 million Africans living in extreme poverty in 1990; this number had risen to 433 million in 2018 and continues to rise. The percentage of the population living in poverty in SSA is slowly decreasing, but this decline is overcome by population growth. The COVID-19 pandemic pushed tens of millions of people below the poverty line of $1.90 per day. Climate change, rising crime, inflation, and violent conflict are forcing many more millions below this line. Governments that are unable to provide basic services and struggle to cope with high levels of national debt compound the problem. The 2030 UN targets for eradicating poverty will not be met.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Poverty, Foreign Aid, and COVID-19
Political Geography:
Africa

167. Doing More with Less, or a Stunt?

Author:
William Scott Harrop
Publication Date:
08-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
American Diplomacy
Institution:
American Diplomacy
Abstract:
Faced with inadequate funding, US embassies in the developing world regularly hear the refrain “Do More with Less.” In the late 1970’s, as ambassador to Guinea, I worked with the socialist/communist President Sekou Touré. He had banned commerce of any sort. As a result, Guinea must have been the only country in Africa without markets, without women seated behind mounds of nuts, vegetables and grains, without the bustle of trading activity. The countryside and villages of what had been a relativity prosperous French colony were dirt poor and unhappy. Sekou Touré blamed that on the Guinean people. He complained to me on one occasion: “I am fed up with my Guinean people. I tell them to work and produce for the good of everyone, not just their own families, and they won’t do it”! I refrained from replying that national collectivism might not be the best way to encourage productivity. This was at the height of the Cold War, and, partly as a consequence of his policies, Guinea hosted a Soviet mission of 1200 (sic!), which included engineers, mining and agricultural experts, medical advisors, railroad technicians and more. The Chinese mission, in competition with the Soviets, numbered 700, which included construction laborers engaged in erecting a splendid government center and theater. By contrast, my embassy had sixteen American staff members. How could our pint-size embassy possibly compete with the scale of presence of our Cold War adversaries? Well, in the 1970s USAID was providing a sum of $25,000 to every American ambassador to direct as he or she thought best to the development of their country of assignment. In traveling about Guinea, I had seen youth in every village playing the universal sport of soccer—but with a bag of rags, an old shoe, sometimes even a plastic bottle in place of a ball. So, I ordered $25,000 worth of soccer balls, each imprinted with the clasped hands of American aid. We were able to distribute one to each village and community in Guinea. Football field at dusk. Ball on the grass to lower right, players in silhouette against the sky.The distribution opened the door to a particularly African form of corruption. The minister of the interior was responsible for countrywide distribution. The minister could not resist the temptation to deliver a disproportionate number of soccer balls to his own tribal area. A national employee of the embassy, the member of a different tribe, learned of this misdemeanor and we were able (largely) to correct it. Some USAID officials in Washington complained that this was a “stunt”, not economic development. But no other expenditure of $25,000 could possibly have drawn more attention and gratitude to the United States.End.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, and Memoir
Political Geography:
Africa and Guinea

168. The Battles of Bangui

Author:
June Carter Perry
Publication Date:
08-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
American Diplomacy
Institution:
American Diplomacy
Abstract:
Sitting at my desk in March 1996, with a large picture window behind me, in my role as deputy chief of mission in Bangui—the capital of the Central African Republic (CAR)—it seemed a normal lunch hour. Several people had left the chancery, including the ambassador and the consular officer. The silence of the moment was suddenly broken when the country’s then president, Ange-Felix Patasse, called. In French, he asked first for the ambassador, but since she was away, he spoke to me and uttered one line: “Madame, the soldiers are on the move,” and hung up. Seconds later I heard the crack of gunshots and fell to the floor, far from the picture window. I knew the shots were close. Grabbing my cellphone, I called the State Department’s operations center to give a quick brief. The officer who answered was a woman who had been in my entering Foreign Service class. “Vonda,” I said, “I’m calling you from the floor of my office. The military here is beginning to attack the government and we have shots in the embassy area.” She responded that she’d write up a brief for the secretary of state immediately and told me to call back as soon as safe to do so. My first reaction was not one of fright, but to go into reporting mode: “start a log if there’s a crisis.” I did so on yellow legal paper, aiming to capture every shot or movement. About five minutes later, the consular office ran into my office, hair askew, his normally placid, serious demeanor mutated into one of fear. He couldn’t get home to his wife and children. Manned barricades of soldiers with AK-47’s barred access to the diplomatic residential section located along the winding Bangui River Road separating the CAR from the Congo. I instructed him to grab the list of all American citizens registered with the embassy so they could be told of the dangerous situation and advised to stay in place until further notified. All this happened like clockwork; I don’t remember feeling anything except the need to get the job done. That is, I must notify Washington (check), start the log (check), and find the ambassador (check). Fortunately, she too came running into the secured area. Her chauffeur caught wind of the fighting as soon as they had begun traveling. All of this transpired within 15-20 minutes of the president’s call. I knew that I next had to draft a reporting cable and call our country desk officer at the State Department. All of this was automatic. Just like our colleagues in the military, we diplomats undergo stringent training for the unexpected, the sudden coups, natural disasters or civil wars that might occur anywhere in the world. Knowing this methodology intellectually is one thing; having it occur on your watch, another. But my mind, body, fingers, and voice flew into action without a second thought. On automatic, brain and body doing the necessary. Since my secretary’s residence was located before the barricaded road, she had been able to rush back as well. I began dictating the log to her, referencing my legal pad, and then adding the analysis for Washington, in this case for the National Security Council, the Defense Department, intelligence agencies, our United Nations mission, as well as for our allies in Europe, Africa and Asia. All would want to know, as they had vested interests on the continent, and the potential of any conflict bleeding over into a threatening environment for their citizens was always a fear.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, and Memoir
Political Geography:
Africa and Central African Republic

169. I Didn’t Join the French Foreign Legion, but It Helped Rescue Me in Chad

Author:
James R. Bullington
Publication Date:
11-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
American Diplomacy
Institution:
American Diplomacy
Abstract:
In talks on the Foreign Service, I’ve often told this story about the reaction back home to my new career: After several months of training in Washington, I visited Chattanooga over the July 4, 1963, holiday. At a barbeque hosted by my parents, people were curious about what I was doing since I had graduated from college. “Why, I’ve joined the Foreign Service,” I proudly announced to the first couple that asked. Their eyes widened and their jaws dropped in consternation. “Now why in HAIL would yew go and do a thaing like that?” asked the husband. Further conversation revealed that they mistook the Foreign Service for the Foreign Legion (about which they had recently seen some old Hollywood movies on TV), and they couldn’t imagine why I would want to go and fight for the French army in the Sahara Desert. Among my parents’ friends and neighbors, the American Foreign Service was totally unknown, but most Americans were familiar with the French Foreign Legion because of numerous movies about it from the 1920s through the 1960s. The most notable was Beau Geste, released in 1939.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Civil War, Diplomacy, and Memoir
Political Geography:
Africa and Chad

170. HIV, the Legacy of America’s Response, and Lessons for Future Outbreaks

Author:
Alisha Smith-Arthur
Publication Date:
11-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
American Diplomacy
Institution:
American Diplomacy
Abstract:
As I stood in line (safety distanced) to receive a COVID test before returning home to the US after a trip to Cote d’Ivoire in 2022, I was able to see and reflect upon the enduring legacy of the American public health diplomacy effort to fight the global pandemic of HIV. The testing site had the unmistakable dual-flag PEPFAR (The President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, announced by George W. Bush in 2003) logo outside, indicating that the testing equipment (and likely the training for the personnel inside) came via a PEPFAR project. I’ve seen similar stamps on rural labs and remote health posts across the countries I’ve worked in (as well as on the airport welcome signs of many a friendly health worker who has readily included me in their work), and it always serves to remind me of the common goals we are working towards in these health diplomacy projects.
Topic:
HIV/AIDS, Diplomacy, Public Health, and COVID-19
Political Geography:
Africa, North America, and United States of America

171. Don't Ask, Don't Tell: Approaches to Ethnicity in the Ethiopian and Rwandan Peacebuilding Processes

Author:
Madeline Moreno
Publication Date:
05-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Public and International Affairs (JPIA)
Institution:
School of Public and International Affairs (SPIA), Princeton University
Abstract:
In the aftermath of the 1994 Rwandan Genocide, Rwandan President Paul Kagame banned people from sharing their ethnic identity. While many Western leaders have praised Kagame for ushering in a new era of peace and prosperity after the genocide, activists have cautioned that Kagame’s approach has significant drawbacks for the civil liberties of Rwandans. After their own ethnic conflict, Ethiopia took an approach opposite to Rwanda’s, choosing to divide the country into ethnically federated states. Given that both sub-Saharan African states experienced ethnic conflict in the 1990s and developed starkly different approaches to conflict management, comparing the two makes for an interesting case study. This paper evaluates Rwanda’s and Ethiopia’s approaches to ethnic conflict management by examining how effective they were at curbing the resurgence of violence. In addition to direct violence, this paper will examine political rights and civil liberties to measure the mitigation of structural violence, or structural inequalities between groups. The Uppsala Conflict Data Programme (UCDP) database is used to measure the resurgence of direct violence, while Freedom House’s Freedom in the World reports on political rights and civil liberties are used to measure structural violence.
Topic:
Genocide, Ethnicity, Post-Conflict, Peacebuilding, and Structural Violence
Political Geography:
Africa, Ethiopia, and Rwanda

172. How does the level of success of a transition of power impact Foreign Direct Investment in African countries?

Author:
Maria Fossas, Jack Moore, and Alexandra Tomlinson
Publication Date:
05-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Public and International Affairs (JPIA)
Institution:
School of Public and International Affairs (SPIA), Princeton University
Abstract:
Transitions of power mark an inflection point in any society. They come about in all forms—elections, successions, coups, and conflicts—but in each case, it is an instance of a country embarking on a new path. In the field of development economics, it is thus essential to understand how the level of success of these power transitions impact the development of the nation. Specifically, the authors of this paper set out to determine to what extent change in foreign direct investment flows can be explained by the level of success of a transition of power. We conclude that maintaining or increasing good governance practices during a transition of power is a significant explanatory factor for changes in Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and discuss the potential policy implications.
Topic:
Development, Economics, Foreign Direct Investment, Governance, and Transition of Power
Political Geography:
Africa

173. Supporting Female Farming Cooperatives: The Smart Choice for the African Development Bank

Author:
Henry Adlam
Publication Date:
05-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Public and International Affairs (JPIA)
Institution:
School of Public and International Affairs (SPIA), Princeton University
Abstract:
Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) faces significant challenges in agricultural productivity, with cereal yields far below the global average. Despite improvements in other regions, absolute poverty has increased in SSA over the past three decades. The COVID-19 pandemic further highlighted weaknesses in the region's food security system, exacerbated by pre-existing structural issues. This paper emphasizes the importance of empowering women in agriculture, as they constitute a substantial portion of the agricultural labor force in SSA and play a vital role in food production. However, women encounter gender-specific constraints in addition to systemic challenges. Recognizing these issues, the paper proposes that the African Development Bank (AfDB) prioritize female-centric agricultural cooperatives in its strategy, aiming to improve agricultural productivity, empower women, and achieve Sustainable Development Goals. While some multilateral and bilateral initiatives exist, a comprehensive continent-wide program is lacking. The AfDB's agro-industrial strategy, Feed Africa, provides an opportunity to support farming cooperatives, with a specific focus on female empowerment. Despite some existing investments in female farming cooperatives, the AfDB should allocate more resources to help them realize their full potential. The paper highlights the need to bridge the investment gap between large-scale projects and cooperative support, emphasizing the importance of a strategic vision beyond mere productivity improvement and calling for concerted efforts to improve gender equality and enhance agricultural productivity through female-centric cooperatives in Africa.
Topic:
Agriculture, Development, Poverty, Women, Farming, Cooperatives, and African Development Bank (AfDB)
Political Geography:
Africa

174. A Tale of Two Jihads: Unraveling the Atrocities of Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS) and Jama'at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) in the Sahel

Author:
Frederick Appiah Afriyie
Publication Date:
06-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy International Relations
Institution:
Postgraduate Program in International Strategic Studies, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
Abstract:
The Sahel area of West Africa has become the latest battleground for Al-Qaeda affiliated Jama`at Nusrat Al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) and the Islamic State affiliated Islamic State in the Greater Sahel (ISGS). This piece as far as possible identifies the heightened atrocities perpetuated by both groups in the Sahel region. With little or no doubt, the strategies and ascendancy in atrocities orchestrated by the JNIM and ISGS could be largely hypothesized to have negative implications for Africa’s Sahel region (Chad, Mali, Niger and Mauritania). As a matter of concern, the paper confirms the said hypothesis and finds that the activities of the two Jihad-descent groups poses adverse security, social and political ramifications for the Sahel region and even beyond. With the theory of deprivation as the undergirding framework, the work explores how lack of basic needs and legitimate entitlements of citizens have catalyzed the dominance of JNIM and ISGS in the Sahel. Aside discussing the formation, trends of events, atrocities and strategies of JNIM and ISGS, the paper advances for a swift, action-oriented and collective efforts of governments within the Sahel region. In order to restore Sahel’s stability, increased security collaboration and strengthening the tenets of good governance are some worthwhile recommendations postulated.
Topic:
Security, Non State Actors, Violent Extremism, Islamic State, Jihad, Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS), and Jama'at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM)
Political Geography:
Africa, Sahel, and Sahara

175. The Belt and Road Initiative and the Mega Infrastructure Investments in Africa

Author:
Amabilly Bonacina and Mamoudou Gazibo
Publication Date:
06-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy International Relations
Institution:
Postgraduate Program in International Strategic Studies, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
Abstract:
This article seeks to analyze the Sino-African relations and in particular the Belt and Road Initiative investments through the study of deviant cases. Using the cases of interrupted cooperation agreements in Sierra Leone and Tanzania under the initiative, this article argues that the interruption is caused mainly by the nature of the projects which make them vulnerable to changes in domestic politics. To explain this, we propose the concept of presidential megaprojects.
Topic:
Development, Treaties and Agreements, Infrastructure, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and Investment
Political Geography:
Africa, China, Tanzania, and Sierra Leone

176. Contemporary British Policy in Africa

Author:
Alisa Shishkina and Nikolay Medushevskiy
Publication Date:
12-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy International Relations
Institution:
Postgraduate Program in International Strategic Studies, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
Abstract:
The subject of this article is UK policy in Africa in the last historical period. The starting point of the study is 1997, when Anthony Blair became the new Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, who, after a long pause, proposed a new approach to political interaction with African states. It was from this moment that African issues became one of the stable vectors of state policy and appeared as a complex sphere of Britain's activities in the international arena. Within the framework of the study, a historical-problematic research method was also used to analyze the evolution of African policy under different cabinets of ministers in the period from 1997 to 2021 in a single complex of historical, political and economic conditions and in the context of general changes in the international situation. The main events by which the dynamics of changes in UK policy towards African countries can be tracked have been considered in this article. The authors came to the conclusion that the UK has not yet achieved a clear approach to interaction with African countries. As a result, the unstable course of cooperation set by Blair continues to maintain its relevance and determines bilateral policy in a rapidly changing global space.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, International Cooperation, History, Bilateral Relations, and Geopolitics
Political Geography:
Africa and United Kingdom

177. We Downplayed the Signs of Peace, Then Downplayed the Signs of War

Author:
Yossi Alpher
Publication Date:
09-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Cairo Review of Global Affairs
Institution:
School of Global Affairs and Public Policy, American University in Cairo
Abstract:
The October War came as a shock to the Israeli leadership and security community. Their failure to take Sadat’s peace approaches and the imminent threat of war seriously led to changes to both the regional and domestic Israeli political landscapes
Topic:
History, Armed Conflict, Israeli–Palestinian Conflict, 1973 War, and Moshe Dayan
Political Geography:
Africa, Middle East, Palestine, and Egypt

178. Fighting From the Bottom Up: Community Mobilisation as a Viable Strategy in Combating Banditry in Nigeria

Author:
Tope Shola Akinyetun
Publication Date:
10-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
The incidence of banditry in Nigeria has attracted enormous attention in scholarship, with writers paying attention to the causes of the security impasse and its effect on securitisation, development and national cohesion. Despite the attention garnered, banditry in Nigeria appears to be growing deadlier, especially in the northwest, where it has reportedly killed more than 20 000 people in the last ten years, demanded millions of dollars in ransom, and displaced millions of people after destroying villages. These gangs, which initially only targeted rural areas, have significantly increased their operations to include major cities, interstates, and infrastructure, including train lines and military targets, and their tactics have progressed to include the use of powerful weapons, such as anti-aircraft missiles and explosives.1 Bandits are notorious for abducting schoolchildren and attacking educational facilities. For instance, over 2 600 citizens were slain by armed bandit groups in 2021, an increase of more than 250% from the previous year. At least 360 people were killed by bandits in Kaduna State alone between January and March 2022. More than 100 people were killed on 10 April during attacks on numerous communities in the Kanam Local Government Area, Plateau State.2 The root causes of banditry include poverty, youth unemployment, climate change, bad governance, corruption and the lack of adequate security protection for vulnerable communities.3 The proliferation of small and light weapons, a weak security infrastructure, inadequate leadership, cattle rustling, herder-farmer conflict, and illicit mining operations in the North West are further contributing factors for banditry. In addition to the human cost of banditry, it has a significant economic impact on the country. Banditry and other forms of armed violence cost the Nigerian economy billions of dollars each year. The problem is likely to continue to grow unless effective measures are implemented to address it. Efforts to address the problem of banditry in Nigeria have included both military and nonmilitary approaches. The Nigerian government deployed troops to affected areas and implemented economic and development programmes in an attempt to reduce poverty and provide alternatives to banditry. However, these efforts have yielded mixed results, and the problem persists. Some experts have argued that a more comprehensive and multifaceted approach is needed to address the root causes of banditry in Nigeria and effectively combat the problem. This could include increased investment in law enforcement and the criminal justice system, promoting economic development and reducing poverty, as well as efforts to prioritise community mobilisation.
Topic:
Vigilantism, Mobilization, Community Initiatives, and Bandits
Political Geography:
Africa and Nigeria

179. National dialogue – a tool for conflict prevention in Eswatini

Author:
Craig Moffat
Publication Date:
08-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
As the Kingdom of Eswatini plans to deal with the consequences of pro-democracy protests and the continued calls for the establishment of a national dialogue seemingly going unanswered, it may be an opportune time to examine what type of national dialogue would benefit the country. It has been over a year since King Mswati III agreed to the Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) leaders’ proposal to ensure conditions are conducive for setting up a national dialogue. National dialogues are becoming an increasingly popular tool for conflict resolution, and in the case of Eswatini, political transformation. In recent years, we have witnessed several attempts to conduct national dialogues as critical tools in the prevention of conflict and for managing political crises and transitions in the SADC region. By agreeing to undertake this political process, it increases the potential for a more meaningful engagement as it increases participation beyond that of the political elites, while also creating a platform for deeper discussions to formulate solutions to the crisis. This paper examines and proposes the type of national dialogue best suited to bring together the conflicting parties and bring an end to the political protests and violence.
Topic:
Conflict Prevention, Negotiation, and National Dialogue
Political Geography:
Africa and Eswatini

180. Understanding and managing conflicts in the arid and semi-arid areas of Kenya: the case of Samburu County

Author:
Kelvin Lekapua
Publication Date:
10-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
This article examines the undercurrents that shape the increasingly destructive conflicts in Samburu county, which is part of the Arid and Semi-Arid Land (ASAL) regions of Kenya. Over the last decade, the county has experienced ongoing conflict exacerbated by various factors. Samburu county is one of the 47 county governments of Kenya that lies within the ASAL region. It covers an estimated area of 21 022 square kilometres and is geographically bordered by Marsabit (Northeast), Turkana (Northwest), Isiolo (East), Laikipia (South) and Baringo (Southwest) counties.1 It is constituted of three sub-counties, namely, Samburu West, Samburu East and Samburu North, which are further subdivided into 15 wards.2 The majority of the communities therein practice nomadic pastoralism, with only a few engaging in agro-pastoralism as a means of livelihood. Over the last decade, Samburu county has continued to manifest unabated intercommunal conflicts. This is attributed to many factors, including the availability and misuse of small arms, inaccessible terrain, ungoverned spaces, struggle for scarce natural resources, intercommunal raiding, revenge and retaliatory attacks, harsh climatic conditions, and political incitements, among others. The persistent conflicts have been detrimental to the local economy and polarised intercommunal relations. Interventions to deal with the conflict, including through the deployment of security forces, have remained limited because they have largely been reactive and do not often address the root causes of the conflict, which are related to the structural conditions of underdevelopment and broken relationships. This article sets out to understand the nature, actors and issues that underpin the teetering conflicts in Samburu county. The aim is to suggest viable policy responses that may deal with the root causes of conflict and help address the local needs of the different communities in the county.
Topic:
Security, Governance, Economy, Conflict, Peace, and Livelihoods
Political Geography:
Kenya and Africa

181. Interrogating the legality, appropriateness and sustainability of vigilantism against migrants in South Africa

Author:
Charity Mawire and Clayton Hazvinei Vhumbunu
Publication Date:
10-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
Since mid-2021, in the period preceding the run-up to the South African Municipal Elections that took place on 1 November 2021 to elect councils for district, metropolitan and local municipalities, South Africa experienced a rise of vigilantism against migrants and anti-immigration activism. Vigilantism against migrants and anti-immigration activism existed before 1994 and in the post-apartheid era, and it has often resulted in, or triggered, xenophobic attacks and xenophobic violence. However, it is the emergence of anti-immigration groups that has given rise to some community members, especially in urban areas, conducting vigils aimed at enforcing the country’s immigration laws and labour laws relating to the employment of foreign nationals. The communities are also focused on enforcing compliance with municipal by-laws on the regulation, control and licencing required for hiring and use of municipal premises and facilities for trading by foreign nationals, and the Foodstuffs, Cosmetics and Disinfectants (FCD) Act 54 of 1972 together with public health regulations relating to the alleged selling of expired, contaminated, unsafe, unhygienic or counterfeit food and food products by foreign nationals mostly operating spazas or small shops. Anti-immigration groups include Operation ‘Dudula’, the social media-based Put South Africa First Movement, the South Africa First Party, and All Truck Drivers Foundation (ATDF), among others. Vigilantism against migrants in South Africa rose in intensity, scale and scope in the first quarter of 2022, reaching disturbing levels on 7 April 2022, when a Zimbabwean national living in South Africa, Elvis Mbodazwe Banajo Nyathi, was brutally assaulted and burnt to death in the Johannesburg township of Diepsloot.1 As vigilante groups continue to engage in anti-migrant activism and grow their grassroots support and geographical and regional coverage, this paper seeks to interrogate the legality, appropriateness and sustainability of vigilantism against migrants in South Africa. The analysis adds to the ongoing mainstream debate on illegal migration in South Africa.
Topic:
Security, Crime, Discrimination, Xenophobia, Peace, Stigmatization, and Migrants
Political Geography:
Africa and South Africa

182. The APRM as a tool for preventing and mitigating domestic protests

Author:
Nkanyiso Goodnews Simelane
Publication Date:
10-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
In the past five years, Africa has experienced increasingly more complex conflicts, requiring multi-dimensional approaches to enhance and consolidate the responses of states, Regional Economic Communities and Mechanisms (RECs/Ms), and the African Union (AU). Peace and security issues often interlock with those of governance, and in many respects, governance issues are the root causes of most threats to peace and security. One of the peace and security areas that have become increasingly more complex for states to deal with internally is local and national protest. Protests have become more frequent on the African continent.1 While there are various causes attributed to the increase in protest action, most of them emanate from governance shortfalls in Africa. Protests are an important avenue for citizens to relay domestic grievances, but they can pose a security threat when these issues go unaddressed for prolonged periods. Among other things, tools to detect and, therefore, respond timeously to emerging conflicts are necessary for countries to address governance issues to prevent the frequency and intensity of protests. In this regard, the AU has recognised the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) as an early warning tool for conflict prevention in the context of its harmony and synergy with the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) and the African Governance Architecture (AGA).2 This emphasises the nexus between governance and peace and security. The Peace and Security Council (PSC) further acknowledges the importance of the APRM as an effective mechanism for promoting conflict prevention by contributing to addressing structural root causes of conflicts that relate to governance.3 This article aims to assess the APRM Country Review Reports (CRRs) as early warning tools for identifying, preventing, mitigating, and addressing governance issues that cause, and arise from, domestic protests. Therefore, it looks at three APRM CRRs produced from 2018 to identify early warnings which can be linked to protests. Moreover, it will analyse the extent to which these early warnings were used in the domestic context of the member countries reviewed during this period, with a view to preventing or responding to local and national protests.
Topic:
Security, Governance, Protests, and Peace
Political Geography:
Africa

183. Characteristics and efficacy of I4P in Southern Africa

Author:
Oita Etyang and Tunji Namaiko
Publication Date:
10-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
Compared to other regions, Southern Africa has been considered peaceful for a period of time. The relative peace experienced in the region has partly been attributed to the late decolonisation experience and the existence of strong regional institutions, such as the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC), that have midwifed and quelled potential threats to peace and security. Certainly, SADC has established and operationalised peace and security organs that strategically intervene in cases of destabilisation in the region,1 including militarily in some countries. For instance, military forces under the ambit of SADC were deployed in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Lesotho. More recently, forces were deployed by the region to quell the insurgency in Cabo Delgado in Mozambique.2 SADC has also intervened in member states to assuage political crises, as recently experienced in Eswatini where the SADC Troika was seized with this matter. Suffice it to mention that while the SADC intervention in Eswatini prevented the situation from escalating further, the root causes of political tensions remain salient. Despite the efforts outlined above, the emergence of conflict, violent demonstrations and riots experienced in some countries in this region, including Zimbabwe (2013, 2018), Zambia (2016), Eswatini (2021) and Madagascar (2020/2022), coupled with the evolving peace and security threats, such as armed insurgency, governance deficit, economic downturn, vagaries of climate change and the lack of economic development, have triggered an academic and policy appetite on the nature and efficacy of Infrastructure for Peace (I4P) in the region. Secondly, discussions on the subject area have predominantly focused on security apparatus, with little attention to other non-state-centric I4P. This article, therefore, interrogates the status of I4P within the Southern African region. Specifically, it unpacks their characteristics and roles in peace building, conflict prevention, conflict management, community cohesion and integration. The article goes further to highlight the challenges that I4P face in executing their respective mandates.
Topic:
Conflict, Protests, Destabilization, Peacebuilding, and Infrastructure for Peace (I4P)
Political Geography:
Africa and South Africa

184. CEWARN’s Strategy Framework and Civil Society Partnership: Lessons for early-warning and response systems

Author:
Michael Aeby
Publication Date:
11-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
After focusing on pastoralist conflicts in three cross-border areas for ten years, the Conflict Early Warning and Response Network (CEWARN) adopted an ambitious new Strategy Framework in 2012. The strategy transformed CEWARN into a system to detect and respond timeously to the potential escalation of violent conflicts that may be triggered by economic, environmental, governance, security and social matters in all member states of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD).1 Besides expanding the thematic and geographical range, the strategy enhanced CEWARN’s partnership with civil society, which was initiated by the pioneering CEWARN Protocol in 2002.2 This article reviews the implementation of CEWARN’s partner-ships with civil society organisations (CSOs) for data collection, analysis and response under the current Strategy Framework. It identifies outstanding challenges and lessons for (inter)governmental conflict early-warning and response systems (CEWRS).
Topic:
Security, Civil Society, Crisis Management, Peace, and Early Warning
Political Geography:
Africa

185. ECOWAS and the management of political transitions in Mali, Guinea and Burkina Faso: Adopting a three-dimensional approach for stability and sustainable democracy and development

Author:
Mubin Adewumi Bakare
Publication Date:
11-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
According to the Secretary General of the United Nations (UN), Antonio Guterres, 2021 was a year marked by ‘an epidemic’ of coups.1 The Economist noted that 2021 saw more coups than the previous five years combined.2 Scrutinising the data further reveals that the West African region experienced the largest number of military coups, both successful and failed, during 2021 and 2022. There were four successful coups d’état in Mali, Guinea and Burkina Faso, and failed coup attempts and mutiny in Niger and Guinea Bissau between March 2021 to January 2022. This democratic reversal portends political instability, and its attendant economic consequences for the ECOWAS are concerning considering the developmental agenda of the region.3 The focus of this article is examining measures for strengthening democratic transitions in Mali, Guinea and Burkina Faso by analysing responses at the national, regional and international levels to ensure rapid restoration of constitutional order. It begins by reviewing the experience of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in supporting democratic transition in the region, while stressing and recognising the interlinkages between defence, development and peacebuilding in laying the foundation for democratisation, peace and sustainable development. The article will advance certain policy prescriptions that entail long-term investments by the international community, and regional and civil society actors in West Africa in the areas of defence, development and peacebuilding, as part of a comprehensive support towards successful democratic transition in the affected countries.
Topic:
Development, Politics, Democracy, Transition, and ECOWAS
Political Geography:
Africa, Mali, Guinea, and Burkina Faso

186. Military coup in Niger: The legacies of colonialism and the US War on Terror in West Africa

Author:
Christopher Zambakari
Publication Date:
11-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
Niger is nearly 500 000 square miles of landlocked country bordered by no less than seven neighbouring states. It is a country saddled with a history of military interventions. However, most recently, under the leadership of President Mohamed Bazoum, it has been regarded as a ‘model of stability’ and ‘model of democracy’ in a region marred by political instability.1 Bazoum’s election in 2021 and the subsequent peaceful transition of power raised expectations of democratic rule and a renewed commitment to good governance. However, the military coup shattered those prospects and exposed the fragility of democracy in West Africa. In the current political upheaval, the key players include not just the domestic military forces, but also international powers. A legacy of French colonialism and the US Global War on Terror looms large over the region, casting its shadow on a complex narrative.2 However, the militarised ambitions of both regional and global actors prevail in West Africa and Niger again is caught in the crosshairs. As one considers the nuances of the situation, two compelling questions emerge: How has the militarisation of West Africa, explored through the lens of the War on Terror, set the stage for the recent coup in Niger, and what does this upheaval signify for the future of the region?3 Amidst the shifts in power, a closer examination of conflict connections and motivations reveals hidden agendas, geopolitical strategic moves, and the struggle for control in Niger.
Topic:
Geopolitics, Colonialism, War on Terror, Coup, and ECOWAS
Political Geography:
Africa, Niger, and United States of America

187. Pursuing peace and reconciliation in a post-atrocity society: A case study of transitional justice in Burundi

Author:
Isidore Nsengiyumva
Publication Date:
11-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
In recent memory, no single year has catapulted Burundi into the spotlight more than the 20151 events when demonstrators and mass protesters took to the streets to protest the third term of then-President Pierre Nkurunziza. In the heat of the violent protests, some senior military officials, along with the police attempted a coup on 13 May 2015. Many in the international community and peacebuilding world feared a full-out civil war and a resurgence in sustained acts of violence that would plunge the country into chaos. They raised concerns that these events would seriously affect the peace gains obtained through the use of hard security approaches, such as the involvement of successive African Union (AU) and United Nations (UN) peacekeeping forces, and soft security approaches, such as reforming the security sector and pursuing lasting peace and reconciliation. Despite a political malaise in the aftermath of 2015, the dire predictions for Burundi did not come to pass. Fast forward to 2023, Burundi is charting a new path for lasting peace through truth-telling, reconciliation and transitional justice following cyclic violent conflicts that have victimised thousands of Burundians. The ongoing peace and reconciliation processes in Burundi have garnered little attention from researchers. Modelled after the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), the Burundi Government instituted a National Truth and Reconciliation Commission (NTRC) in 2014 by presidential decree. Since 2021, the NTRC has carried out investigations into human rights violations committed between 1972 and 1973 and other events surrounding arbitrary arrests, extrajudicial killings, assassinations, and unlawful trials from the 1960s up to 1971.2 In addition to the investigations on the 1960s and early 1970s, the NTRC has the general mandate to investigate all gross human rights violations and war crimes perpetrated between 26 February 1985 and 4 December 2008. The Commission is further tasked with establishing both individual and collective responsibility by ordinary citizens and state actors in mass atrocity events. The creation of the NTRC was met with reservation and mixed views from some in the media and political circles in Burundi who feared the Commission would serve the interests of the ruling political elite and not necessarily lead to truth that unites and reconciles. Due to the political crisis in 2015, the programme of the NTRC was temporarily put to a halt and resumed with sustained momentum in 2018. Ever since, the NTRC has been conducting numerous field trips across the country to uncover the truth and aid individuals and communities alike in healing from the deep wounds of the past. The NTRC was tasked with shedding light on pre-colonial and post-colonial events of political violence and how the successive events have contributed to contemporary socio-political dynamics in Burundi.
Topic:
Transitional Justice, Youth, Peace, and Reconciliation
Political Geography:
Africa and Burundi

188. Mutiny as dialogue: Interrogating the rank-and-file complaints and revolt in the Nigerian counter-insurgency campaign

Author:
Patrick Afamefune Ikem
Publication Date:
11-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
For over a decade, the Nigerian State has been confronting the ravaging insurgency perpetrated by Boko Haram and its splinter group, the Islamic State of West African Province (ISWAP), which has been responsible for about 350 000 deaths, and the displacement of over 2.3 million people.1 It is estimated that over 15 million people have been affected by the insurgency and counterinsurgency (COIN) operations in North-East Nigeria.2 The activities of these groups, coupled with the recent armed banditry, have triggered one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world.3 Unfortunately, the police mandated to handle internal security have, since the commencement of the insurgency, been overstretched and overwhelmed due to poor training and inadequate funding. Because of the combined effects of the Boko Haram insurgency, banditry, kidnappings, separatist agitations, ethno-religious conflicts, and the farmer-herder crisis, the Nigerian military has been drafted to play a frontline role in quelling the multifarious security crises in the country. This situation, among others, has largely marked the overwhelming engagement of the Nigerian army in internal security operations. However, some analysts and scholars have posited the danger of an expansive role of the military in the ongoing fight against counterinsurgency, claiming that it may threaten civil-military relations.4 Recently, Nigeria’s Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), General Lucky Irabor, stated that 80% of the country’s armed forces are presently engaged in internal security operations in all 36 states of the federation. This suggests, as several analysts have highlighted, that the Nigerian military has essentially taken over internal security, which is largely within the purview of police service.5
Topic:
Counterinsurgency, Boko Haram, Dialogue, and Military
Political Geography:
Africa and Nigeria

189. Climate Change and Natural Resource Conflict in ECOWAS and ECCAS Regions: Implications for State Security Forces

Author:
Freedom Onuoha, Oluwole Ojewale, and Joseph Chukwunonso Akogwu
Publication Date:
12-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
Climate change has emerged as the imminent threat to national security in many regions of the world. Nowhere is this reality more acute than in West and Central Africa where surging population growth, rising urbanisation, persistent environmental degradation, emergence of violent extremist organisations and weak state capacity have created a perfect storm of insecurity. It is against this backdrop that this article examines the nexus and dynamics of climate change and natural resource conflicts in ECOWAS and ECCAS regions, with a view to highlighting its security implications. This study notes that climate change contributes to increased conflict, but along indirect pathways. Across the two regions, climate change is experienced through rising temperatures, droughts and destructive floods, which greatly undermine people’s well-being and compound the fragility of states. This calls for the capacitation of state security forces through orientation and training that foster good understanding of the complex relationship between climate change, peace and security. The study concludes by offering strategic recommendations and policy directions to effectively tackle the climate change and natural resource conflict challenges in the contiguous regions.
Topic:
Security, Climate Change, Environment, Natural Resources, Conflict, and ECOWAS
Political Geography:
Africa and Sahel

190. Building Peace from the Grassroots with Informal Peace Infrastructures: Experience from Ojoo Community, Ibadan, Nigeria

Author:
Oseremen Felix Irene
Publication Date:
12-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
One of the greatest resources for promoting peacebuilding and sustaining peace in the long term is always rooted in people and their culture. Bearing this in mind is a major step towards addressing domestic violence, intimate partner violence, disputes over land ownership and challenges associated with weak social cohesion that plague Ibadan, Nigeria. This study explores the contributions of informal peace committees (IPCs) as informal peace infrastructures (IPIs) in responding to the menace and powering peacebuilding from below in the local setting of Ojoo, Ibadan, where the study was conducted. The qualitative study adopts participatory action research design. It uses purposive sampling techniques and sourced primary data from individual interviews, focus group discussions, observation and diarising. Twenty respondents were interviewed and three focus group discussions were conducted for the study with a view to collecting primary data. Although IPIs also have their own weaknesses, the study revealed that local peace infrastructures, such as IPCs are resourceful and effective in addressing multiple threats, including domestic and intimate partner violence, disputes over land ownership, weak social cohesion and building peace from below. The study further revealed that IPCs can be sustainable if established through collaborative efforts in the affected community at a grassroots level with a sense of shared ownership, feelings of inclusiveness and project legitimacy.
Topic:
Infrastructure, Peacebuilding, and Grassroots Organizing
Political Geography:
Africa and Nigeria

191. Regionalism and the Fight Against Terrorism in Southern Africa: Reflections on Cabo Delgado in Mozambique

Author:
Alexander Madanha Rusero and Kudzai Arnold Maisiri
Publication Date:
12-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
Post-independence Africa has often depicted Southern Africa as a formidable region spared by the calamities of Islamic insurgencies and terrorism. However, unfolding events in the last five years have demonstrated the limitation of SADC to terrorism exceptionalism. A combination of relatively weak states perpetuating poor regionalism, ethnic and religious diversity, poverty and the existence of the ‘ungoverned space’ are possible explanations in making the region a suitable habitat for insurgency groups. The recent invasion by terrorists of Cabo Delgado province in Mozambique has been a critical cause for concern for the stability of the region. The military intervention of the Southern African Development Community Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM) and Rwanda presents an opportunity for academics to explore regional prospects for peace and security. This paper uses insights gained from a qualitative study on terrorism, counterterrorism and regionalism to investigate the concept of regional security cooperation in the SADC region and the authenticity of institutional responses in Northern Mozambique. The study concludes that the launch of the SAMIM, despite several obstacles, represents a step in the right direction. More so, creating durable security institutions is the starting point towards realising meaningful regional security cooperation, which guarantees feasible regional economic integration.
Topic:
Terrorism, Insurgency, Counter-terrorism, and Regionalism
Political Geography:
Africa, Mozambique, and Cabo Delgado

192. The Role of the Judiciary in the Resolution of Intra-Party Conflicts in Lesotho

Author:
Mamello Rakolobe and Hoolo 'Nyane
Publication Date:
12-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
Political parties play an integral role in modern democracies and are legitimate platforms of contestation for state power. Despite the vital role that political parties play in democratisation, they are often prone to internal disputes. Their internal processes, such as conferences, elections, decision-making and deployments, are often subject to contestation. Conflicts are inherent in political contestation in general and in political parties, in particular. Hence, political parties have several mechanisms for dispute resolution, one of which is the referral of disputes to the courts of law. The role of the courts in internal political party disputes is a double-edged sword. While a court provides an independent platform for resolving disputes, it lacks reconciliatory attributes. After court intervention, many political parties often break up into smaller parties or experience major defections. This phenomenon is more pronounced in Lesotho than elsewhere. Ever since the return to electoral democracy in 1993, the role of the courts in internal party disputes has increased phenomenally. However, instead of achieving cohesion and internal stability, political parties have experienced splits, exacerbated conflicts or significant defections after the referral of their internal disputes to the courts. This raises the question of whether the courts are the appropriate mechanism for resolving internal political conflicts. This article investigates this question.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Elections, Democracy, Violence, Judiciary, and Civil Unrest
Political Geography:
Africa and Lesotho

193. Developmental States in Africa: The Mauritian Miracle

Author:
Anwar Seman Kedir
Publication Date:
04-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Academic Inquiries
Institution:
Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:
A developmental state is both a theoretical construct and a description of the political economy of certain nations, primarily in East Asia, over a specified time period. Theoretically, a developmental state is a particular type of state with a high degree of autonomy and solid institutional competence, allowing it to undertake a series of effective state-interventionist policies in pursuit of developmental objectives. Statism and state autonomy underpin the conceptual framework of the developmental state. The developmental state defied the neoclassical orthodoxy in development economics. Despite lacking the attributes of the mainstream neoclassical consensus in development economics and facing an uphill battle from such institutions, developmental states in various regions of the world have achieved high levels of economic growth. This study seeks to investigate the developmental state trajectories of Mauritius in relation to vital elements of developmental states. In an effort to do so, this study poses the following question: "What accounts for Mauritius' development state success in Africa?". By looking at the link between institutional building and economic performance, the study finds that Mauritius has replicated key developmental state institutions, including embedded and autonomous bureaucracy, making it one of Africa’s most successful developmental states.
Topic:
Development, International Political Economy, and Intervention
Political Geography:
Africa and Mauritius

194. Analysis of Foreign Trade Between Türkiye and Africa

Author:
Şükrü Cicioğlu and Ryan Hafiz Ahmed İbrahim
Publication Date:
12-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Turkish Journal of Middle Eastern Studies
Institution:
Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:
While enhancing our economic relations with African countries was positioned as a target within Türkiye’s vision, especially after the Cold War, this could only come true in the first decade of the 21st century. As a result, there have been significant trade volume developments. Although Türkiye had a trade deficit with Africa from the mid-90s to the early 2000s, it became a surplus party in the subsequent period due to stagnation and the impacts of various crises. The trade with Africa is primarily with North African countries due to geographical proximity and historical ties. While Africa's share in Türkiye's total foreign trade volume has been gradually increasing, it remains significantly lower compared to Asia and Europe. Relations between the continent and Türkiye haven’t grown stronger yet, mainly because most African countries were former colonies. On the other hand, Türkiye's geographical proximity to Africa offers a significant opportunity to meet African countries' agricultural and food needs. In this context, this study aims to analyze Türkiye’s trade with the African continent and to reveal the opportunities, threats, strengths, and weaknesses this trade offers for both actors. Furthermore, the study provides recommendations to enhance these relations in this framework.
Topic:
International Relations, Economics, History, and Trade
Political Geography:
Africa, Turkey, and Middle East

195. China’s Role in the Modernization of Malawi’s Agriculture Sector

Author:
Raphael Mweninguwe
Publication Date:
06-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
China Brief
Institution:
The Jamestown Foundation
Abstract:
China has assumed a key role in the modernization of Malawi’s agriculture sector, which has made recent progress in enabling smallholder farmers to produce higher crop yields. The introduction of agricultural technologies used in vegetable, fruit, maize and rice production through the China Aid Project for Agricultural Technical Cooperation has not only created employment opportunities for the local population, but has also strengthened the economic situation of small farmers in Malawi. In February, at the opening of a training for senior agricultural workers, the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in Malawi pledged increased support for the development of the country’s agricultural sector “under the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative, the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), and the Global Development Initiative” (Xinhua, February 17). The creation of the FOCAC coincided with the new strategy of the Chinese government in the 2000s, when Beijing sought to utilize development assistance, particularly in the agricultural sector, in order to strengthen overall Sino-African relations. At that time, many African countries were desperately looking for technical assistance in order to achieve a high level of agricultural growth and to solve their persistent food insecurity problems. [1] Malawi is one of the countries on the continent that has suffered longtime food insecurity, where PRC agricultural aid and training has benefited many smallholder farmers, who have expressed their appreciation for the assistance rendered. While some farmers and extension workers express satisfaction with China’s support for Malawi’s agricultural modernization efforts, others are worried about the impacts of climate change, which threaten the full adoption of the technologies offered by the PRC. Already an estimated 3.8 million people, about 20 percent of the country’s population, are facing a food crisis due to drought and floods that hit the country during the last growing season (World Bank, April 7). But China’s technologies aim to mitigate climate change impacts through simple, low-cost, and innovative farming technologies, such as furrow and bucket irrigation.
Topic:
Agriculture, Climate Change, Development, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and Modernization
Political Geography:
Africa, China, and Malawi

196. Central African Republic Mine Attack: Can China Protect its Overseas Nationals?

Author:
John S. Van Oudenaren
Publication Date:
03-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
China Brief
Institution:
The Jamestown Foundation
Abstract:
On March 19, gunmen stormed a gold mine near Bambari, in the heart of the Central African Republic (CAR), killing nine Chinese workers. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) Embassy in the CAR issued successive warnings for Chinese nationals to evacuate all areas outside of Bangui, the capital. On the same day as the attack, the Embassy called on Chinese citizens in the CAR’s external provinces to immediately evacuate themselves and report their whereabouts (PRC Embassy in CAR, March 19). A subsequent Embassy warning on March 22 went further, stressing that the situation in the CAR is now “red” or “extremely high risk,” emphasizing that the March 19 attack demonstrated the “extreme necessity of evacuating Chinese companies and nationals” in areas outside the capital “as soon as possible” (PRC Embassy in CAR, March 22). Foreign Ministry spokesperson Wang Wenbin stressed that General Secretary Xi Jinping was closely monitoring the situation and had instructed that immediate action be taken to ensure the safety of Chinese nationals in the CAR and to “severely punish the murderers” (严惩凶手) (PRC Foreign Ministry [FMPRC], March 20). Exactly who perpetrated the attack remains, however, unclear. The CAR government faulted the rebel alliance, the Coalition of Patriots for Change, for the gold mine attack. However, the rebel group blamed Russia’s Wagner Group, which has been deployed in the country to protect the central government since 2018 (South China Morning Post [SCMP], March 20). The timing of the attack and subsequent allegations of Wagner’s involvement was inopportune for Xi as he prepared to travel to Moscow the following day for meetings with Russian leader Vladimir Putin, as Beijing sought to position itself as a mediator in the Russia-Ukraine War (Xinhuanet, March 21). In a blog post on the CAR attack, the well-known nationalist firebrand and former Global Times editor Hu Xijin observed that in “the chaotic situation in CAR anything can happen,” but rejected Western media conjecture concerning the Wagner Group’s involvement as an attempt to “undermine Sino-Russian relations” (Sohu, March 22). He even claimed that due to Wagner’s cooperative relationship with the CAR government, its operators reportedly “helped the authorities deal with the aftermath of the situation and evacuate the bodies of the dead Chinese miners back to Bangui.” Finally, Hu averred that in the “2020s anyone who kills a Chinese national will face severe punishment and retribution.” A post on Tencent echoed these sentiments, stating: “the Central Africa Republic owes us nine lives” before castigating the U.S.-led West for treating Africa as a “modern colonial territory” and creating conditions for “vicious attacks” on Chinese companies to drive them out of emerging markets (Tencent, March 28). Putting aside the murkiness of the March 19 mine attack in the CAR, the incident highlights a growing problem for China, which is the sheer proliferation of state-owned and private businesses operating overseas, either in conflict zones or in areas with chronic political instability. The population’s widespread expectation that the government will exact swift retribution against the perpetrators of attacks on Chinese nationals overseas also puts Xi in a difficult position, as popular assumptions about the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) ability to target armed groups in distant and difficult operational environments do not align with its actual capabilities.
Topic:
Security, Non State Actors, Violence, and Mining
Political Geography:
Africa, China, Asia, and Central African Republic

197. Exxonmobil and Community Development: an Evaluation of its Corporate Social Responsibilities to Host Communities in Akwa Ibom State

Author:
Edet Joshua Tom, Itoro Bassey Ebong, and Maureen Oki
Publication Date:
12-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Political Studies
Institution:
Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab
Abstract:
Multinational oil companies are expected to be socially responsible to their workers, communities and other stakeholders through their social activities, even at the expense of their immediate profit. In line with the above, ExxonMobil has claimed to have invested millions of dollars in community development projects within the host communities since her inception. The host communities on the hand claimed that the company has reneged on its corporate social responsibilities to them. The main objective of this work is to assess ExxonMobil efforts in discharging its corporate social responsibilities (CSR) in oil producing communities of Akwa Ibom State in Nigeria. To achieve the objective of the study, survey and descriptive research design were adopted. Data were drawn from both primary and secondary sources. Accordingly, stakeholder theory of CSR was used as theoretical framework. The major finding of the study revealed among others that ExxonMobil h ad not significantly engaged in health care and skill acquisition programme in its host communities in Akwa Ibom State due to poor implementation of corporate social laws as well as the complicity of the Community Liaison Officers (CLOs) and the Exxon Mobil officials in the implementation of corporate social projects and programmes within the host communities. Based on the findings, the study recommended among others that the government should put a legal framework on ground that will make Corporate Social Responsibility mandatory as against the practice currently in vogue where Corporate Social Responsibility is discretionary. This will make the oil and other multinational companies operating in Nigeria to take CSR as a serious business rather than what is obtainable.
Topic:
Development, Oil, Multinational Corporations, and Exxonmobil
Political Geography:
Africa and Nigeria

198. Exiting Somalia's Political Impasse

Author:
Hilal Khashan
Publication Date:
12-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Political Studies
Institution:
Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab
Abstract:
This paper argues that Somalia's Weberian state apparatus and legal-rational bureaucratic model need revision. Given the country's clan -based societal organization and dominant agrarian and pastoral economy, an alternative form of government that includes clan leaders, businesspeople, and urban-based nongovernmental organizations works best for Somalia. In such a system, the central government is a moderator articulating and aggregating diverse demands instead of power monopolizing. The success of the Islamic Courts and alShabaab Movement in working with the local population in their areas of control suggests that an informal form of government is more suitable for Somalia's traditional society than a formal system based on the concept of anonymous citizenship that is alien to the local value system. The unpropitious legacy of colonialism, and the failure of its democracy during the 1960s, leading to civil strife, wars, foreign intervention, and state failure that continue to grip Somalia validate the paper's research approach.
Topic:
Fragile/Failed State, Piracy, Military Intervention, Conflict, and Al-Shabaab
Political Geography:
Africa and Somalia

199. Perceptions of Public Accountability and its Impacts on Democratic Stability in Nigeria: Observations from Akwa Ibom State

Author:
Lawrence I. Edet and Monday S. Akpakpan
Publication Date:
12-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Political Studies
Institution:
Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab
Abstract:
The manner at which public officials manipulates and won elections in Nigeria deeply depreciates the political value of the electorate and embolden such officials to refuse to be accountable to the masses. Thus, democracy in Nigeria has been profoundly endangered since Nigeria returned to democratic system of government in 1999 as a result of undemocratic practices, chiefly, the aspects that relates to elections and public accountability. At the center of these democratic misdemeanors in Nigeria is inherent lack of transparency and accountability of public leaders. This study therefore investigates perceptions of public accountability and its impacts on democratic stability in Nigeria with observations from Akwa Ibom State. The study articulated four objectives which translated into four research questions and four hypotheses. The Social Contract Theory was adopted for this study. The study also adopted descriptive research design and chi-square statistical technique to analyze the data collected. Research questionnaire was distributed to sample of 200 participants randomly selected from each of the three senatorial districts of Akwa Ibom State, totaling 600, which the researcher only retrieved 570 of it. The findings revealed among others that citizens’ views about the electoral processes influence their perceptions of democratic stability. The study recommended among others that the electoral processes should be very transparent to all citizens to enlist their trust and confidence in the political system.
Topic:
Elections, Democracy, Accountability, Transparency, and Public Officials
Political Geography:
Africa and Nigeria

200. Including Africa Threat Analysis in Force Design 2030

Author:
Glen Segell
Publication Date:
03-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Advanced Military Studies
Institution:
Marine Corps University Press, National Defense University
Abstract:
This article examines the threat analysis across Africa that should be included in Force Design 2030 for the United States Marine Corps to be deployed landward to Africa or seaward of the continent. It is a strategic guidance document examined from a threat analysis of China, Russia, Korea, Iran, and violent extremist organizations. Africa is not mentioned, and this is a notable omission given that high level interventions in the past to Africa have not been overtly successful. Given geostrategic significances and hot spots it is inevitable that the Marines will be deployed there again. This article examines lessons learned from failures in Somalia, Libya, and Lebanon and successes in Syria and Iraq as well as the experiences of others—France in Mali and Burkina Faso and United States Africa Command. Great power competition, violent extremist organizations, and the gray zone phenomena across Africa are examined as are security, intelligence, counterintelligence, and hybrid warfare.
Topic:
Security, Intelligence, Counterinsurgency, Violent Extremism, Gray Zone, Strategic Competition, and US Marine Corps
Political Geography:
Africa and United States of America