Political Geography: Africa / Content Type: Journal Article

101. A security dilemma during Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration in the Lake Chad Basin

Author:: Mariana Llorens Zabala
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Conflict Trends
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: The security crisis in the Lake Chad Basin (LCB) region has been of great concern since its turning point in 2009 due to the expansion of Boko Haram (BH) as one of the deadliest terrorist groups in the continent. This crisis is characterised by complex causes, including a development deficit, the lack of a social contract between the state and the population, weak governance structures, and a consequent violent extremist insurgency that has emerged and grown from and within the instability. While the efforts of those tasked to fight against the spread of these threats are numerous and commendable, much still needs to be done to ensure a safe and secure environment for all populations in the region. Through kinetic operations and non-kinetic interventions, the four governments of Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria, with the support of the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF), the Lake Chad Basin Commission (LCBC), the African Union (AU), United Nations (UN) agencies, and other critical partners have scaled up their interventions in the region. The scaled-up interventions include the Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) processes as part of the Regional Strategy for the Stabilisation, Recovery and Resilience (RS-SRR) of the Boko Haram-affected areas. However, it is common knowledge that these four countries are faced with challenges in the handling and treatment of individuals associated with BH – and other affiliated groups – when they surrender or exit these groups. First and foremost, these challenges include the lack of pre-conditions for traditional DDR to take place. A further challenge is the proliferation of arms and ammunition in the region among the civilian population due to a lack of security and safety provision.
Topic:: Security, Counter-terrorism, Disarmament, Boko Haram, African Union, Demobilization, and Reintegration
Political Geography:: Africa, Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon, Niger, and Lake Chad Basin

102. Resource-based conflict early-warning system in the Hammer, Nyangatom, and Dassanech community of South Omo, Ethiopia

Author:: Asmare Shetahun Alemneh
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Conflict Trends
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: Conflict refers to actual or perceived incompatibility of interests, goals, and actions in relationships between individuals or groups. It is a dynamic process where attitudes, behaviours, contexts and structures are constantly changing and influencing one another.1 Conflict in pastoral areas has long been linked to the need to gain control of scarce and strategic resources, particularly water and pasture. However, the key issues here are not merely scarcity, which, as highlighted above, has always been a determining feature of life in the rangelands, but also the increased inability to manage scarcity.2 In the Horn of Africa, there are common factors contributing to conflict and violence within and between pastoralists, such as inappropriate government policies, socio-economic and political marginalisation, inadequate land tenure policies, insecurity, intensified cattle rustling, proliferation of small arms and light weapons, weakened traditional governance in pastoral areas, vulnerability to climatic variability, and competition with wildlife.3 In Ethiopia, the pattern and forms of the recent violent conflicts in pastoral areas indicate that they have been involved in resource control and utilisation competition.4 Conflicts are a common phenomenon in the South Omo Zone pastoralist and agro-pastoral communities due mainly to resource competition (pasture and water-points) and negative perceptions.5 However, conflict, by its nature, is dynamic; the drivers or causes and their nature are changeable through time due to many natural and human-made phenomena. Accordingly, an in-depth investigation of natural resource-based conflict and its dynamics in the South Omo Zone in Ethiopia is the focus of this article. This article is based on a study conducted in the Dassanech, Hammer and Nyangatom Woreda collective pastoralist community, and based on empirical primary and secondary data sources. Primary data were collected through semi-structured interviews, document analysis and focus group discussion (FGD).
Topic:: Security, Environment, Conflict, Pastoralism, Peace, Competition, Early Warning, and Resources
Political Geography:: Africa and Ethiopia

103. Empowering young voices: Using action research to combat xenophobia through children’s initiatives

Author:: Ruth Nyamadzawo
Publication Date:: 04-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Conflict Trends
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: Since 1994, South Africa has seen an influx of refugees, asylum seekers, skilled professionals, and socio-economic migrants seeking security and better opportunities. However, this has led to challenges, including xenophobic violence. Despite efforts by civic organisations and the government, the problem persists. Therefore, there is a need for a mindset of peace to address the recurring violence. This article is concerned with exploring the problem of recurring xenophobia in South Africa by reviewing the approaches that have been followed in response to this phenomenon and proposing an alternative response of involving children in peacebuilding measures. It highlights the importance of empowering children and helping them develop the capacity to become agents of change, and raising them as peacebuilders in the communities where they reside. Underlining the role of educating for peace in transforming human society, it is believed that peace workshops could contribute to preparing young generations for sustaining positive relationships with those considered the ‘other,’ and thus consolidating peace in South Africa.
Topic:: Children, Discrimination, Youth, Xenophobia, Empowerment, Stigmatization, and Peacebuilding
Political Geography:: Africa and South Africa

104. Prevention of water conflicts in Central Africa and peacebuilding through transboundary waters

Author:: Michèle Désirée Nken née Okala Abega
Publication Date:: 04-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Conflict Trends
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: In the heart of Central Africa, the management of transboundary water resources stands as a pivotal arena where the complexities of national interests converge with the imperative of conflict prevention and regional peacekeeping. The equitable distribution of shared rivers, lakes, and aquifers necessitates collaborative frameworks to navigate the intricacies of interdependence among riparian states. This article delves into the nuanced landscape of transboundary water governance, with a keen focus on the regulatory measures implemented in the Lake Chad and Congo Basins. Emphasising the integral role of community legal instruments in mitigating potential conflicts, the discussion extends to the challenges that hinder comprehensive adherence to international water conventions. Against this backdrop, the narrative unfolds to reveal the dynamic interplay between national interests and the overarching goal of regional harmony. As we traverse this exploration, the article not only sheds light on the emerging trends in Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM) in Central Africa but also proposes strategies for conflict prevention and the promotion of enduring peace within the region’s shared water ecosystems.
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, Natural Resources, Water, Governance, Regulation, Borders, and Peacebuilding
Political Geography:: Africa, Central Africa, Lake Chad Basin, and Congo Basin

105. The ruralisation of violence and the criminalisation of conflict in Nigeria

Author:: Joseph Ochogwu
Publication Date:: 04-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Conflict Trends
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: This article interrogates to what extent rural spaces are affected by criminal recruitment and the perpetuation of violent conflict and crime. It further examines the drivers of the ruralisation of violence and how it affects the nature of violent conflict in Nigeria. It identifies the impact of the ruralisation of violence and criminalisation on conflict resolution and peacebuilding efforts, as well as exploring existing security measures, law enforcement measures, and community engagement programmes to promote sustainable peace, especially in rural Nigeria. Adeleke et al.1 note that historically, rural areas, by their very nature, are known for social cohesion and rural dwellers are closely knitted such that there are shared emotions, strong family bonds, religious ties, and mutual trust, indirectly fostering effective crime control in rural areas. Ezejughu2 states that urban areas have been centres known for intense organised crime, with high levels of urban poverty, congestion, unemployment, and moral decadence contributing to violent crimes like murder, armed robbery, kidnapping, terrorism, and high rural-urban migration. This, in turn, has an impact on crime and conflict. Today, our understanding of rural communities has significantly evolved in Nigeria. They have become unsafe and contested spaces marked by limited State presence, inadequate infrastructure, and scarce resources. According to Ojo et al.,3 these conditions create fertile ground for violent conflicts and the recruitment of conflict participants. The absence of effective governance and security forces further exacerbates the situation, allowing extremist groups or criminal organisations to exploit the vacuum of state authority, thereby contributing to the cycle of instability in rural Nigeria. In 2020, Gustin and Slavic4 highlighted that rural regions, once primarily engaged in agriculture, have diversified their functions. Presently, rural areas are multifunctional and, unfortunately, have also become hotspots for criminal activities and violent conflicts in Nigeria. A typical example is the northern region of Nigeria, where there is an increased occurrence of terrorism, banditry, insurgency, and kidnapping.
Topic:: Conflict, Violence, Rural, Recruitment, and Criminalization
Political Geography:: Africa and Nigeria

106. The nexus between horizontal inequalities and violent conflicts: A case study of Kenya

Author:: Sylvan Odidi
Publication Date:: 04-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Conflict Trends
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: Horizontal inequalities are defined as inequalities in economic, social or political dimensions or cultural status between culturally defined groups. Relationships between horizontal inequalities and conflict were first discussed by Frances Stewart in the Framework of Collaborative Project Series on socio-economic causes and the impact of humanitarian emergencies and internal conflicts.1 It is instructive to note that if horizontal inequalities endure over generations, it is likely to generate resentment and, subsequently, conflicts. Therefore, the duration, nature, and potency of horizontal inequalities are vital in comprehending conflict dynamics manifesting in societies. Contemporary conflict studies posit that horizontal inequalities result in conflict situations where they intersect with significant group identities.2 In addition, in circumstances where inequalities between various groups are large, the likelihood of conflict is high.3 In this regard, Stewart observes that horizontal inequalities lie at the centre of most violent conflicts in developing nations.4 Arguably, Kenya falls under the category of countries ranked as unequal globally. The distinguishing characteristic of Kenyan society lies in its regional and ethnic disparity in wealth spread among citizens.5 The degree of horizontal inequalities in Kenya typifies the interplay of ethnicity and politics as well as polarised loyalties among key institutional players. 6Existing horizontal inequalities in Kenya have culminated in violent conflicts. These conflicts lower economic productivity, weaken the capacity of institutions to provide essential services, deplete existing resources, and lead to loss of food production as well as capital flight. Ending these conflicts remains a major challenge for relevant stakeholders. This is partly due to the failure of existing leadership structures and institutions to address development challenges, equitably share resources, and promote peaceful coexistence of all communities in Kenya. Most individuals elected and/or appointed to serve Kenyans in leadership positions have failed to entrench the principles of fairness and inclusiveness in the distribution of the country’s resources since independence. While various Kenyan administrative regimes have instituted measures to minimise conflicts, such as the establishment of peace-building and conflict management policies, conflicts of varied forms have persisted. It is against this backdrop that this study seeks to explore the nexus between horizontal inequalities and conflict in the context of Kenya.
Topic:: Governance, Inequality, and Conflict
Political Geography:: Kenya and Africa

107. The Western Sahara conflict on an evolving African security landscape

Author:: Vasileios Symeonidis
Publication Date:: 04-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Conflict Trends
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: The Western Sahara conflict has been described as a ‘frozen conflict’ and as ‘decolonisation’s last stand.’ Despite the multiple ceasefires throughout its history, the conflict has not been fully resolved. Since 1974, Western Sahara has been on the shortlist of non-self-governing territories. However, it is the only one on the list that has not condoned this status. The Polisario Front spent 50 years fighting for the independence of the Sahrawi Arab Republic from Morocco, mostly using arms and guerrilla warfare. This period of violence was followed by a ceasefire between the two stakeholders. Nonetheless, in 2020, Morocco’s response to the Sahrawi protests resulted in a resumption of fighting by the Polisario Front, essentially reopening ‘Pandora’s Box’ and showing that, despite the ceasefire, a permanent solution is urgently needed. This would need to happen within the broader African security landscape, which is currently experiencing a shift amidst the weakening of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations, the growing presence of various private military companies (PMC), and the emerging role of countries such as Russia and Türkiye in African conflict situations. Considering the aforementioned changes, this article seeks to assess whether these shifts in the African security landscape will influence the situation in Western Sahara by maintaining the status quo or revitalising the efforts to resolve or exacerbate the existing tensions.
Topic:: Security, Territorial Disputes, Conflict, and Peace
Political Geography:: Africa and Western Sahara

108. The interplay between traditional dispute resolution institutions and the formal justice system in Ethiopia: The case of the Jaarsa Biyyaa

Author:: Derara Ansha Roba
Publication Date:: 07-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: Ethiopia has extensive experience with traditional dispute resolution practices that function parallel to the formal courts in various parts of the country. In pluralistic justice systems where state and non-state justice systems operate, how the state responds to the situation is significant. Through a study of cases prosecuted by the Jaarsa Biyyaa institution of the Arsi Oromo people, this article explores whether and how traditional dispute resolution institutions (TDRIs) interact with the formal courts and the impact of this interaction, if any, on the culture of the Arsi Oromo people. In line with that, the article analyses primary data gathered through two months of ethnographic fieldwork in Negele Arsi town in Ethiopia and from secondary sources of previous scholarly works. The findings show a shared interest in jurisdiction (predominantly over criminal matters) and competition between the Jaarsa Biyyaa and the formal courts. Moreover, there is also a practice of cooperation and complementarity between the Jaarsa Biyyaa and the formal justice system (FJS) where each recognises the other in practice. For the Arsi Oromo people, such mutual recognition is an opportunity to maintain the clanship organisation. More importantly, mutual recognition promotes conflict management in the community, which serves as a valuable lesson for the country. Other than the opportunities that arise, there are constraints such as the interruption of Jaarsummaa (elders reconciliation), broken social bonds and enmity.
Topic:: Pluralism, Tradition, Dispute Resolution, and Jaarsa Biyyaa
Political Geography:: Africa and Ethiopia

109. The role of traditional healers in conflict resolution in Zimbabwe, 1890‒1980

Author:: Takesure Taringana and Amos Zevure
Publication Date:: 07-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: This paper analyses the historical role of traditional healers (n’anga/chiremba) in conflict resolution in Zimbabwe. Historically, traditional healers occupied a powerful position in Zimbabwean society. Not only were they healers but they also handled social problems and contributed to peace and reconciliation. However, colonial rule in Zimbabwe (1890‒1980) ushered in a spirited challenge to the authority of traditional healers. They were ridiculed as fraudsters who perpetuated unfounded superstitions. Colonial legal and justice systems replaced traditional conflict resolution institutions that had been manned by traditional healers. Nonetheless, traditional healers continued to exist underground. Notwithstanding that, their role and contribution to peacebuilding remains on the fringe of academic inquiry. The key question that this paper addresses is how and under what conditions traditional healers contributed to conflict resolution at the grassroots level. The paper focuses mostly on records of conflict and violence in court cases, underscoring how witnesses’ evidence brought attention to the role of traditional healers in reconciliation. It demonstrates the various contexts in which traditional healers’ interventions were alluded to but ignored in the state’s attempts to administer justice. By digging up obscured and misrepresented evidence of traditional healers’ practices in conflict resolution in the colonial archive and in-depth interviews, we unravel this understated but most crucial element in the process of conflict resolution in Zimbabwe since 1890.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Security, Peace, Justice, Reconciliation, and Tradition
Political Geography:: Africa and Zimbabwe

110. Consolidating peace? The inner struggles of Sudan’s transition agreement

Author:: Andrew E. Yaw Tchie and Mariana Llorens Zabala
Publication Date:: 07-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: The use of transitional agreements to resolve differences between the state and non-state armed actors across the African continent appears to be on the rise. However, many of these transitional agreements tend to be stagnant and fail to deal with grievances, causes of political unrest and conflict or to provide sustainable paths to democracy. Drawing on the civilian-led Transitional Government of Sudan from 11 April 2019 to 25 October 2021 (the length of the transitional agreement), and an original dataset, this article argues that the policies of the transitional government of Sudan, political rhetoric and the challenges of implementing transitional agreement policies did not align with political realities. This was primarily due to the inability of the Transitional Government of Sudan to dismantle existing power structures under previous regimes. We find that the Transitional Government of Sudan neglected to consider path dependencies of the previous regimes, which led to its being unable to provide the people of Sudan with strategies that could help to circumvent existing structures set up by past regimes. As a result, the efforts of the Transitional Government of Sudan acted as exacerbators of existing inner struggles. The article argues for the need for better technical support and provisions to support incoming transitional governments trying to emerge from autocracy or dictatorship to democracy during transitional periods.
Topic:: Peace, Military, Transitional Government, and Regime Security
Political Geography:: Africa and Sudan

111. Western-Centric Moments in Homegrown IR Theories: Dependency, Chinese and African Schools

Author:: Engin Sune
Publication Date:: 01-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy and Peace
Institution:: Center for Foreign Policy and Peace Research
Abstract:: The modern international system has been shaped by long-standing historical practices of unequal power relations, which have positioned the Western world at the center of the political universe. Due to the centrality of the Global North in the international system, any IR theory that aims to portray a true picture of the “globe” necessarily situates the West at the center of scientific inquiry. Furthermore, the form of universality generated by Western hegemony has been diffused throughout the world over centuries, spreading Western political institutions, economic structures, and ideological norms in an uneven setting. As a result, the social structures of the Global South have developed through an uneven form of relationship and dialectical interaction with the West. Therefore, homegrown IR theories, which uncover local political, philosophical, or cultural motives as sources for theory-making, in fact, concentrate on stratified forms of the universal reality that is diffused through the uneven spread of Western social structures. In this sense, there is a Western-centric moment in any homegrown IR theory. Accordingly, this article develops a scientific realist account of the structure/agent relationship in order to analyze the material grounds of Western-centrism in the field of international politics and to evaluate the role of non-Western actors. Additionally, it critically evaluates distinctive homegrown theories produced on three different continents to reveal the aforementioned Western-centric moments in these theoretical initiatives. Namely, the Dependency School of Latin America, the Chinese School of International Relations, and the African School are respectively scrutinized to disclose the embedded Western-centrism in these theoretical initiatives.
Topic:: International Relations and International Relations Theory
Political Geography:: Africa, China, and Global South

112. Fragile States and Aid Allocation for Sub-Saharan African Countries: An Empirical Research

Author:: Zeynep Arıöz and Hacer Soykan Adaoğlu
Publication Date:: 01-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
Institution:: International Relations Council of Turkey (UİK-IRCT)
Abstract:: State fragility has received increasing attention in recent decades as a result of the nexus between development and international stability. This study investigates the empirical drivers of state fragility in sub-Saharan Africa from 2007 to 2019. We shed light on the explanatory variables of government effectiveness, political stability, per-capita GDP, grow GDP%, International Monetary Fund loans, and official development assistance. Using panel data analysis and a 39-country sample, our study finds that government efficiency and political stability, in contrast to foreign aid, has a significant effect on reducing fragility in sub-Saharan Africa. In light of these findings, the article proposes delivering foreign aid in ways that strengthen state capacity.
Topic:: Foreign Aid, Econometrics, International Institutions, and Fragility
Political Geography:: Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa

113. The Judgment of Climate Change on Food Availability in Nigeria

Author:: Olubunmi David Apeloko, Celestina Ekene Chukwudi, Fadeke Esther Olu-Owolabi, and Samuel Ezennia
Publication Date:: 01-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: The Rest: Journal of Politics and Development
Institution:: Centre for Strategic Research and Analysis (CESRAN)
Abstract:: Climate change is a global phenomenon that has significant implications for food security, particularly in developing countries like Nigeria. This study is set to explore the nature of the relationship between climate change and food security and the various ways to address the impact of climate change on food availability in Ogun State, Nigeria. Relying on the green theory, this study investigated climate change's impact on the agricultural sector, compromising food security in Ogun State, Nigeria. This study's qualitative data collection methods include primary and secondary data sources. This study adopted the exploratory research design. Interviews were used to gather primary data, and existing literature was used to collate secondary data. This work covered the staff of the Ministry of Agriculture in the selected state, lecturers in the Department of Economics, Covenant University, and the faculty of agriculture at Obafemi Awolowo University. The thematic content analysis was adopted in analyzing the data in this study. The findings from the data revealed that there is a clear relationship between climate change and food security. It also revealed that climate change has a negative impact on food availability in Ogun State, Nigeria. In addition, strategies and policies put in place to address the issues of climate change and food security were discussed. It was concluded that climate change has affected Ogun State's food security between 2019 and 2023.
Topic:: Agriculture, Climate Change, and Food Security
Political Geography:: Africa and Nigeria

114. Unveiling Dissent: Eritrean Diaspora Festival Turmoil and Social Media Mobilization

Author:: Yonatan Tewelde
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brown Journal of World Affairs
Institution:: Brown Journal of World Affairs
Abstract:: Amidst the TikTok videos that inundated the Eritrean digital landscape during the summer of 2023, a tapestry of dissent unfolds. A wounded protestor, his head swathed in bandages, is ushered into an ambulance: a powerful testament to the toll of resistance. A striking photograph captures a black man in a blue shirt adorned with the raised fist logo of Birgade Nhamedu (a new, diaspora Eritrean, youth-led movement). He is handcuffed and escorted by three stern riot police officers, his silent defiance echoing louder than words. Videos depict intense street clashes between two factions in Israel, one clad in blue shirts and the other in red, hurling projectiles amidst tear gas clouds, their battlegrounds emblazoned with the fervor of discord. The lens then shifts to scenes of vulnerability, with two young women kneeling before the police, one clad in the emblematic blue shirt, the other brandishing the Israeli flag and a gallon of milk, a poignant plea for justice. Across borders, from Ontario to Seattle, a sea of blue-shirted protestors unites in dance, protest, and celebration. However, the more forceful videos paint a vivid picture of upheaval; festival venues overrun, tents ablaze, and the clash between the dissenting blues and the establishment’s red emblematic of a struggle that transcends geographical boundaries. These TikTok vignettes, widely shared and discussed with viral fervor, capture the essence of a burgeoning movement of global dissidents led by young Eritrean refugees. Their resistance is motivated by their opposition to an authoritarian government that has been in power since 1991. This movement represents a visceral reaction to the years of forced military conscription from which the prostestors sought refuge. The struggle unfolds as a response to a range of egregious acts, including enslavement, imprisonment, enforced disappear- ance, torture, persecution, rape, and murder. These inhumane acts have been systematically carried out since the Eritrean government authorities assumed control of the territory in 1991. The United Nations has since condemned these actions as crimes against humanity.1
Topic:: Diaspora, Social Media, Dissent, and Mobilization
Political Geography:: Africa and Eritrea

115. Resurgence of Military Coups in Africa: Can the African Union and Regional Organizations Defend and Consolidate Democracy?

Author:: Joshua O. Bolarinwa
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: This research evaluates the contemporary increase in military coups in Africa and analyses the effectiveness of the African Union (AU) and other regional institutions in safeguarding and promoting democratic government following existing frameworks and policies. The African Union’s framework for Unconstitutional Changes of Government (UCG) and its subsequent execution have faced significant problems in response to the recent revival. The African Union has garnered commendation for its stance in opposition to military coups. Nevertheless, it has been noted that the organization has exhibited inadequate engagement and delayed responsiveness in addressing instances of the unconstitutional exercise of power. Numerous historical figu-res have exhibited a proclivity for disregarding established institutions that have played a pivotal role in facilitating their ascent to positions of authority.
Topic:: Democracy, Coup, African Union, Military, and Regional Organizations
Political Geography:: Africa

116. The Future of Japan-Africa Cooperation: TICAD

Author:: Habib Badawi
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: Africa will remain relevant to Japan as a necessary means to achieve some of its long-term political, economic, and strategic goals. Additionally, Japan seeks to expand its relations with the continent. However, it is diffi-cult to view Japan’s participation in Africa as part of an integrated policy or a well-thought-out long-term strategy, but only as a set of goals and some of the tools and mechanisms used to achieve those goals. This is largely reflected in Japan’s failure to prioritize its economic and political interests in its relationship with Africa. While Japan views Africa primarily through an economic lens, it has other major political interests. As Japan strives to bolster the dynamism of its ongoing development, production, and trade through a manufacturing and trade strategy designed to adapt to circumstances and mitigate crises, the nation has concurrently hei-ghtened its ambition for strategic hotspots, including resources and wealth. This is evident in its keen interest in the African continent and the ongoing competition between European and American powers for control over it.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Development, International Cooperation, Economy, Trade, Strategic Interests, and Resources
Political Geography:: Africa and Japan

117. Atlantism Under Maintenance: A Review of the Brazil-Cape Verde Partnership During the Dilma Rousseff Administrations (2011–2016)

Author:: Tatiana Raquel Reis Silva and Leandro Chaves Batista
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: From a holistic perspective, Brazil’s foreign policy towards the African continent has historically been marked by moments of greater proximity and others of relative distance. Authors such as Barriviera (2016) and Costa (2015) claim that there’s been a downturn in Brazil-Africa relations since Dilma Rousseff became president. It is essential to situate the relations established between Brazil and the various African nations as a phenomenon integrated into the logic of South-South Cooperation (SSC), a segment of Internatio-nal Development Cooperation (IDC) that encompasses political, diplomatic and commercial ties between developing countries, guided by the principle of horizontality, with an emphasis on mutual benefits. With regard to the cooperation established with the archipelago of Cape Verde, it is important to note that it is supported by a basal document: the Basic Agreement on Scientific and Technical Cooperation, signed in 1977.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Bilateral Relations, Dilma Rousseff, and Atlantism
Political Geography:: Africa, Brazil, and Cabo Verde

118. Government, State, and National Wars in Africa

Author:: Nathaly Silva Xavier Schütz and Hernán Olmedo González
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: To what extent were internal wars in African countries after World War II conditioned by their limited levels of governmental entrenchment and statehood? This is the central issue guiding the following research, which focuses on African countries in the post-World War II period, a period in which the system of sovereign States — with its origins in modernity and formally in Europe with the Peace of Westphalia treaties of 1648 — reached the vast majority of the international system. To achieve this objective, the following article is structured as follows.The first section aims to present, in the first instance, empirical information about the relative weight that internal national wars had on the international system in general and in Africa in particular, followed by a presentation of the different propositions about the conditioning factors of this type of war in the international system and African States, and, finally, establish guiding hypotheses for the empirical research of the study. The second section describes the methodological project followed to test the hypo-theses defined in the first section. The third section presents the empirical results of the research and the data analysis. Finally, the article develops a conclusion that systematizes the main aspects of the study.
Topic:: Government, History, State, World War II, and International System
Political Geography:: Africa

119. Skimming the East African Community Regional Force in the Kivu: Another Test Case of ‘African Solutions to African Problems’

Author:: Jean-Marie Kasonga Mbombo
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: Regional integration is premised on the principle of subsidiarity enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations Organisation which empowers regional bodies to resolve conflicts in their jurisdictions (Chapter 8, Article 52). It implies cooperation among states sharing a geographic proximity. In Africa, such regional organisations include the Economic Community of West African Countries (ECOWAS), Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), Common Market for East Africa (COMESA), East African Community (EAC), and Southern African Development Community (SADC) to name but a few. However, the end of the Cold War witnessed the rise of intrastate conflicts worldwide, which many analysts associated with donor fatigue toward aid-dependent states (Thomas and Mazrui 1992; Bayart 2009; Bates 2008; Solomon 2015). These new wars of the 1990s were more pronounced in resource-rich countries such as Liberia, Sierra Leone, Sudan, Chad, and the Democratic Republic of Congo (Kaldor 2006; Collier 2008). As a result, many economic communities established relevant protocols to boost regional integration and foster peace on the African continent: ECCAS Protocol of Peace and Security; ECOWAS Protocol relating to the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peacekeeping, and Secu-rity (1999); SADC Protocol on Politics, Defence and Security (2001); EAC Protocol on Peace and Security (2013).
Topic:: Economics, Regional Integration, Regional Organizations, and East African Community (EAC)
Political Geography:: Africa and East Africa

120. Nigerien Law 2015-36: How a New Narrative in the Fight Against Smugglers Affects the Right to Leave a Country

Author:: Sarah Isabel Pfeiffer
Publication Date:: 02-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: The Goettingen Journal of International Law
Institution:: The Goettingen Journal of International Law
Abstract:: In 2015, the Republic of the Niger adopted an anti-migrant smuggling law (Law 2015-36) with direct involvement of the European Union (EU). Since then, concerns have been raised that this law constitutes a de facto travel ban for anyone moving northwards from Niger. Rather than addressing the involvement of the EU, this article will focus on the direct obligations of Niger, including those set by regional human rights agreements, as the country where the so-called cooperative migration control takes place. People on the move towards Libya will be a special focus as the most affected by the Nigerien law. First, the Nigerien law and its provisions will be described, in order to then assess whether the law and its application infringe the human right to leave any country including one’s own. Drawing from the findings of non-governmental organizations and the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Migrants, this article argues that Law 2015- 36 renders it impossible for non-Nigerien nationals to leave the country without risking their life and safety. Thus, Law 2015-36 infringes the right to leave. The third part explores possible justifications for the law with a focus on the interests of people on the move, the interests of bordering States, and national interests. It finds that Law 2015-36 is disproportionate and, in fact, impairs the essence of the right to leave, resulting in an unjustified interference. The concluding fourth part contains recommendations for possible amendments to the law.
Topic:: Human Rights, International Law, Migration, European Union, Smuggling, and Irregular Migration
Political Geography:: Africa, Europe, and Nigeria

121. Reconsidering the Russian-Ukrainian Conflict and Security Concerns in Africa

Author:: Ndifon Neji, Immaculata Obaji-Akpet, Michael Otu, Joseph Ebegbulem, Samuel Edet, Ayuk Awunghe, and Nwosu Stanley
Publication Date:: 04-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Liberty and International Affairs
Institution:: Institute for Research and European Studies (IRES)
Abstract:: Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 triggered a conflict that has transformed international relations through drastic impacts on policymaking, energy politics, and alliances. Such impacts have produced severe multi-dimensional consequences for African countries that have yet to be sufficiently interrogated in the literature. In response to this gap, this paper examined the security implications of the conflict for African countries to offer a comprehensive analysis that considers the intersection of the conflict with contemporary economic, human, social, and political issues confronting Africa. In discourse using a qualitative approach and rooted in a theoretical perspective drawn from the Copenhagen School, the paper underlined the security implications as evident in the areas of food security and governance, buttressing that the proxy conflicts and power struggles associated with this war have exacerbated existing challenges related to food availability and interfered with the consolidation of democracy in Africa. The paper concluded that the war’s multi-dimensional impact potentially compounds political instability vectors. It generates dynamics capable of eroding social cohesion and fomenting social unrest in Africa, meriting its designation as an issue of great concern to African policymakers.
Topic:: Security, Human Security, Armed Conflict, Russia-Ukraine War, and Social Unrest
Political Geography:: Africa, Russia, and Ukraine

122. Beijing’s Soft Power Push with African Nations

Author:: Arran Hope
Publication Date:: 09-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: China Brief
Institution:: The Jamestown Foundation
Abstract:: The People’s Republic of China (PRC) has successfully used its hosting of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation to burnish its soft power and its credentials to be seen as the leader of the Global South. Close political alignment on core issues, including African states affirming support for the PRC’s positions on Hong Kong, Xinjiang, Tibet, and unification with Taiwan are indicative of the PRC’s diplomatic gains. Politics was central to the event, with the promotion of exchanges and cooperation announced between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and African political parties, between the PRC’s Supreme People’s Court and the Court of Justice of the African Union, and between the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) and regional organizations, alongside numerous training programs in various domains. Africa joined a “community of common destiny,” which entails a rejection of the Western approach to modernization. The West in general and the United States explicitly were heavily criticized throughout the forum.The People’s Republic of China (PRC) has successfully used its hosting of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation to burnish its soft power and its credentials to be seen as the leader of the Global South. Close political alignment on core issues, including African states affirming support for the PRC’s positions on Hong Kong, Xinjiang, Tibet, and unification with Taiwan are indicative of the PRC’s diplomatic gains. Politics was central to the event, with the promotion of exchanges and cooperation announced between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and African political parties, between the PRC’s Supreme People’s Court and the Court of Justice of the African Union, and between the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) and regional organizations, alongside numerous training programs in various domains. Africa joined a “community of common destiny,” which entails a rejection of the Western approach to modernization. The West in general and the United States explicitly were heavily criticized throughout the forum.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Global South, Soft Power, and Chinese Communist Party (CCP)
Political Geography:: Africa, China, and Asia

123. A New Face, But an Old Tactic: History Offers Clues on Stopping Russia’s African Advance

Author:: Herman J. Cohen
Publication Date:: 05-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: American Diplomacy
Institution:: American Diplomacy
Abstract:: The conflict in Gaza has taken center stage in global affairs. But while the eyes of the world are drawn to the Middle East, Russian President Vladimir Putin has been working in the background to expand Russia’s influence in Africa. His tactics are drawn from the Soviet Union’s Cold War playbook. He offers military support, now via the mercenary Wagner Group, to unstable regimes across the continent, helping them retain power in exchange for diplomatic allegiance and natural resources. If the US does not meet this issue head-on, the consequences for African nations and the international community could be dire. US policymakers should look at the history of the Soviet Union’s diplomacy on the African continent– a period I witnessed personally as a diplomat on the ground– for clues on how to effectively respond to and combat this growing issue.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, History, and Memoir
Political Geography:: Africa and Russia

124. China in Africa: The Nuanced Reality of Belt and Road

Author:: Hank Cohen
Publication Date:: 11-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: American Diplomacy
Institution:: American Diplomacy
Abstract:: China’s growing presence in Africa has been the subject of significant criticism. The popular understanding in the US of China’s role on the continent has been that the People’s Republic, via the Belt and Road Initiative, has offered African countries a raw deal: shoddy infrastructure projects in exchange for loans they know their partners cannot repay. The approach is commonly described as debt-trap diplomacy, garnering unfavorable comparisons to organized crime behavior. But the reality of China’s presence in Africa is more nuanced.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Infrastructure, and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)
Political Geography:: Africa, China, and Asia

125. Representation is Work

Author:: Charles A. Ray
Publication Date:: 11-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: American Diplomacy
Institution:: American Diplomacy
Abstract:: At a recent event to launch Diplomatic Tradecraft, a book that discusses the day-to-day aspects of diplomacy, a colleague took me to task for saying that “diplomatic receptions are for work, not for fun” to illustrate that the public doesn’t understand what diplomats really do. My colleague said that he “looked forward to these events for the networking opportunities they gave him.” I didn’t make a point of it at the time, but he and I said essentially the same thing, just from different perspectives. To be perfectly transparent, I probably could have stated my position with much more clarity. I am one of those people who does not enjoy attending crowded functions and listening to long, boring speeches on the off chance that something of importance might inadvertently (or deliberately) be said, while at the same time making nice, often with people who would not be on my A-list for socializing. My long-time colleague, on the other hand, is a much more gregarious and outgoing type.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, and Memoir
Political Geography:: Africa, Cambodia, Sierra Leone, Southeast Asia, and United States of America

126. The Sudan's Incorporation into the Capitalist World-Economy through Modern Cultivation and Trade of Cotton

Author:: Abdullah Muhsin Yıldız
Publication Date:: 06-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Turkish Journal of Middle Eastern Studies
Institution:: Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:: Before the 19th century, the Sudan had a distinctive social system in which decentralized kingdoms held the political power. The article assumes that this intersocietal system entered a process of incorporation into the capitalist world-economy in the 19th century. Early modernization policies pursued in the Sudan during the Turco-Egyptian administration between 1821-1885 period, known as the Turkiyya. This rule shifted to the Anglo-Egyptian administration in 1899, after British forces defeating the short-lived Mahdist rule. Upon establishment of the new condominium government, the Sudan became a peripheral supplier of the expanding world economy. Throughout the peripheralization, the British gained control of raw materials such as gum arabic and cotton from the Nile valley, which were then transported to factories located in the mainland England. This article investigates economic incorporation process of the Sudan, specifically focusing on the Gezira Scheme, established with a colonial mentality, and mainly based on cotton production. The effect of this process was evident during the 1930s, when the country had been seriously impacted by the global economic crisis of 1929.
Topic:: Hegemony, Capitalism, Economy, Colonialism, Trade, and Cotton
Political Geography:: Africa and Sudan

127. Turkey’s Trade and Foreign Direct Investment in Ethiopia: An Insight into Challenges from 2012-2023

Author:: Betselot Adisu Ayal, Nani Debele Dubale, and Esayas Bamlack Bishaw
Publication Date:: 12-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Turkish Journal of Middle Eastern Studies
Institution:: Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:: The first decade of the 21st century marks a new phase in relations between Ethiopia and Turkey. During this period, relations between the two countries transformed into an unprecedented stage. The aim of this study is to examine the challenges of Ethio-Turkish economic relations from 2012 to 2023, with particular reference to trade and FDI. To attain its objectives, the study employed a qualitative research approach. Essentially, primary data were collected through key informant interviews, observation, and document reviews. Despite the growth in trade and foreign direct investment between the two countries, various challenges hinder the smooth operation of these economic ties. The main results of this study show that issues like changing exchange rates, lacking access to the Generalised System of Preferences (GSP), corruption, inefficient government, high tariffs, infrastructure issues, companies that can't pay their debts, customs procedures, fluctuating exchange rates, and a lack of data were major problems for trade and investment between Ethiopia and Turkey. The findings of the study suggest that there are certain problems that need policy measures for further industrial development through attracting foreign direct investment.
Topic:: Bilateral Relations, Foreign Direct Investment, and Trade
Political Geography:: Africa, Turkey, and Ethiopia

128. Cultural Dynamics of Irregular Ethiopian Migration: Insights From Kembata Emigrants to the Republic of South Africa

Author:: Hailu Megersa and Tesfaye Tafesse
Publication Date:: 06-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal on Migration and Human Security
Institution:: Center for Migration Studies of New York
Abstract:: This paper examines the cultural influences on irregular migration to South Africa from the Kembata-Tembaro Zone of Ethiopia. It reports on a mixed methods study, with a cross-sectional household survey (n = 316) to examine indicators about society’s perceptions, cultural values, and the impact of remittances on migration. In-depth interviews (n = 24) with migrant returnees and experts in the Kembata-Tembaro Zone Labor and Social Affairs Office explored their experiences and perceptions of irregular migration. The study established a connection between cultural influences and irregular migration of Ethiopians to the Republic of South Africa. Overall, the study demonstrates that the culture of migration among the Kembatas is primarily driven by a cumulative migration experience facilitated through migrant social networks. Economic incentives, such as prospects of better income and improved living conditions, are the main drivers for individuals to embark on this migratory journey. In addition, social factors, including familial networks, community ties, and remittances from migrants, significantly influence households’ attitudes toward migration. The paper ends with recommendations to address the problems related to irregular Ethiopian migration to South Africa, to enhance the well-being of Kembata emigrants, and to maximize the benefits of migration.
Topic:: Migration, Social Networks, Irregular Migration, and Kembata
Political Geography:: Africa, South Africa, and Ethiopia

129. Social Inclusion and Justice for the Internally Displaced by the Herdsmen-Farmers Conflict in Benue State, Nigeria

Author:: Rita Iorbo, Sanjeev P. Sahni, and Dick Taverishma Andzenge
Publication Date:: 06-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal on Migration and Human Security
Institution:: Center for Migration Studies of New York
Abstract:: Herdsmen-farmers conflict has displaced 1.5 million residents of Benue State, Nigeria, according to government officials. Internally displaced persons (IDPs) have lost livelihoods, farms, personal property and community infrastructure. The paper highlights the social challenges they have experienced and the response by government and international humanitarian agencies (IHAs) to their situations. Based on interviews with 12 IDPs belonging to the displaced population from Guma Local Government Area of Benue State and interviews with seven humanitarian workers, the paper finds that the IDPs: • Have lost family members, neighbors, farms, churches, health centers, and means of mobility. • Cannot safely return home or access their ancestral lands. • Cannot support themselves. • Cannot attend public school or progress to a university. • Lack access to quality health care. • Live with multiple families in insecure shelters. • Cannot reliably obtain birth registration and replace other destroyed documents. • Can register their names, family relations, and former villages, but not their losses, which might lead to compensation and help them to rebuild their lives. The paper makes the following recommendations. • Registration, Effective Remedies and Access to Justice: The Benue State Emergency Management Agency (BSEMA), Federal Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs (FMHA) and United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) should document personal and community socio-economic losses to ascertain the extent of damage to IDPs in order to facilitate effective remedies. The Ministries of Justice, the National Human Rights Commission, and UNHCR should support the IDPs by providing them with information and procedures that allow them to secure full compensation for their losses, and with safe, permanent solutions to their situations, including full integration into their host communities, safe and voluntary return home, or resettlement in a third community. • Engage IDPs as Stakeholders: The Benue State Government should ensure that BSEMA communicates to IDPs the possibilities for voluntary and dignified safe return. If return is not immediately foreseeable, BSEMA should offer IDPs the means to relocate and resettle elsewhere. • Provision of Sustainable Social Amenities: BSEMA, the FMHA, and international humanitarian agencies (IHAs) should provide sustainable healthcare, shelter, education in IDP camps, financial assistance and the means to access services outside of IDP camps. • Peace through Establishment of Ranches: Benue State Government’s Peace Commission should resolve the herdsmen-farmer conflict and restore peace by promoting peaceful co-existence between the conflicting parties. Herdsmen should be educated on the procedures for legal land acquisition for ranching, and farmers should be able to seek legal redress when their farms are damaged by grazing cattle. BSEMA and the Federal Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs should also facilitate voluntary, safe and dignified return of IDPs or their resettlement in another community. • Safeguard IDP Camps: BSEMA and the Nigeria security agencies should safeguard official and unofficial IDP camps. • Inclusive Policy Implementation: The FMHA in collaboration with the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) should develop humanitarian response plans that are beneficial to all IDPs in Nigeria irrespective of the cause of their displacement.
Topic:: Conflict, Pastoralism, Internal Displacement, Farming, and Inclusion
Political Geography:: Africa and Nigeria

130. Rural Banditry and Food Security in Oyo State (2019-2023)

Author:: Adebajo Aderayo Aderayo and Sunday Toyin Omojowo
Publication Date:: 06-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Political Studies
Institution:: Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab
Abstract:: Banditry is not peculiar to Nigeria alone, as many nations especially in Africa continue to battle with its surge in recent years. In Nigeria, media platforms are daily abashed with the evils perpetrated by the bandits across the states claiming several lives, destroying billions worth of property, generating humanitarian crisis with negative implications on food security. Adopting broken windows as a theoretical framework, the paper interrogated the trends and reasons for rural banditry and its deleterious effects on food security in Oyo state. The paper employed desk research method using secondary sources data. It argued that rural banditry has intensified affecting food security with recent attacks concentrated on farmers in the state. If further argued that farmers have lost their lives to attacks, kidnapped for ransom, had their farmlands looted and plundered leading to reduction in low agricultural investment and poor crop production, invariably increasing prices of food products. The paper concluded that the menace of rural banditry has indeed caused affected food accessibility, availability, sustainability and utilization in the State. It therefore recommended that government should employ the use of utter force to clampdown on bandits in their hideouts and also introduce advanced surveillance technologies to monitor activities in the ungoverned forest and reserves.
Topic:: Crime, Food Security, Sustainability, Humanitarian Crisis, and Bandits
Political Geography:: Africa and Nigeria

131. Women, Political Corruption and First Ladyship in Nigeria

Author:: Ayo Awopeju
Publication Date:: 06-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Political Studies
Institution:: Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab
Abstract:: Despite the international campaigns and conferences held on the need to enhance gender equality in every facet of human endeavor, there is still a wide gap between the level of women’s and men’s participations in politics and decision-making positions in Nigeria. One of the ways women participate in politics is by playing the role of first ladies. This paper, therefore, examines women’s participation in politics, political corruption vis-à-vis first ladies’ roles in Nigeria. Anchored on feminist theory as its theoretical framework, the paper made use of secondary sources of data, such as textbooks, journals, reports on international conferences, conventions and agencies, internet sources, magazines and newspapers. Findings revealed that the first ladies initiate pet projects to showcase themselves in public, use the office for personal aggrandizement and promote the agenda of their husbands in power. These projects serve as means of looting the state treasury, thus having negative implications on the socio-political development of Nigeria. This paper concluded that, although the pet projects are aimed at achieving developmental objectives, they are means of official looting of the state treasury, thereby having debilitating implications on national development of the Nigerian state. It is therefore recommended among others that the culture of good governance be practiced to check the malfeasance of the first ladies in governance in Nigeria
Topic:: Corruption, Women, Domestic Politics, and Participation
Political Geography:: Africa and Nigeria

132. Explaining the State of Environmental Enforcement in Nigeria’s Niger Delta Region: some Theoretical Consideration

Author:: Zephaniah Osuyi Edo, Joshua Olatunde Fajimbola, and Frederick Imuebe Braimah
Publication Date:: 06-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Political Studies
Institution:: Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab
Abstract:: There are several theories that elucidate the current condition of environmental enforcement and laws in Nigeria, as well as the subsequent deterioration of the Niger Delta ecosystem by oil multinational corporations. These theories are not exclusive as they relate with other theories to advance a holistic view. This study examines three theories in connection to the continuous and unresolved environmental challenges confronting the Niger Delta area in Nigeria. These are the dependency theory, the rentier state theory, and the regulatory capture theory. Anchored on historical research design and the use of secondary data, the findings indicated that Nigeria's enforcement programmes had been seriously affected by its total reliance on oil proceeds and the subsequent capture of its regulatory agencies by oil multinationals. The paper discovered that Nigeria's oil dependency, rent-seeking behavior, and corruption had been the greatest obstacle to the enforcement regime in the country. This situation led to a condition where though the laws exist to address environmental injustice, the various governments, especially at the centre, have made sure that they are not applied stringently as it would mean a reduced income on a resource that has been defining the country's economy trajectory for over 60 years. The paper, therefore, recommended holistic approaches that are measurable and achievable to resolving the problem and dilemma of the Niger Delta region of Nigeria.
Topic:: Environment, Law Enforcement, Rentier State Theory, Environmental Justice, and Sustainable Development
Political Geography:: Africa, Nigeria, and Niger Delta

133. China’s security relations with Africa in the 21st century

Author:: Monika Magdalena Krukowska
Publication Date:: 06-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Security and Defence Quarterly
Institution:: War Studies University
Abstract:: The paper examines China’s increasing security interests in Africa. It seeks to understand the nature and scope of Chinese engagement in peace and security issues on the continent based on its engagement in international and domestic (African) politics. Through literature analysis and logical reasoning, the author intends to define the implications of China’s new role as a security provider. The paper is based on desk research using primary and secondary data and statistical and comparative analysis of official documents, academic research, and media sources. The methods include literature analysis, logical reasoning, statistical research, comparative analysis, and the inductive method to build general theorems. The paper analyses aspects of China’s security engagement on the African continent: its participation in the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations, small arms exports, and Beijing’s sharing of technology with African partners. China’s engagement in Africa’s security helps to advance its vital economic and political interests, with limited impact on African security. Key lessons for African partners are offered. The last decades have seen an extraordinary increase in China’s economic and political ties with Africa. Security cooperation followed massive Chinese investments and thousands of Chinese nationals working on the continent. China’s security engagement in Africa protects Beijing’s interests regarding access to resources, markets, political influence, and social credibility. It has little to do with a benevolent will to help Africa deal with instability or economic underdevelopment. African partners must make necessary efforts to avoid further dependence on China.
Topic:: Security, Foreign Policy, International Security, Peacekeeping, Cybersecurity, and Cooperation
Political Geography:: Africa, China, and Asia

134. The Frozen Conflict in Western Sahara and the Forgotten Question of Sahrawi

Author:: Marco Marsili
Publication Date:: 05-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Review of Human Rights
Institution:: Society of Social Science Academics (SSSA)
Abstract:: Western Sahara’s “frozen conflict” is one of the major and forgotten issues that, so far, the international community could not settle. This article aims to shed light on the historical events and the political responsibilities that led to a protracted stalemate over the Sahrawi question. The paper retraces the historical roots of the claims over the disputed territory by the Polisario Front, as the representative of the Sahrawi people, over the disputed territory, and analyzes their foundations under the light of international law.
Topic:: International Law, Post Colonialism, Sovereignty, Independence, and Self-Determination
Political Geography:: Africa and Western Sahara

135. The Exploratory Case Study of Improving the Nigerian Defence Academy Cadets’ Training Effectiveness

Author:: Sanya Ojo
Publication Date:: 10-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Military and Strategic Studies
Institution:: Centre for Military, Security and Strategic Studies
Abstract:: At the Nigerian Defence Academy, cadets assume a rigorous schedule full of competing demands including physical training, drills, athletic, and academic that incites prolonged sleep deprivation, which hinders their chance of thriving in their academic pursuits. The study seeks to identify the directions the Nigerian Defence Academy could take to improve its cadets’ training strategies and how they are developed to better support educational requirements and meet conventional intellectual standards, capitalise on innovative training technologies, and increase efficiency. Through the application of qualitative methodology, the study gathered data that reveal some distinguishing features of institutional logics in which the cadets’ training regime is embedded. The contradictions inherent in the education and military training regimens have to be carefully and innovatively negotiated to improve the quality of instruction received by the cadets to enhance efficiency both in conduct and character.
Topic:: Armed Forces, Training, and Military Training
Political Geography:: Africa and Nigeria

136. In Search of an African Theory of Democracy: Utilising the Tiv Cultural Philosophy of Ya-Na-Angbian

Author:: Ayaka Simon Silas and Yusufu Ahmed Audu
Publication Date:: 07-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: The Rest: Journal of Politics and Development
Institution:: Centre for Strategic Research and Analysis (CESRAN)
Abstract:: This paper critically assessed the lacunae in African political scholarship, particularly the lack of a comprehensive democratic theory that rigorously defined the principles, interpretations, norms, and essence of democracy as practised across the continent. It advocated for a thorough examination of indigenous democratic values, practices, and concepts, specifically through the perspective of the Tiv cultural philosophy of Ya-Na-Angbian, which translates to “eat and give to your brother.” This philosophy, characterised by its principles of egalitarianism and communal solidarity, has the potential to significantly contribute to the formulation of a unique African democratic theory. Grounded in indigenous knowledge systems and cultural philosophies, such a theory could catalyse substantive and sustainable development throughout Africa. Utilising the Communitarian Theory as its analytical framework and drawing from a wide array of secondary sources, the paper employed descriptive and expository methodologies to elucidate the fundamental tenets of Ya-Na-Angbian. It highlighted the principles of egalitarianism and communal solidarity, assessing their practical relevance in democratic governance and their effectiveness in addressing contemporary socio-political challenges. The study revealed that the Ya-Na-Angbian philosophy, emblematic of Tiv distributive justice, has undergone significant transformations under the influences of Western culture, capitalism, Christianity, and the prevalent “sit-tight” syndrome within Nigerian politics. Consequently, the paper concluded that the erosion of the Ya-NaAngbian philosophy signals potential political instability in Tiv land. It, therefore, recommends the urgent revitalisation and reaffirmation of Ya-Na-Angbian values to promote peace, progress, and social cohesion not only within Tiv land and Nigeria but across the broader African continent.
Topic:: Democracy, Philosophy, Scholarships, and Egalitarianism
Political Geography:: Africa

137. CTC Sentinel: March 2024 Issue

Author:: Barak Mendelsohn, Paul Cruickshank, Caleb Weiss, and Ryan O'Farrell
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: CTC Sentinel
Institution:: The Combating Terrorism Center at West Point
Abstract:: In this month’s feature article, Barak Mendelsohn examines the future of the jihadi movement. His article is the second in a new recurring series in CTC Sentinel entitled “On the Horizon” that examines emerging counterterrorism challenges and long-term developments. Mendelsohn writes that over 20 years after 9/11, “jihadi violence in the West is low, but the number of Sunni jihadi outfits around the world has increased. And while the central leaderships of both al-Qa`ida and the Islamic State appear in tatters, many of their affiliates are experiencing expansion.” He argues that “anti-regime grievances, the appeal of religious ideology, and the ability to hurt, are likely to maintain jihadism as a viable resistance ideology.” He further warns that “jihadism is still a powerful force and is making inroads in various regions” and that “a more modest jihadi strategy with a regional focus is offering jihadis a new path forward.” But, he notes, “a sustainable jihadi success would require moderation that is simply antithetical to the nature of the ideology.” Our interview is with Mitchell D. Silber, the executive director of the Community Security Initiative, an intiative “created by the leading organizations in the Jewish community in New York to protect the Jewish population and Jewish institutions in the Greater New York City metro area.” He previously served as Director of Intelligence Analysis at the New York City Police Department. Silber describes how in the months since the October 7 attacks in Israel, there has been a surge in antisemitic threats and violence in the greater New York area. “This is kind of like a category five storm. Five times the amount of hateful postings that our intelligence desk had to vet through,” he says, adding that “since October 7, 2023, there have been at least 23 anti-Jewish assaults in New York City.” He outlines how in response to these grave threats, the Jewish “community, leadership, and organizations have rallied, have risen to the occasion, and are now creating the security architecture that we never had before in the United States in order to meet the moment.” Finally, Caleb Weiss and Ryan O’Farrell examine how Operation Shujaa, launched in late 2021 by the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Uganda against the Islamic State Central Africa Province (ISCAP) in the border regions of the DRC near Uganda, has degraded the ability of the group to disseminate propaganda via the Islamic State’s central media apparatus. They write: “While still a serious and deadly threat inside Congo and beyond, [ISCAP’s] propaganda output is a shell of its former self. This decline is, in part, thanks to the current joint Ugandan-Congolese operations against it.”
Topic:: Terrorism, Islamic State, October 7, 2023 Gaza War, Antisemitism, and Salafi-Jihadism
Political Geography:: Uganda, Africa, New York, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Global Focus, and United States of America

138. CTC Sentinel: December 2024 Issue

Author:: Graham Macklin, Paul Cruickshank, Kristina Hummel, Michael Horton, Christopher Faulkner, Marcel Plichta, and Raphael Parens
Publication Date:: 12-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: CTC Sentinel
Institution:: The Combating Terrorism Center at West Point
Abstract:: In the feature article, Graham Macklin evaluates ‘transnationalism’ as an analytical lens for understanding racially or ethnically motivated violent extremist (REMVE) terrorism. He writes that “the ‘transnational’ dimension of REMVE terrorism is often ill-defined and misunderstood, leading to misconceptions about the nature of such networks that in turn exaggerate their ‘global’ reach. … Nevertheless, understanding the transnational dimension of social media and its role in the radicalization of lone-actor REMVE terrorists is increasingly important. Online REMVE communities rather than physical organizations per se serve as the medium through which violent ideologies are spread; where lessons from previous attacks are learned and internalized; where the perpetrators of violence are revered; and where further acts of violence are encouraged and incited.” Our interview is with Marshall Miller, the outgoing Principal Associate Deputy Attorney General of the United States, who oversaw the day-to-day running of the Department of Justice and earlier in his career prosecuted or supervised the prosecution of several high-profile terrorism cases. When it comes to the CT mission of the DOJ, he says that “the number-one piece of advice would be that prevention and disruption always have to remain the top priority. And in order to achieve prevention and disruption, we need to double down on what has been working and continually modernize and calibrate to meet the varied threats. There is a system … that works; it involves coordination and information sharing and intelligence gathering from all sources—both in the intelligence community, of course, but also law enforcement and the Department of Defense.” Michael Horton outlines the Houthis’ expanding footprint in the Horn of Africa. He writes that securing supply chains and funding for their unmanned vehicle and missile programs, “especially funding and supplies that are independent of Iran, is a key objective for the Houthi leadership” and that “both AQAP and al-Shabaab now act as facilitators and, to a degree, as partners that help the Houthis smuggle needed materiel into and out of Yemen.” Christopher Faulkner, Raphael Parens, and Marcel Plichta look at Africa Corps, Russia’s replacement for the Wagner Group in Africa. They write: “Russia’s Sahel strategy, and arguably its Africa strategy writ large, is one that promotes more disruption and chaos, not less. … Russia has limited CT experience and diminished incentives to invest the resources necessary to genuinely solve the complex security crises in Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, and across the greater Sahel—crises that demand much more than a military solution. Adding to the complications is the potential loss of Russian bases in Syria following the overthrow of the Assad regime. Any resulting Russian forfeiture of its bases … could make airlifting goods to Libya, the Sahel, and Central Africa significantly more challenging in the short term,” with implications for the endurability of Sahelian juntas propped up by Africa Corps.
Topic:: Terrorism, Transnational Actors, Houthis, Countering Violent Extremism, Private Military Companies (PMCs), and Transnational Threats
Political Geography:: Africa, Russia, Syria, United States of America, and Horn of Africa

139. Germany: Prohibition of Deportation For Bidoons with Comoros Passports

Author:: Helena-Ulrike Marambio
Publication Date:: 08-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Statelessness & Citizenship Review
Institution:: Peter McMullin Centre on Statelessness, Melbourne Law School
Abstract:: The struggles of stateless Bidoons1in the Middle East have sparked global attention, particularly in context of thecontroversial agreement between the Union of Comoros (‘Comoros’) and the United Arab Emirates (‘UAE’). This agreement entailed the sale of Comoros ‘economic citizenship’ passports to the UAE Government, the latter of which then issuedthemto marginalised Bidoons born on UAE territory.2This action came in response to mounting international pressure on the UAE to tackle the statelessness of longrejected minorities in itsterritory.3Thestateless population in the UAE is estimated to be around100,000 people,composed of members of nomadic tribes, refugees and migrants who entered the country decades ago.4However, instead of being naturalised in their newly allocated country of origin, the Comoros, approximately 47,500 Bidoons found themselves holding an ‘economic citizenship’ passport without the right to enter, reside, or enjoy civil and political rights in the Comoros.5In the UAE, they became ‘foreigners’ with restricted access to services, shiftingthe reason fortheir marginalisation within society.6This case note highlightsthe legal and humanitariandilemmas of Bidoons with Comoros passports, emphasisingthe need for a nuanced understandingof their situation in international contexts. It presents the challenges faced by a Bidoonfamilyof Arabic descent, whoreceivedUAEGovernment-issued Comoros passportswithout their consent. The case reveals three critical issues that surfaced duringthe family’sappeal to the Administrative CourtofSigmaringen(‘Administrative Court’) in Germanyfollowing their rejected asylum application:7first, the controversial use of ‘economic’ or ‘investor citizenship’8to reduce statelessnessamong Bidoons in the UAE; second, the ongoing precariousnessexperienced by Bidoons who possess passportswithout associated rights; and third, the difficultiesencountered by courts likethose inGermany in procuring updated evidence to evaluate the circumstances of Bidoons in the context of asylum appeals.9The selected judgment from 2022 is notable as it seems to be the only publicly accessiblelawsuit in Germany offering helpful insights on similar proceedings.To date, there is a dearth of scholarly research examining how courts in Europe navigate asylum cases involving ‘stateless’ Bidoons with ‘economic citizenship’.
Topic:: Asylum, Deportation, Statelessness, and Bidoon
Political Geography:: Africa, Germany, United Arab Emirates, and Comoros

140. Jus Tribalis: Statelessness, Ethnicity and Registration in Kenya

Author:: Samantha Balaton-Chrimes
Publication Date:: 08-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Statelessness & Citizenship Review
Institution:: Peter McMullin Centre on Statelessness, Melbourne Law School
Abstract:: Many cases of mass statelessness arise from discrimination against groups. Accordingly, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (‘UNHCR’) and others sometimes pursue group forms of recognition in campaigns to remedy statelessness. In this article, I consider the implications of such an approach by examining its effects in Kenya using the cases of Makonde, Pemba, Shona, Nubian and Galje’el ethnic communities. I argue that securing citizenship is neither purely political and group-based nor purely legal and individual, but rather that these conceptions of citizenship are interdependent, that there are both risks and opportunities in this entanglement and that the management of both requires attention to a cultivated vagueness that characterises the role of ethnic identity in registration and citizenship in Kenya. I conclude with an argument for more vigilance regarding the use of ethnic identity in citizenship bureaucracy and for caution in the export of this group-based campaigning strategy to other national contexts.
Topic:: Citizenship, Ethnicity, Bureaucracy, UNHCR, Statelessness, and Registration
Political Geography:: Kenya and Africa

141. Exclusionary Governance in Burundi: Implications for Democracy and Consolidating Peace

Author:: Fabrice Nshimirimana
Publication Date:: 12-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: This article aims to demonstrate the effects of exclusionary forms of governance on democracy and peace with reference to Burundi’s post-Arusha electoral rivalries. The Arusha agreement was the first in a series of peace agreements that terminated over a decade of civil strife, which was in many respects based on interethnic conflict. The Arusha pacification model resolved Burundi’s past interethnic conflicts and rivalries, and the main cleavage is currently between and within political parties rather than ethnic groups. In explaining the causes of the crisis of democracy and peace, the article gives considerable weight to Burundi’s post-Arusha elections. The first post-Arusha elections held in 2005, won by the former Hutu-dominated rebel movement, the National Council for the Defence of Democracy–Forces for the Defence of Democracy (CNDD–FDD) were regarded as free and fair, but other endogenous and exogenous factors also played a role. The second and third post-Arusha elections held in 2010 and 2015 respectively, largely paved the way for the current crisis of democracy and peace. The CNDD–FDD’s dominant position allowed it to gradually reduce the democratic space in Burundi, leading to the establishment of an authoritarian, one-party system through elections and violence. Burundi’s current crisis of peace is caused by the failure of democracy.
Topic:: Ethnic Conflict, Governance, Elections, Democracy, and Peace
Political Geography:: Africa and Burundi

142. The Potential of Paradiplomacy as a Counter-terrorism Strategy in Cabo Delgado

Author:: Ndzalama Cleopatra Mathebula and Hope Moremi
Publication Date:: 12-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: This paper discusses and proposes paradiplomacy and community engagement as instruments of stabilising Cabo Delgado. The paper contributes to the literature on the integration of paradiplomacy and community engagement in Africa’s counter-terrorism approaches. The study employed a qualitative explorative approach, which relied mainly on documentary sources of data in the form of existing literature, previous research outputs and media reports. The main argument is that counter-terrorism efforts in Africa have embodied a top-down approach that has achieved only little results and no sustainable peace. Thus, employing a paradiplomatic approach and engaging with the community holds significant prospects for addressing the factors that inflame terrorist-related conflict and promoting sustainable peace in the province of Cabo Delgado. In addition, the study reveals that, apart from corruption and low political participation, the key internal factors driving the Cabo Delgado conflict are the socio-economic injustices resulting from poor governance, neglect by the government, internal displacement and loss of livelihoods due to commercial mining activities. As a result, a people-centred approach is necessary to address these socio-economic challenges and thereby promote peace in the region.
Topic:: Diplomacy, Terrorism, Counter-terrorism, and Conflict
Political Geography:: Africa and Cabo Delgado

143. Violent Conflict and Resilient Urban Spaces in the Global South: Learning from Community Peacebuilding in Jos, Nigeria

Author:: Oluwole Ojewale
Publication Date:: 12-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: This study is conceived within a theoretical framework that seeks to rationalise the linkages between space, peacebuilding and urban resilience. The paper responds to the research question: How do city residents build urban resilience and prevent violent conflict? The study obtained primary data by fusing both qualitative and quantitative research methods through household data collection and the Geographic Information System (GIS). The study notes indigenous conflict management, the traditional justice system and community policing, civic education, non-governmental interventions, and political and economic measures as factors of urban resilience to violent conflict. The study concludes that collaboration becomes effective when initiatives are designed at the community level with ties to specific government agencies for additional support, expertise and an enabling environment.
Topic:: Global South, Conflict, Urban, Resilience, Community, and Peacebuilding
Political Geography:: Africa and Nigeria

144. Evaluating Alternative Dispute Resolution in Resolving Land Conflicts in Ifakara, Tanzania

Author:: Theresia Nicholaus Kamoleka and Charles Lucian
Publication Date:: 12-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: Inter-village land disputes confronted by the Ifakara Town Council – a local governing authority in Tanzania – arise from socio-economic complexities, poor boundary demarcation, and weak institutional frameworks, making litigation ineffective. Despite the prevalence of these conflicts, there is limited understanding of how Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) mechanisms, particularly mediation, can address such issues in rural Tanzania. This study evaluates the applicability and effectiveness of ADR, with a focus on mediation, in resolving these disputes. Given the limitations of litigation, culturally appropriate ADR methods are essential for achieving sustainable conflict resolution. The research used a mixed-methods approach, collecting qualitative and quantitative data through interviews, document reviews, and questionnaires from stakeholders in four villages. The findings show that while ADR, especially mediation, is valued for its flexibility and cultural relevance, its effectiveness is limited by challenges such as poor boundary demarcation, bureaucratic delays, weak institutional capacity, and resistance from disputing parties. The study concludes that to enhance ADR effectiveness, structural issues like boundary demarcation and institutional weaknesses must be addressed. It recommends improving boundary clarity, strengthening institutional frameworks, increasing community awareness, and establishing monitoring systems to ensure compliance with ADR outcomes. These measures could promote sustainable land governance in Ifakara and similar regions across Sub-Saharan Africa.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Governance, Negotiation, Mediation, and Land Disputes
Political Geography:: Africa and Tanzania

145. The African Union’s 2063 goal of silencing the guns in the new world order

Author:: Igwe Kelechi Njoku
Publication Date:: 09-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Conflict Trends
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: After the end of the Second World War in 1945 and the dawn of the new world order, Africa remained passive and accepted the geopolitical realities of the international system without an assertive, unified regional policy. Since the end of the Cold War, little consideration has been given to the African continent in the security and political discussions and decisions of the global powers. However, post 9/11, international security has been redefined, and new challenges have been identified. Thus, at the beginning of the 21st century, Africa is facing a variety of new security challenges and has become an increasingly important battleground in the fight against terrorism. The revolutions, now known as the Arab Spring, that swept through North Africa in 2011 have created new challenges for the African continent and are compounding the African peoples’ efforts towards poverty alleviation, state stability, socioeconomic development, democracy, and good governance. In addition to the crises of civil war, ethnic conflict, circumvention of constituted term limits, military coups, state insecurity, and rampant corruption at all levels, the COVID-19 pandemic has ravaged global health systems and revealed how vulnerable Africa can be in the midst of global challenges. During this crucial period when the continent is confronted with these myriad security challenges, it needs an effective, decisive and strategic multilateral agenda to achieve the continent’s security aspirations. This paper argues that Africa’s leadership should position the continent as an independent and equal actor in the international system and provide Africa-oriented political solutions to African problems, especially in security, statecraft and conflict resolution. These goals are captured in the African Union’s (AU’s) Agenda 2063, with one of the goals being to silence the guns, to end all wars and violent conflicts and promote dialogue-based mechanisms for conflict prevention and resolution by 2030. In the contestation of increasing multi-polarity in the international system Africa, once again like the Cold War era, has become a prioritised region in the scramble for power and resources by the global superpowers. The AU must pilot its continental affairs in order to attain its pan-African Agenda 2063, irrespective of the challenges of the new world order.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Diplomacy, International Security, African Union, and International System
Political Geography:: Africa

146. Impact of the ongoing crisis on the education of the North West Region of Cameroon

Author:: Bamnjo Herman Yenika
Publication Date:: 09-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Conflict Trends
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: The Northwest Region of Cameroon has been deeply affected by the ongoing Anglophone crisis, which has had a significant impact on education in the region. This study aims to assess the impact of the crisis on education in the region. The study adopted both qualitative and quantitative methods. Quantitative methods were used to analyse data on school enrolment, dropout rates and access to education. A total of 300 questionnaires were administered and 220 were returned. The findings of the study show that school enrolment has decreased significantly and dropout rates have increased due to the crisis. The study further found that the crisis has had a profoundly negative impact on education in the Northwest Region of Cameroon. The study, therefore, recommends actions to address the impact of the crisis and to ensure that children can access quality education. In modern society, the majority of the population depends on the education of children as a source of future economic and social growth and increasing technological know-how. Above all, education is a basic human need that can ensure development. Studies have proven that aside from the fact that education is a basic human right for all children, it is also a powerful tool by which social and economic development can be attained and is a way of lifting children out of poverty. Education is a basic human right necessary for socially and economically marginalised children and adults to lift themselves out of poverty. Human Rights Watch argues that education ‘can break generational cycles of poverty by enabling children to gain life skills and knowledge needed to cope with today’s challenges.’1 Education is linked to the creation of concrete improvements in health and nutrition, improving children’s chances for survival. It is believed that education is a powerful protection factor as ‘children who are in school are less likely to come into conflict with the law’ and they are ‘much less vulnerable to rampant forms of child exploitation, including child labour, trafficking and recruitment into armed groups and forces.’2 Education is considered a right and not a privilege, as every child has the right to be educated. According to Norad, the right to education is a fundamental human right. Every individual, irrespective of race, gender, nationality, ethnic or social origin, religion or political preferences, age or disability, is entitled to a free elementary education.3
Topic:: Security, Education, Governance, Youth, and Peace
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

147. An in-depth analysis of maritime security in the Gulf of Guinea

Author:: Elsie Amelia Tachie-Menson
Publication Date:: 09-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Conflict Trends
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: The Gulf of Guinea (GoG) emerges as a focal point of global concern due to escalating maritime insecurity, encompassing rampant illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing, piracy, armed robbery, and oil-related crimes. This tumultuous maritime environment has weathered ongoing challenges over time, necessitating a meticulous examination of its security landscape. Beyond the pervasive issues, the GoG faces multifaceted threats, including geopolitical complexities, economic vulnerabilities, and environmental concerns. The intertwining of these factors amplifies the region’s susceptibility to maritime crimes and the urgency of comprehensive security measures. Episodes of maritime piracy in West Africa have thrust the region into the spotlight, shedding light on the adaptability of criminal entities. A retrospective analysis of 2021 reveals a notable 54% reduction in overall piracy and maritime crime,1 indicating a positive trend from the preceding year. Nonetheless, delving deeper into the intricacies of specific incidents, their modus operandi and the identities of involved groups is imperative. As stakeholders grapple with these challenges, an unambiguous understanding of the region’s maritime vulnerabilities is paramount. This paper unveils critical insights into the ever-evolving dynamics of maritime threats in the GoG.
Topic:: Security, Piracy, Maritime, and ECOWAS
Political Geography:: Africa and Gulf of Guinea

148. Beyond hard tactics: Investigating the use of soft approaches in preventing and countering violent extremism in the informal settlements of Kibera, Nairobi County, Kenya

Author:: Regina M. Mwendwa and Jescah Otieno
Publication Date:: 09-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Conflict Trends
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: Violent extremism has become a worldwide epidemic and has received increased focus in policy research and scholarship in recent years. Governments, Kenya included, have heavily invested in hard-line approaches to curbing this vice through, inter alia, the training of security operation agents and investing in equipment aimed at detecting, deterring and disrupting the activities of terrorists. While hard approaches may achieve temporary success, their long-term effectiveness can be undermined by unintended negative consequences that outweigh their benefits. County Action Plans (CAPs) have been developed for preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE) in Kenya and these have incorporated some soft approaches. Therefore, this paper interrogates the uptake of soft approaches by various institutions in the informal settlements of Kibera, Nairobi County and explores the models of soft approaches applied and their impact on preventing violent extremism (PVE). Through the behaviour change theory and drawing from the purposive sampling technique, data was generated through interviews and focus group discussions (FGDs) with 22 participants. Data was analysed thematically and is presented here according to the emerging themes. This paper advances the thesis that the use of softer approaches in countering violent extremism (CVE) results in improved coordination and collaboration between government agencies and civil society organisations (CSOs) working in the area.
Topic:: Violent Extremism, Informal Settlement, Countering Violent Extremism, and Peacebuilding
Political Geography:: Kenya, Africa, and Nairobi

149. Eswatini’s June 2021 protests revisited: Understanding political violence in Eswatini

Author:: Sizwebanzi Mngomezulu
Publication Date:: 11-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Conflict Trends
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: For most observers of the socio-political affairs of Eswatini (formerly Swaziland), the events of 29 June 2021 and those of earlier weeks leading up to them, presented a level of violence that the country has not experienced since independence. Indeed, it could be argued that the violence was unparalleled in the country’s modern history. Given the significance of this event, this article seeks to contextualise the conflict and examine whether the government has effectively dealt with the grievances of the protesters. It will argue that the disturbances of June 2021 were unique because they were largely non-partisan, led by groups of young people who wished to put police brutality to an end in the country. The article will also argue that whereas past protests usually took place in the main cities of the country, this time, they were spread throughout rural and urban communities, signalling a shift in the frustration locus. In elaborating on these two interconnected theses presented above, the article will proceed as follows: it will offer a concise narration of the events preceding the violence of 29 June 2021 that was centred on the death of the University of Swaziland law student Thabani Nkomonye. Thereafter, it will consider the call for an elected prime minister (PM) that came out of the protests, highlighting that these protesters were largely unaffiliated with the major political parties in the country, whose clarion call is multi-party democracy. The conclusion that will be drawn is that the authorities failed to respond to the initial concerns of the people due to the closed nature of the political system of the country and its ineffective citizen participation structures. The authorities thus chose a similar zero-sum approach after the conflict. The unfortunate consequence of this is that the country is likely to witness similar outbursts unless it deals with the root cause of the problem.
Topic:: Political Violence, Democracy, Impunity, Dialogue, and Political Unrest
Political Geography:: Africa and Eswatini

150. Political transition and democratic challenges in central Sahel

Author:: Kellian Mbianda
Publication Date:: 11-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Conflict Trends
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: Historically, regime changes in both the global North and South are closely linked. The process of change often results in the establishment of democracy, a return to authoritarianism, or the emergence of revolutionary systems.1 The oscillation between non-representative regimes and democracy is frequently a consequence of political and social instability, originating from social and economic inequalities between the wealthy and the poor.2 As such, political transitions are often easier to achieve during periods of economic recession due to the lower associated costs. Economic hardships increase the likelihood of revolution or coups. Often, the impoverished majority resort to civil unrest to express dissatisfaction with the country’s low level of development and government mismanagement of public funds. This popular discontent is often accompanied by elite or military officers seizing power from the incumbent government, promising economic improvement or strengthened homeland security. Throughout history, many political transitions have occurred during economic recessions, including in Brazil (1964), Chile (1973), Argentina (1976), Burkina Faso (1983), Mali (1991), and Niger (1999).
Topic:: Democracy, Leadership, Coup, and Political Transition
Political Geography:: Africa and Sahel

Search

Search Constraints

Search Results

Refine your search

Topic

Political Geography

Content Type

Journal

Publishing Institution

Author

Publication Year

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS