Political Geography: Africa / Content Type: Journal Article

101. China in Africa: The Nuanced Reality of Belt and Road

Author:: Hank Cohen
Publication Date:: 11-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: American Diplomacy
Institution:: American Diplomacy
Abstract:: China’s growing presence in Africa has been the subject of significant criticism. The popular understanding in the US of China’s role on the continent has been that the People’s Republic, via the Belt and Road Initiative, has offered African countries a raw deal: shoddy infrastructure projects in exchange for loans they know their partners cannot repay. The approach is commonly described as debt-trap diplomacy, garnering unfavorable comparisons to organized crime behavior. But the reality of China’s presence in Africa is more nuanced.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Infrastructure, and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)
Political Geography:: Africa, China, and Asia

102. Representation is Work

Author:: Charles A. Ray
Publication Date:: 11-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: American Diplomacy
Institution:: American Diplomacy
Abstract:: At a recent event to launch Diplomatic Tradecraft, a book that discusses the day-to-day aspects of diplomacy, a colleague took me to task for saying that “diplomatic receptions are for work, not for fun” to illustrate that the public doesn’t understand what diplomats really do. My colleague said that he “looked forward to these events for the networking opportunities they gave him.” I didn’t make a point of it at the time, but he and I said essentially the same thing, just from different perspectives. To be perfectly transparent, I probably could have stated my position with much more clarity. I am one of those people who does not enjoy attending crowded functions and listening to long, boring speeches on the off chance that something of importance might inadvertently (or deliberately) be said, while at the same time making nice, often with people who would not be on my A-list for socializing. My long-time colleague, on the other hand, is a much more gregarious and outgoing type.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, and Memoir
Political Geography:: Africa, Cambodia, Sierra Leone, Southeast Asia, and United States of America

103. The Sudan's Incorporation into the Capitalist World-Economy through Modern Cultivation and Trade of Cotton

Author:: Abdullah Muhsin Yıldız
Publication Date:: 06-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Turkish Journal of Middle Eastern Studies
Institution:: Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:: Before the 19th century, the Sudan had a distinctive social system in which decentralized kingdoms held the political power. The article assumes that this intersocietal system entered a process of incorporation into the capitalist world-economy in the 19th century. Early modernization policies pursued in the Sudan during the Turco-Egyptian administration between 1821-1885 period, known as the Turkiyya. This rule shifted to the Anglo-Egyptian administration in 1899, after British forces defeating the short-lived Mahdist rule. Upon establishment of the new condominium government, the Sudan became a peripheral supplier of the expanding world economy. Throughout the peripheralization, the British gained control of raw materials such as gum arabic and cotton from the Nile valley, which were then transported to factories located in the mainland England. This article investigates economic incorporation process of the Sudan, specifically focusing on the Gezira Scheme, established with a colonial mentality, and mainly based on cotton production. The effect of this process was evident during the 1930s, when the country had been seriously impacted by the global economic crisis of 1929.
Topic:: Hegemony, Capitalism, Economy, Colonialism, Trade, and Cotton
Political Geography:: Africa and Sudan

104. Turkey’s Trade and Foreign Direct Investment in Ethiopia: An Insight into Challenges from 2012-2023

Author:: Betselot Adisu Ayal, Nani Debele Dubale, and Esayas Bamlack Bishaw
Publication Date:: 12-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Turkish Journal of Middle Eastern Studies
Institution:: Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:: The first decade of the 21st century marks a new phase in relations between Ethiopia and Turkey. During this period, relations between the two countries transformed into an unprecedented stage. The aim of this study is to examine the challenges of Ethio-Turkish economic relations from 2012 to 2023, with particular reference to trade and FDI. To attain its objectives, the study employed a qualitative research approach. Essentially, primary data were collected through key informant interviews, observation, and document reviews. Despite the growth in trade and foreign direct investment between the two countries, various challenges hinder the smooth operation of these economic ties. The main results of this study show that issues like changing exchange rates, lacking access to the Generalised System of Preferences (GSP), corruption, inefficient government, high tariffs, infrastructure issues, companies that can't pay their debts, customs procedures, fluctuating exchange rates, and a lack of data were major problems for trade and investment between Ethiopia and Turkey. The findings of the study suggest that there are certain problems that need policy measures for further industrial development through attracting foreign direct investment.
Topic:: Bilateral Relations, Foreign Direct Investment, and Trade
Political Geography:: Africa, Turkey, and Ethiopia

105. Cultural Dynamics of Irregular Ethiopian Migration: Insights From Kembata Emigrants to the Republic of South Africa

Author:: Hailu Megersa and Tesfaye Tafesse
Publication Date:: 06-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal on Migration and Human Security
Institution:: Center for Migration Studies of New York
Abstract:: This paper examines the cultural influences on irregular migration to South Africa from the Kembata-Tembaro Zone of Ethiopia. It reports on a mixed methods study, with a cross-sectional household survey (n = 316) to examine indicators about society’s perceptions, cultural values, and the impact of remittances on migration. In-depth interviews (n = 24) with migrant returnees and experts in the Kembata-Tembaro Zone Labor and Social Affairs Office explored their experiences and perceptions of irregular migration. The study established a connection between cultural influences and irregular migration of Ethiopians to the Republic of South Africa. Overall, the study demonstrates that the culture of migration among the Kembatas is primarily driven by a cumulative migration experience facilitated through migrant social networks. Economic incentives, such as prospects of better income and improved living conditions, are the main drivers for individuals to embark on this migratory journey. In addition, social factors, including familial networks, community ties, and remittances from migrants, significantly influence households’ attitudes toward migration. The paper ends with recommendations to address the problems related to irregular Ethiopian migration to South Africa, to enhance the well-being of Kembata emigrants, and to maximize the benefits of migration.
Topic:: Migration, Social Networks, Irregular Migration, and Kembata
Political Geography:: Africa, South Africa, and Ethiopia

106. Social Inclusion and Justice for the Internally Displaced by the Herdsmen-Farmers Conflict in Benue State, Nigeria

Author:: Rita Iorbo, Sanjeev P. Sahni, and Dick Taverishma Andzenge
Publication Date:: 06-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal on Migration and Human Security
Institution:: Center for Migration Studies of New York
Abstract:: Herdsmen-farmers conflict has displaced 1.5 million residents of Benue State, Nigeria, according to government officials. Internally displaced persons (IDPs) have lost livelihoods, farms, personal property and community infrastructure. The paper highlights the social challenges they have experienced and the response by government and international humanitarian agencies (IHAs) to their situations. Based on interviews with 12 IDPs belonging to the displaced population from Guma Local Government Area of Benue State and interviews with seven humanitarian workers, the paper finds that the IDPs: • Have lost family members, neighbors, farms, churches, health centers, and means of mobility. • Cannot safely return home or access their ancestral lands. • Cannot support themselves. • Cannot attend public school or progress to a university. • Lack access to quality health care. • Live with multiple families in insecure shelters. • Cannot reliably obtain birth registration and replace other destroyed documents. • Can register their names, family relations, and former villages, but not their losses, which might lead to compensation and help them to rebuild their lives. The paper makes the following recommendations. • Registration, Effective Remedies and Access to Justice: The Benue State Emergency Management Agency (BSEMA), Federal Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs (FMHA) and United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) should document personal and community socio-economic losses to ascertain the extent of damage to IDPs in order to facilitate effective remedies. The Ministries of Justice, the National Human Rights Commission, and UNHCR should support the IDPs by providing them with information and procedures that allow them to secure full compensation for their losses, and with safe, permanent solutions to their situations, including full integration into their host communities, safe and voluntary return home, or resettlement in a third community. • Engage IDPs as Stakeholders: The Benue State Government should ensure that BSEMA communicates to IDPs the possibilities for voluntary and dignified safe return. If return is not immediately foreseeable, BSEMA should offer IDPs the means to relocate and resettle elsewhere. • Provision of Sustainable Social Amenities: BSEMA, the FMHA, and international humanitarian agencies (IHAs) should provide sustainable healthcare, shelter, education in IDP camps, financial assistance and the means to access services outside of IDP camps. • Peace through Establishment of Ranches: Benue State Government’s Peace Commission should resolve the herdsmen-farmer conflict and restore peace by promoting peaceful co-existence between the conflicting parties. Herdsmen should be educated on the procedures for legal land acquisition for ranching, and farmers should be able to seek legal redress when their farms are damaged by grazing cattle. BSEMA and the Federal Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs should also facilitate voluntary, safe and dignified return of IDPs or their resettlement in another community. • Safeguard IDP Camps: BSEMA and the Nigeria security agencies should safeguard official and unofficial IDP camps. • Inclusive Policy Implementation: The FMHA in collaboration with the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) should develop humanitarian response plans that are beneficial to all IDPs in Nigeria irrespective of the cause of their displacement.
Topic:: Conflict, Pastoralism, Internal Displacement, Farming, and Inclusion
Political Geography:: Africa and Nigeria

107. Rural Banditry and Food Security in Oyo State (2019-2023)

Author:: Adebajo Aderayo Aderayo and Sunday Toyin Omojowo
Publication Date:: 06-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Political Studies
Institution:: Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab
Abstract:: Banditry is not peculiar to Nigeria alone, as many nations especially in Africa continue to battle with its surge in recent years. In Nigeria, media platforms are daily abashed with the evils perpetrated by the bandits across the states claiming several lives, destroying billions worth of property, generating humanitarian crisis with negative implications on food security. Adopting broken windows as a theoretical framework, the paper interrogated the trends and reasons for rural banditry and its deleterious effects on food security in Oyo state. The paper employed desk research method using secondary sources data. It argued that rural banditry has intensified affecting food security with recent attacks concentrated on farmers in the state. If further argued that farmers have lost their lives to attacks, kidnapped for ransom, had their farmlands looted and plundered leading to reduction in low agricultural investment and poor crop production, invariably increasing prices of food products. The paper concluded that the menace of rural banditry has indeed caused affected food accessibility, availability, sustainability and utilization in the State. It therefore recommended that government should employ the use of utter force to clampdown on bandits in their hideouts and also introduce advanced surveillance technologies to monitor activities in the ungoverned forest and reserves.
Topic:: Crime, Food Security, Sustainability, Humanitarian Crisis, and Bandits
Political Geography:: Africa and Nigeria

108. Women, Political Corruption and First Ladyship in Nigeria

Author:: Ayo Awopeju
Publication Date:: 06-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Political Studies
Institution:: Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab
Abstract:: Despite the international campaigns and conferences held on the need to enhance gender equality in every facet of human endeavor, there is still a wide gap between the level of women’s and men’s participations in politics and decision-making positions in Nigeria. One of the ways women participate in politics is by playing the role of first ladies. This paper, therefore, examines women’s participation in politics, political corruption vis-à-vis first ladies’ roles in Nigeria. Anchored on feminist theory as its theoretical framework, the paper made use of secondary sources of data, such as textbooks, journals, reports on international conferences, conventions and agencies, internet sources, magazines and newspapers. Findings revealed that the first ladies initiate pet projects to showcase themselves in public, use the office for personal aggrandizement and promote the agenda of their husbands in power. These projects serve as means of looting the state treasury, thus having negative implications on the socio-political development of Nigeria. This paper concluded that, although the pet projects are aimed at achieving developmental objectives, they are means of official looting of the state treasury, thereby having debilitating implications on national development of the Nigerian state. It is therefore recommended among others that the culture of good governance be practiced to check the malfeasance of the first ladies in governance in Nigeria
Topic:: Corruption, Women, Domestic Politics, and Participation
Political Geography:: Africa and Nigeria

109. Explaining the State of Environmental Enforcement in Nigeria’s Niger Delta Region: some Theoretical Consideration

Author:: Zephaniah Osuyi Edo, Joshua Olatunde Fajimbola, and Frederick Imuebe Braimah
Publication Date:: 06-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Political Studies
Institution:: Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab
Abstract:: There are several theories that elucidate the current condition of environmental enforcement and laws in Nigeria, as well as the subsequent deterioration of the Niger Delta ecosystem by oil multinational corporations. These theories are not exclusive as they relate with other theories to advance a holistic view. This study examines three theories in connection to the continuous and unresolved environmental challenges confronting the Niger Delta area in Nigeria. These are the dependency theory, the rentier state theory, and the regulatory capture theory. Anchored on historical research design and the use of secondary data, the findings indicated that Nigeria's enforcement programmes had been seriously affected by its total reliance on oil proceeds and the subsequent capture of its regulatory agencies by oil multinationals. The paper discovered that Nigeria's oil dependency, rent-seeking behavior, and corruption had been the greatest obstacle to the enforcement regime in the country. This situation led to a condition where though the laws exist to address environmental injustice, the various governments, especially at the centre, have made sure that they are not applied stringently as it would mean a reduced income on a resource that has been defining the country's economy trajectory for over 60 years. The paper, therefore, recommended holistic approaches that are measurable and achievable to resolving the problem and dilemma of the Niger Delta region of Nigeria.
Topic:: Environment, Law Enforcement, Rentier State Theory, Environmental Justice, and Sustainable Development
Political Geography:: Africa, Nigeria, and Niger Delta

110. China’s security relations with Africa in the 21st century

Author:: Monika Magdalena Krukowska
Publication Date:: 06-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Security and Defence Quarterly
Institution:: War Studies University
Abstract:: The paper examines China’s increasing security interests in Africa. It seeks to understand the nature and scope of Chinese engagement in peace and security issues on the continent based on its engagement in international and domestic (African) politics. Through literature analysis and logical reasoning, the author intends to define the implications of China’s new role as a security provider. The paper is based on desk research using primary and secondary data and statistical and comparative analysis of official documents, academic research, and media sources. The methods include literature analysis, logical reasoning, statistical research, comparative analysis, and the inductive method to build general theorems. The paper analyses aspects of China’s security engagement on the African continent: its participation in the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations, small arms exports, and Beijing’s sharing of technology with African partners. China’s engagement in Africa’s security helps to advance its vital economic and political interests, with limited impact on African security. Key lessons for African partners are offered. The last decades have seen an extraordinary increase in China’s economic and political ties with Africa. Security cooperation followed massive Chinese investments and thousands of Chinese nationals working on the continent. China’s security engagement in Africa protects Beijing’s interests regarding access to resources, markets, political influence, and social credibility. It has little to do with a benevolent will to help Africa deal with instability or economic underdevelopment. African partners must make necessary efforts to avoid further dependence on China.
Topic:: Security, Foreign Policy, International Security, Peacekeeping, Cybersecurity, and Cooperation
Political Geography:: Africa, China, and Asia

111. The Frozen Conflict in Western Sahara and the Forgotten Question of Sahrawi

Author:: Marco Marsili
Publication Date:: 05-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Review of Human Rights
Institution:: Society of Social Science Academics (SSSA)
Abstract:: Western Sahara’s “frozen conflict” is one of the major and forgotten issues that, so far, the international community could not settle. This article aims to shed light on the historical events and the political responsibilities that led to a protracted stalemate over the Sahrawi question. The paper retraces the historical roots of the claims over the disputed territory by the Polisario Front, as the representative of the Sahrawi people, over the disputed territory, and analyzes their foundations under the light of international law.
Topic:: International Law, Post Colonialism, Sovereignty, Independence, and Self-Determination
Political Geography:: Africa and Western Sahara

112. The Exploratory Case Study of Improving the Nigerian Defence Academy Cadets’ Training Effectiveness

Author:: Sanya Ojo
Publication Date:: 10-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Military and Strategic Studies
Institution:: Centre for Military, Security and Strategic Studies
Abstract:: At the Nigerian Defence Academy, cadets assume a rigorous schedule full of competing demands including physical training, drills, athletic, and academic that incites prolonged sleep deprivation, which hinders their chance of thriving in their academic pursuits. The study seeks to identify the directions the Nigerian Defence Academy could take to improve its cadets’ training strategies and how they are developed to better support educational requirements and meet conventional intellectual standards, capitalise on innovative training technologies, and increase efficiency. Through the application of qualitative methodology, the study gathered data that reveal some distinguishing features of institutional logics in which the cadets’ training regime is embedded. The contradictions inherent in the education and military training regimens have to be carefully and innovatively negotiated to improve the quality of instruction received by the cadets to enhance efficiency both in conduct and character.
Topic:: Armed Forces, Training, and Military Training
Political Geography:: Africa and Nigeria

113. In Search of an African Theory of Democracy: Utilising the Tiv Cultural Philosophy of Ya-Na-Angbian

Author:: Ayaka Simon Silas and Yusufu Ahmed Audu
Publication Date:: 07-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: The Rest: Journal of Politics and Development
Institution:: Centre for Strategic Research and Analysis (CESRAN)
Abstract:: This paper critically assessed the lacunae in African political scholarship, particularly the lack of a comprehensive democratic theory that rigorously defined the principles, interpretations, norms, and essence of democracy as practised across the continent. It advocated for a thorough examination of indigenous democratic values, practices, and concepts, specifically through the perspective of the Tiv cultural philosophy of Ya-Na-Angbian, which translates to “eat and give to your brother.” This philosophy, characterised by its principles of egalitarianism and communal solidarity, has the potential to significantly contribute to the formulation of a unique African democratic theory. Grounded in indigenous knowledge systems and cultural philosophies, such a theory could catalyse substantive and sustainable development throughout Africa. Utilising the Communitarian Theory as its analytical framework and drawing from a wide array of secondary sources, the paper employed descriptive and expository methodologies to elucidate the fundamental tenets of Ya-Na-Angbian. It highlighted the principles of egalitarianism and communal solidarity, assessing their practical relevance in democratic governance and their effectiveness in addressing contemporary socio-political challenges. The study revealed that the Ya-Na-Angbian philosophy, emblematic of Tiv distributive justice, has undergone significant transformations under the influences of Western culture, capitalism, Christianity, and the prevalent “sit-tight” syndrome within Nigerian politics. Consequently, the paper concluded that the erosion of the Ya-NaAngbian philosophy signals potential political instability in Tiv land. It, therefore, recommends the urgent revitalisation and reaffirmation of Ya-Na-Angbian values to promote peace, progress, and social cohesion not only within Tiv land and Nigeria but across the broader African continent.
Topic:: Democracy, Philosophy, Scholarships, and Egalitarianism
Political Geography:: Africa

114. CTC Sentinel: March 2024 Issue

Author:: Barak Mendelsohn, Paul Cruickshank, Caleb Weiss, and Ryan O'Farrell
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: CTC Sentinel
Institution:: The Combating Terrorism Center at West Point
Abstract:: In this month’s feature article, Barak Mendelsohn examines the future of the jihadi movement. His article is the second in a new recurring series in CTC Sentinel entitled “On the Horizon” that examines emerging counterterrorism challenges and long-term developments. Mendelsohn writes that over 20 years after 9/11, “jihadi violence in the West is low, but the number of Sunni jihadi outfits around the world has increased. And while the central leaderships of both al-Qa`ida and the Islamic State appear in tatters, many of their affiliates are experiencing expansion.” He argues that “anti-regime grievances, the appeal of religious ideology, and the ability to hurt, are likely to maintain jihadism as a viable resistance ideology.” He further warns that “jihadism is still a powerful force and is making inroads in various regions” and that “a more modest jihadi strategy with a regional focus is offering jihadis a new path forward.” But, he notes, “a sustainable jihadi success would require moderation that is simply antithetical to the nature of the ideology.” Our interview is with Mitchell D. Silber, the executive director of the Community Security Initiative, an intiative “created by the leading organizations in the Jewish community in New York to protect the Jewish population and Jewish institutions in the Greater New York City metro area.” He previously served as Director of Intelligence Analysis at the New York City Police Department. Silber describes how in the months since the October 7 attacks in Israel, there has been a surge in antisemitic threats and violence in the greater New York area. “This is kind of like a category five storm. Five times the amount of hateful postings that our intelligence desk had to vet through,” he says, adding that “since October 7, 2023, there have been at least 23 anti-Jewish assaults in New York City.” He outlines how in response to these grave threats, the Jewish “community, leadership, and organizations have rallied, have risen to the occasion, and are now creating the security architecture that we never had before in the United States in order to meet the moment.” Finally, Caleb Weiss and Ryan O’Farrell examine how Operation Shujaa, launched in late 2021 by the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Uganda against the Islamic State Central Africa Province (ISCAP) in the border regions of the DRC near Uganda, has degraded the ability of the group to disseminate propaganda via the Islamic State’s central media apparatus. They write: “While still a serious and deadly threat inside Congo and beyond, [ISCAP’s] propaganda output is a shell of its former self. This decline is, in part, thanks to the current joint Ugandan-Congolese operations against it.”
Topic:: Terrorism, Islamic State, October 7, 2023 Gaza War, Antisemitism, and Salafi-Jihadism
Political Geography:: Uganda, Africa, New York, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Global Focus, and United States of America

115. CTC Sentinel: December 2024 Issue

Author:: Graham Macklin, Paul Cruickshank, Kristina Hummel, Michael Horton, Christopher Faulkner, Marcel Plichta, and Raphael Parens
Publication Date:: 12-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: CTC Sentinel
Institution:: The Combating Terrorism Center at West Point
Abstract:: In the feature article, Graham Macklin evaluates ‘transnationalism’ as an analytical lens for understanding racially or ethnically motivated violent extremist (REMVE) terrorism. He writes that “the ‘transnational’ dimension of REMVE terrorism is often ill-defined and misunderstood, leading to misconceptions about the nature of such networks that in turn exaggerate their ‘global’ reach. … Nevertheless, understanding the transnational dimension of social media and its role in the radicalization of lone-actor REMVE terrorists is increasingly important. Online REMVE communities rather than physical organizations per se serve as the medium through which violent ideologies are spread; where lessons from previous attacks are learned and internalized; where the perpetrators of violence are revered; and where further acts of violence are encouraged and incited.” Our interview is with Marshall Miller, the outgoing Principal Associate Deputy Attorney General of the United States, who oversaw the day-to-day running of the Department of Justice and earlier in his career prosecuted or supervised the prosecution of several high-profile terrorism cases. When it comes to the CT mission of the DOJ, he says that “the number-one piece of advice would be that prevention and disruption always have to remain the top priority. And in order to achieve prevention and disruption, we need to double down on what has been working and continually modernize and calibrate to meet the varied threats. There is a system … that works; it involves coordination and information sharing and intelligence gathering from all sources—both in the intelligence community, of course, but also law enforcement and the Department of Defense.” Michael Horton outlines the Houthis’ expanding footprint in the Horn of Africa. He writes that securing supply chains and funding for their unmanned vehicle and missile programs, “especially funding and supplies that are independent of Iran, is a key objective for the Houthi leadership” and that “both AQAP and al-Shabaab now act as facilitators and, to a degree, as partners that help the Houthis smuggle needed materiel into and out of Yemen.” Christopher Faulkner, Raphael Parens, and Marcel Plichta look at Africa Corps, Russia’s replacement for the Wagner Group in Africa. They write: “Russia’s Sahel strategy, and arguably its Africa strategy writ large, is one that promotes more disruption and chaos, not less. … Russia has limited CT experience and diminished incentives to invest the resources necessary to genuinely solve the complex security crises in Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, and across the greater Sahel—crises that demand much more than a military solution. Adding to the complications is the potential loss of Russian bases in Syria following the overthrow of the Assad regime. Any resulting Russian forfeiture of its bases … could make airlifting goods to Libya, the Sahel, and Central Africa significantly more challenging in the short term,” with implications for the endurability of Sahelian juntas propped up by Africa Corps.
Topic:: Terrorism, Transnational Actors, Houthis, Countering Violent Extremism, Private Military Companies (PMCs), and Transnational Threats
Political Geography:: Africa, Russia, Syria, United States of America, and Horn of Africa

116. Germany: Prohibition of Deportation For Bidoons with Comoros Passports

Author:: Helena-Ulrike Marambio
Publication Date:: 08-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Statelessness & Citizenship Review
Institution:: Peter McMullin Centre on Statelessness, Melbourne Law School
Abstract:: The struggles of stateless Bidoons1in the Middle East have sparked global attention, particularly in context of thecontroversial agreement between the Union of Comoros (‘Comoros’) and the United Arab Emirates (‘UAE’). This agreement entailed the sale of Comoros ‘economic citizenship’ passports to the UAE Government, the latter of which then issuedthemto marginalised Bidoons born on UAE territory.2This action came in response to mounting international pressure on the UAE to tackle the statelessness of longrejected minorities in itsterritory.3Thestateless population in the UAE is estimated to be around100,000 people,composed of members of nomadic tribes, refugees and migrants who entered the country decades ago.4However, instead of being naturalised in their newly allocated country of origin, the Comoros, approximately 47,500 Bidoons found themselves holding an ‘economic citizenship’ passport without the right to enter, reside, or enjoy civil and political rights in the Comoros.5In the UAE, they became ‘foreigners’ with restricted access to services, shiftingthe reason fortheir marginalisation within society.6This case note highlightsthe legal and humanitariandilemmas of Bidoons with Comoros passports, emphasisingthe need for a nuanced understandingof their situation in international contexts. It presents the challenges faced by a Bidoonfamilyof Arabic descent, whoreceivedUAEGovernment-issued Comoros passportswithout their consent. The case reveals three critical issues that surfaced duringthe family’sappeal to the Administrative CourtofSigmaringen(‘Administrative Court’) in Germanyfollowing their rejected asylum application:7first, the controversial use of ‘economic’ or ‘investor citizenship’8to reduce statelessnessamong Bidoons in the UAE; second, the ongoing precariousnessexperienced by Bidoons who possess passportswithout associated rights; and third, the difficultiesencountered by courts likethose inGermany in procuring updated evidence to evaluate the circumstances of Bidoons in the context of asylum appeals.9The selected judgment from 2022 is notable as it seems to be the only publicly accessiblelawsuit in Germany offering helpful insights on similar proceedings.To date, there is a dearth of scholarly research examining how courts in Europe navigate asylum cases involving ‘stateless’ Bidoons with ‘economic citizenship’.
Topic:: Asylum, Deportation, Statelessness, and Bidoon
Political Geography:: Africa, Germany, United Arab Emirates, and Comoros

117. Jus Tribalis: Statelessness, Ethnicity and Registration in Kenya

Author:: Samantha Balaton-Chrimes
Publication Date:: 08-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Statelessness & Citizenship Review
Institution:: Peter McMullin Centre on Statelessness, Melbourne Law School
Abstract:: Many cases of mass statelessness arise from discrimination against groups. Accordingly, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (‘UNHCR’) and others sometimes pursue group forms of recognition in campaigns to remedy statelessness. In this article, I consider the implications of such an approach by examining its effects in Kenya using the cases of Makonde, Pemba, Shona, Nubian and Galje’el ethnic communities. I argue that securing citizenship is neither purely political and group-based nor purely legal and individual, but rather that these conceptions of citizenship are interdependent, that there are both risks and opportunities in this entanglement and that the management of both requires attention to a cultivated vagueness that characterises the role of ethnic identity in registration and citizenship in Kenya. I conclude with an argument for more vigilance regarding the use of ethnic identity in citizenship bureaucracy and for caution in the export of this group-based campaigning strategy to other national contexts.
Topic:: Citizenship, Ethnicity, Bureaucracy, UNHCR, Statelessness, and Registration
Political Geography:: Kenya and Africa

118. Exclusionary Governance in Burundi: Implications for Democracy and Consolidating Peace

Author:: Fabrice Nshimirimana
Publication Date:: 12-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: This article aims to demonstrate the effects of exclusionary forms of governance on democracy and peace with reference to Burundi’s post-Arusha electoral rivalries. The Arusha agreement was the first in a series of peace agreements that terminated over a decade of civil strife, which was in many respects based on interethnic conflict. The Arusha pacification model resolved Burundi’s past interethnic conflicts and rivalries, and the main cleavage is currently between and within political parties rather than ethnic groups. In explaining the causes of the crisis of democracy and peace, the article gives considerable weight to Burundi’s post-Arusha elections. The first post-Arusha elections held in 2005, won by the former Hutu-dominated rebel movement, the National Council for the Defence of Democracy–Forces for the Defence of Democracy (CNDD–FDD) were regarded as free and fair, but other endogenous and exogenous factors also played a role. The second and third post-Arusha elections held in 2010 and 2015 respectively, largely paved the way for the current crisis of democracy and peace. The CNDD–FDD’s dominant position allowed it to gradually reduce the democratic space in Burundi, leading to the establishment of an authoritarian, one-party system through elections and violence. Burundi’s current crisis of peace is caused by the failure of democracy.
Topic:: Ethnic Conflict, Governance, Elections, Democracy, and Peace
Political Geography:: Africa and Burundi

119. The Potential of Paradiplomacy as a Counter-terrorism Strategy in Cabo Delgado

Author:: Ndzalama Cleopatra Mathebula and Hope Moremi
Publication Date:: 12-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: This paper discusses and proposes paradiplomacy and community engagement as instruments of stabilising Cabo Delgado. The paper contributes to the literature on the integration of paradiplomacy and community engagement in Africa’s counter-terrorism approaches. The study employed a qualitative explorative approach, which relied mainly on documentary sources of data in the form of existing literature, previous research outputs and media reports. The main argument is that counter-terrorism efforts in Africa have embodied a top-down approach that has achieved only little results and no sustainable peace. Thus, employing a paradiplomatic approach and engaging with the community holds significant prospects for addressing the factors that inflame terrorist-related conflict and promoting sustainable peace in the province of Cabo Delgado. In addition, the study reveals that, apart from corruption and low political participation, the key internal factors driving the Cabo Delgado conflict are the socio-economic injustices resulting from poor governance, neglect by the government, internal displacement and loss of livelihoods due to commercial mining activities. As a result, a people-centred approach is necessary to address these socio-economic challenges and thereby promote peace in the region.
Topic:: Diplomacy, Terrorism, Counter-terrorism, and Conflict
Political Geography:: Africa and Cabo Delgado

120. Violent Conflict and Resilient Urban Spaces in the Global South: Learning from Community Peacebuilding in Jos, Nigeria

Author:: Oluwole Ojewale
Publication Date:: 12-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: This study is conceived within a theoretical framework that seeks to rationalise the linkages between space, peacebuilding and urban resilience. The paper responds to the research question: How do city residents build urban resilience and prevent violent conflict? The study obtained primary data by fusing both qualitative and quantitative research methods through household data collection and the Geographic Information System (GIS). The study notes indigenous conflict management, the traditional justice system and community policing, civic education, non-governmental interventions, and political and economic measures as factors of urban resilience to violent conflict. The study concludes that collaboration becomes effective when initiatives are designed at the community level with ties to specific government agencies for additional support, expertise and an enabling environment.
Topic:: Global South, Conflict, Urban, Resilience, Community, and Peacebuilding
Political Geography:: Africa and Nigeria

121. Evaluating Alternative Dispute Resolution in Resolving Land Conflicts in Ifakara, Tanzania

Author:: Theresia Nicholaus Kamoleka and Charles Lucian
Publication Date:: 12-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: Inter-village land disputes confronted by the Ifakara Town Council – a local governing authority in Tanzania – arise from socio-economic complexities, poor boundary demarcation, and weak institutional frameworks, making litigation ineffective. Despite the prevalence of these conflicts, there is limited understanding of how Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) mechanisms, particularly mediation, can address such issues in rural Tanzania. This study evaluates the applicability and effectiveness of ADR, with a focus on mediation, in resolving these disputes. Given the limitations of litigation, culturally appropriate ADR methods are essential for achieving sustainable conflict resolution. The research used a mixed-methods approach, collecting qualitative and quantitative data through interviews, document reviews, and questionnaires from stakeholders in four villages. The findings show that while ADR, especially mediation, is valued for its flexibility and cultural relevance, its effectiveness is limited by challenges such as poor boundary demarcation, bureaucratic delays, weak institutional capacity, and resistance from disputing parties. The study concludes that to enhance ADR effectiveness, structural issues like boundary demarcation and institutional weaknesses must be addressed. It recommends improving boundary clarity, strengthening institutional frameworks, increasing community awareness, and establishing monitoring systems to ensure compliance with ADR outcomes. These measures could promote sustainable land governance in Ifakara and similar regions across Sub-Saharan Africa.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Governance, Negotiation, Mediation, and Land Disputes
Political Geography:: Africa and Tanzania

122. The African Union’s 2063 goal of silencing the guns in the new world order

Author:: Igwe Kelechi Njoku
Publication Date:: 09-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Conflict Trends
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: After the end of the Second World War in 1945 and the dawn of the new world order, Africa remained passive and accepted the geopolitical realities of the international system without an assertive, unified regional policy. Since the end of the Cold War, little consideration has been given to the African continent in the security and political discussions and decisions of the global powers. However, post 9/11, international security has been redefined, and new challenges have been identified. Thus, at the beginning of the 21st century, Africa is facing a variety of new security challenges and has become an increasingly important battleground in the fight against terrorism. The revolutions, now known as the Arab Spring, that swept through North Africa in 2011 have created new challenges for the African continent and are compounding the African peoples’ efforts towards poverty alleviation, state stability, socioeconomic development, democracy, and good governance. In addition to the crises of civil war, ethnic conflict, circumvention of constituted term limits, military coups, state insecurity, and rampant corruption at all levels, the COVID-19 pandemic has ravaged global health systems and revealed how vulnerable Africa can be in the midst of global challenges. During this crucial period when the continent is confronted with these myriad security challenges, it needs an effective, decisive and strategic multilateral agenda to achieve the continent’s security aspirations. This paper argues that Africa’s leadership should position the continent as an independent and equal actor in the international system and provide Africa-oriented political solutions to African problems, especially in security, statecraft and conflict resolution. These goals are captured in the African Union’s (AU’s) Agenda 2063, with one of the goals being to silence the guns, to end all wars and violent conflicts and promote dialogue-based mechanisms for conflict prevention and resolution by 2030. In the contestation of increasing multi-polarity in the international system Africa, once again like the Cold War era, has become a prioritised region in the scramble for power and resources by the global superpowers. The AU must pilot its continental affairs in order to attain its pan-African Agenda 2063, irrespective of the challenges of the new world order.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Diplomacy, International Security, African Union, and International System
Political Geography:: Africa

123. Impact of the ongoing crisis on the education of the North West Region of Cameroon

Author:: Bamnjo Herman Yenika
Publication Date:: 09-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Conflict Trends
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: The Northwest Region of Cameroon has been deeply affected by the ongoing Anglophone crisis, which has had a significant impact on education in the region. This study aims to assess the impact of the crisis on education in the region. The study adopted both qualitative and quantitative methods. Quantitative methods were used to analyse data on school enrolment, dropout rates and access to education. A total of 300 questionnaires were administered and 220 were returned. The findings of the study show that school enrolment has decreased significantly and dropout rates have increased due to the crisis. The study further found that the crisis has had a profoundly negative impact on education in the Northwest Region of Cameroon. The study, therefore, recommends actions to address the impact of the crisis and to ensure that children can access quality education. In modern society, the majority of the population depends on the education of children as a source of future economic and social growth and increasing technological know-how. Above all, education is a basic human need that can ensure development. Studies have proven that aside from the fact that education is a basic human right for all children, it is also a powerful tool by which social and economic development can be attained and is a way of lifting children out of poverty. Education is a basic human right necessary for socially and economically marginalised children and adults to lift themselves out of poverty. Human Rights Watch argues that education ‘can break generational cycles of poverty by enabling children to gain life skills and knowledge needed to cope with today’s challenges.’1 Education is linked to the creation of concrete improvements in health and nutrition, improving children’s chances for survival. It is believed that education is a powerful protection factor as ‘children who are in school are less likely to come into conflict with the law’ and they are ‘much less vulnerable to rampant forms of child exploitation, including child labour, trafficking and recruitment into armed groups and forces.’2 Education is considered a right and not a privilege, as every child has the right to be educated. According to Norad, the right to education is a fundamental human right. Every individual, irrespective of race, gender, nationality, ethnic or social origin, religion or political preferences, age or disability, is entitled to a free elementary education.3
Topic:: Security, Education, Governance, Youth, and Peace
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

124. An in-depth analysis of maritime security in the Gulf of Guinea

Author:: Elsie Amelia Tachie-Menson
Publication Date:: 09-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Conflict Trends
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: The Gulf of Guinea (GoG) emerges as a focal point of global concern due to escalating maritime insecurity, encompassing rampant illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing, piracy, armed robbery, and oil-related crimes. This tumultuous maritime environment has weathered ongoing challenges over time, necessitating a meticulous examination of its security landscape. Beyond the pervasive issues, the GoG faces multifaceted threats, including geopolitical complexities, economic vulnerabilities, and environmental concerns. The intertwining of these factors amplifies the region’s susceptibility to maritime crimes and the urgency of comprehensive security measures. Episodes of maritime piracy in West Africa have thrust the region into the spotlight, shedding light on the adaptability of criminal entities. A retrospective analysis of 2021 reveals a notable 54% reduction in overall piracy and maritime crime,1 indicating a positive trend from the preceding year. Nonetheless, delving deeper into the intricacies of specific incidents, their modus operandi and the identities of involved groups is imperative. As stakeholders grapple with these challenges, an unambiguous understanding of the region’s maritime vulnerabilities is paramount. This paper unveils critical insights into the ever-evolving dynamics of maritime threats in the GoG.
Topic:: Security, Piracy, Maritime, and ECOWAS
Political Geography:: Africa and Gulf of Guinea

125. Beyond hard tactics: Investigating the use of soft approaches in preventing and countering violent extremism in the informal settlements of Kibera, Nairobi County, Kenya

Author:: Regina M. Mwendwa and Jescah Otieno
Publication Date:: 09-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Conflict Trends
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: Violent extremism has become a worldwide epidemic and has received increased focus in policy research and scholarship in recent years. Governments, Kenya included, have heavily invested in hard-line approaches to curbing this vice through, inter alia, the training of security operation agents and investing in equipment aimed at detecting, deterring and disrupting the activities of terrorists. While hard approaches may achieve temporary success, their long-term effectiveness can be undermined by unintended negative consequences that outweigh their benefits. County Action Plans (CAPs) have been developed for preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE) in Kenya and these have incorporated some soft approaches. Therefore, this paper interrogates the uptake of soft approaches by various institutions in the informal settlements of Kibera, Nairobi County and explores the models of soft approaches applied and their impact on preventing violent extremism (PVE). Through the behaviour change theory and drawing from the purposive sampling technique, data was generated through interviews and focus group discussions (FGDs) with 22 participants. Data was analysed thematically and is presented here according to the emerging themes. This paper advances the thesis that the use of softer approaches in countering violent extremism (CVE) results in improved coordination and collaboration between government agencies and civil society organisations (CSOs) working in the area.
Topic:: Violent Extremism, Informal Settlement, Countering Violent Extremism, and Peacebuilding
Political Geography:: Kenya, Africa, and Nairobi

126. Eswatini’s June 2021 protests revisited: Understanding political violence in Eswatini

Author:: Sizwebanzi Mngomezulu
Publication Date:: 11-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Conflict Trends
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: For most observers of the socio-political affairs of Eswatini (formerly Swaziland), the events of 29 June 2021 and those of earlier weeks leading up to them, presented a level of violence that the country has not experienced since independence. Indeed, it could be argued that the violence was unparalleled in the country’s modern history. Given the significance of this event, this article seeks to contextualise the conflict and examine whether the government has effectively dealt with the grievances of the protesters. It will argue that the disturbances of June 2021 were unique because they were largely non-partisan, led by groups of young people who wished to put police brutality to an end in the country. The article will also argue that whereas past protests usually took place in the main cities of the country, this time, they were spread throughout rural and urban communities, signalling a shift in the frustration locus. In elaborating on these two interconnected theses presented above, the article will proceed as follows: it will offer a concise narration of the events preceding the violence of 29 June 2021 that was centred on the death of the University of Swaziland law student Thabani Nkomonye. Thereafter, it will consider the call for an elected prime minister (PM) that came out of the protests, highlighting that these protesters were largely unaffiliated with the major political parties in the country, whose clarion call is multi-party democracy. The conclusion that will be drawn is that the authorities failed to respond to the initial concerns of the people due to the closed nature of the political system of the country and its ineffective citizen participation structures. The authorities thus chose a similar zero-sum approach after the conflict. The unfortunate consequence of this is that the country is likely to witness similar outbursts unless it deals with the root cause of the problem.
Topic:: Political Violence, Democracy, Impunity, Dialogue, and Political Unrest
Political Geography:: Africa and Eswatini

127. Political transition and democratic challenges in central Sahel

Author:: Kellian Mbianda
Publication Date:: 11-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Conflict Trends
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: Historically, regime changes in both the global North and South are closely linked. The process of change often results in the establishment of democracy, a return to authoritarianism, or the emergence of revolutionary systems.1 The oscillation between non-representative regimes and democracy is frequently a consequence of political and social instability, originating from social and economic inequalities between the wealthy and the poor.2 As such, political transitions are often easier to achieve during periods of economic recession due to the lower associated costs. Economic hardships increase the likelihood of revolution or coups. Often, the impoverished majority resort to civil unrest to express dissatisfaction with the country’s low level of development and government mismanagement of public funds. This popular discontent is often accompanied by elite or military officers seizing power from the incumbent government, promising economic improvement or strengthened homeland security. Throughout history, many political transitions have occurred during economic recessions, including in Brazil (1964), Chile (1973), Argentina (1976), Burkina Faso (1983), Mali (1991), and Niger (1999).
Topic:: Democracy, Leadership, Coup, and Political Transition
Political Geography:: Africa and Sahel

128. Scoping the operational dynamics of the MNJTF in the Lake Chad Basin: A regional security complex perspective

Author:: Nufaisa Garba Ahmed
Publication Date:: 11-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Conflict Trends
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: In Africa, one of the most important repositories of history, culture and ecology is the Lake Chad Basin (LCB), which has accurately been described as ‘an African geosymbol in a class of its own.’1 That Lake Chad is a strategic and important natural resource has captivated global attention and concerns over the decline and withering of the Lake. The situation has been made worse by the recent upsurge in violent conflict and confrontation in the region, thus making the region a hotspot for insecurity. This is not disconnected from the emergence and activities of the Boko Haram group, who have been carrying out an insurrection in northern Nigeria over the past few decades. The terrorist group has leveraged the largely porous borders of the countries in the LCB, among other features, to use the Lake Chad Region (LCR) as fertile ground to expand their influence and acquire havens for their illicit ventures. Military operations to counter the insurgency have equally pushed back the sect into the fringes of the LCR, thereby leading to the trans-nationalisation of the insurgency across the riparian countries of Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria. The trans-nationalisation of the insurgency across the fragile region has exacerbated an already complex crisis and has overstretched and overburdened LCB countries.2 The sect’s swift rise to prominence due to the havoc caused by its activities and its resilience and tenacity in carrying out large-scale, trans-border attacks have necessitated sub-regional commitments and cooperation among the affected countries.
Topic:: Security, Peace, Boko Haram, and Regional Security
Political Geography:: Africa and Lake Chad Basin

129. Sexual violence as a weapon: The gendered impact of banditry in Nigeria’s Northwest

Author:: Tosin Osasona
Publication Date:: 11-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Conflict Trends
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: Armed banditry in Nigeria’s Northwest geopolitical zone is driving an unprecedented national humanitarian and security crisis in terms of its disruptive impact and human casualties,1 with bandits responsible for more deaths than Boko Haram and other non-state armed groups combined.2 Bandits are the various organised criminal groups involved in rape and other sexual violence, kidnap-for-ransom, armed robbery, cattle rustling, pillage and attacks on traders, farmers, and travellers, particularly in Nigeria’s Northeast region.3 While banditry is rapidly extending into other Nigerian geopolitical zones, the Northwest is the epicentre of this emergency in Nigeria. In a geopolitical zone blighted by poverty, this security crisis has worsened socioeconomic outcomes, as women and other vulnerable groups are disproportionately affected.4 There are 9% more women than men who are internally displaced persons in the region.5 Utilisation of maternal healthcare is lower than the national average in the region.6 Only 29% of women in the region are literate. In addition, girls suffer more than boys in terms of missing out on education,7 with around 47% of eligible girls in the region receiving primary education.8 These poor socioeconomic outcomes are direct pointers to the failure of governance systems in the region.
Topic:: Security, Women, Geopolitics, Gender Based Violence, Sexual Violence, Peace, International Humanitarian Law (IHL), and Banditry
Political Geography:: Africa and Nigeria

130. The role of political compromise in South Africa’s Government of National Unity: Balancing competing interests for stability and peacebuilding

Author:: Mahlatse Ragolane and Nthabiseng Gratitude Khoza
Publication Date:: 11-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Conflict Trends
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: The transition from apartheid to democracy in South Africa remains a defining global moment in history emblematic of how political compromise can transform a divided society. Central to this transformation was the establishment of the Government of National Unity (GNU), a power-sharing arrangement that functioned from 1994 to 1997. GNUs are generally formed with the aim of bringing together the broadest possible spectrum of political interests in response to a crisis. GNUs are formed to achieve national interests, such as nation-building, social order, and peace and stability.1 After a peaceful transition in 1994, South Africa was readmitted as a member of the international community of nations. This time, it was recognised as a constitutional democratic state, relinquishing its pariah status. The effort to establish South Africa’s position in international relations began earnestly, guided by its foundational values and principles, as enshrined in the Constitution.2 The GNU was an unprecedented act of political compromise created to address deep-rooted historical grievances, while managing the competing interests of various political actors. Fast forward to 2024, and the political landscape in South Africa leading up to the recent elections was marked by significant shifts and uncertain developments. This is due to the rise of small parties, declining support for traditional parties, such as the African National Congress (ANC), and increasing public dissatisfaction with governance, which created an environment characterised by uncertainty and fragmentation.3 This environment set the stage for the formation of the GNU – a coalition formation driven by the need to stabilise a fractured political environment and address deep-seated socioeconomic challenges. South Africa has now entered an era of multi-party governance across all three spheres of government.4 Unlike the historic GNU of 1994, which emerged from the widespread recognition of the merits of compromise among the most significant political actors5 and the fight against injustices by ANC and other movements, the 2024 GNU was born out of electoral necessity and a fragmented electorate. This development is likely to influence changes to the existing governance framework to facilitate cooperative and stable governance across the three spheres of government.6 South Africa is at a pivotal moment and needs to ensure the stabilisation of the political landscape, while simultaneously laying the foundations for peace, reconciliation and sustainable development. While the diverse perspectives within a GNU can lead to adaptive and responsive policies, the need for consensus can also result in rigid compromises that slow down the government’s ability to act swiftly in response to stability and peacebuilding.7 This article delves into the intricacies of the GNU, focusing on how political compromise can be used as a tool to balance competing interests and promote stability, peace and governance in South Africa.
Topic:: Governance, Elections, Political stability, and Peacebuilding
Political Geography:: Africa and South Africa

131. Emerging cyber conflicts and the role of digital diplomacy in Africa: Trends and strategies

Author:: Abraham Ename Minko
Publication Date:: 11-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Conflict Trends
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: As Africa rapidly integrates digital technologies into its socio-political and economic systems, it faces new and complex challenges related to cyber conflicts and digital diplomacy. The rise of digital infrastructure has transformed how African nations engage in domestic and international affairs, leading to a significant shift in conflict dynamics. Traditional forms of conflict, such as territorial disputes and political unrest, are increasingly being supplemented or, in some cases, replaced by cyber-related threats. These include hacking, cyber espionage, and misinformation campaigns, which pose substantial risks to national security, economic stability, and social cohesion. In recent years, the continent has witnessed several high-profile cyber incidents highlighting digital diplomacy’s growing importance. For instance, the 2018 elections in Kenya were marred by allegations of cyber interference and misinformation campaigns, which were reportedly aimed at influencing public opinion and electoral outcomes. Similarly, South Africa has experienced multiple ransomware attacks targeting critical infrastructure, such as healthcare and municipal services, underscoring the vulnerabilities associated with increased digital reliance.
Topic:: Security, Cybersecurity, Peace, and Digital Diplomacy
Political Geography:: Africa

132. The Western Sahara conflict has been described as a ‘frozen conflict’ and as ‘decolonisation’s last stand.’ Despite the multiple ceasefires throughout its history, the conflict has not been fully resolved. Since 1974, Western Sahara has been on the shortlist of non-self-governing territories. However, it is the only one on the list that has not condoned this status. The Polisario Front spent 50 years fighting for the independence of the Sahrawi Arab Republic from Morocco, mostly using arms and guerrilla warfare. This period of violence was followed by a ceasefire between the two stakeholders. Nonetheless, in 2020, Morocco’s response to the Sahrawi protests resulted in a resumption of fighting by the Polisario Front, essentially reopening ‘Pandora’s Box’ and showing that, despite the ceasefire, a permanent solution is urgently needed. This would need to happen within the broader African security landscape, which is currently experiencing a shift amidst the weakening of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations, the growing presence of various private military companies (PMC), and the emerging role of countries such as Russia and Türkiye in African conflict situations. Considering the aforementioned changes, this article seeks to assess whether these shifts in the African security landscape will influence the situation in Western Sahara by maintaining the status quo or revitalising the efforts to resolve or exacerbate the existing tensions.

Author:: Ibrahim Sakawa Magara and Miranda Rivers
Publication Date:: 07-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: This article (re)appraises the role of civil society in South Sudan’s peace process. Situated at the confluence of civil society inclusion/exclusion, the significance of civil society participation and its contribution to peace processes, the article contributes to literature on inclusive and sustainable peace. The article employs a qualitative case analysis to illuminate the dynamics of civil society participation in the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD)-led peace process for South Sudan. The article engages with factors that compromise the efficacy of civic action in South Sudan and issues that are injurious to the sector’s legitimacy. The article neither downplays the complexity and precarity of the environment in which the South Sudanese civil society finds itself nor overplays the importance and contributions of civil society to the peace process. More importantly, it reveals that civil society in South Sudan is severely fragmentated and suggests that this fragmentation needs to be addressed as it simultaneously compromises civil society’s peacemaking efficacy and undermines the sector’s legitimacy. In the end, the article adds to the view that civil society is not always a force for peace and the sector’s inclusion; participation does not necessarily contribute to legitimising or sustaining peace processes and their outcomes.
Topic:: Civil Society, Peace, Sustainability, Inclusion, Fragmentation, Peace Process, Peacemaking, and Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD)
Political Geography:: Africa and South Sudan

133. Examining the Value of a “Soft Power” Net Assessment: Comparing Chinese and U.S. Power Projection in Africa

Author:: Michael J. McNerney, Oluwatimilehin Sotubo, and Daniel Egel
Publication Date:: 06-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: PRISM
Institution:: Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS), National Defense University
Abstract:: The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has entered an era in which it is no longer willing to be second fiddle to the United States. After many years of quietly growing China’s economy, following Deng Xiaoping’s guidance to “hide your strength and bide your time,”1 the CCP and President Xi Jinping are overseeing a plan for a more assertive China that uses its political and economic power to influence international relations. Underpinning China’s more assertive approach is a new concept that Xi has called zonghe guoli or “comprehensive national power.” This is a concept that seeks to describe “China’s combined military, economic, and technological power and foreign policy influence,”2 particularly as it compares to that of the United States and its allies.3 Xi’s conclusion, it seems, is that China’s zonghe guoli has grown such that China no longer needs to stand in America’s shadow. The United States is well-aware of the challenge posed by China. The 2022 National Security Strategy emphasized that China “is the only competitor with both the intent to reshape the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power to do it.”4 Given such high stakes, it should be no surprise that the U.S. government’s strategy argues for including “all elements of national power” in “out-competing China.”5 Competing effectively against China requires a nuanced understanding – a net assessment – of the relative strengths of China and the United States.6 There are now robust U.S.-China net assessments focused on military capabilities,7 key emergent technologies,8 defense industrial base,9 and overall national competitiveness.10 But how effective are the non-military components of U.S. efforts to project power abroad in comparison to those of China? Comparable analyses of America’s “soft power” vis-à-vis China are far more limited.11
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Development, National Security, Economy, and Soft Power
Political Geography:: Africa, China, Asia, North America, and United States of America

134. Offshore Dependencies: The Adverse Incorporation of African Countries in Global Wealth Chains

Author:: Pritish Behuria
Publication Date:: 09-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brown Journal of World Affairs
Institution:: Brown Journal of World Affairs
Abstract:: There is mounting pressure to combat global tax evasion and avoidance, with influential studies highlighting the vast scale (amounting to hundreds of billions of dollars a year) of tax evasion and avoidance globally.1 Usually, the blame is placed on “tax havens,” often imagined as small micro-states. It is often argued that trillions of dollars will be lost to such jurisdictions over the next decade.2 Recent multilateral initiatives include the Organization for Economic Coopera- tion and Development (OECD) and G20 Multilateral Convention to Imple- ment Tax Related Measures to Prevent Base Erosion and Profit Shifting (BEPS). BEPS has called for committing signatories to implement tax treaty measures to adhere to international tax rules. The goal of the initiatives is to target “double non-taxation,” with many tax havens often using Double Taxation Avoidance Agreements (DTAAs) to entice companies to their jurisdictions, resulting in these companies barely being taxed. In 2021, nearly 140 countries signed the OECD’s Global Tax Deal. The deal includes two pillars: the first aims to real- locate the residual profits of large multinationals from their home countries to jurisdictions where they generate revenue, while the second establishes a 15 percent global minimum corporate tax.3 The United States and other industrial- ized countries continue to dither on their commitments resulting in delays to the implementation of both pillars.
Topic:: Tax Systems, Tax Evasion, Offshore Finance, and Global Wealth Chains
Political Geography:: Africa

135. The Colonial Invention of Mozambique: From African Empires to Overseas Colony and Province

Author:: José Alejandro Sebastian Barrios Diaz
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: Mozambique, a country situated in southeastern Africa, lies between South Africa and Tanzania, washed by the waters of the Indian Ocean, for-ming the Mozambique Channel with the island of Madagascar. Like all Afri-can countries, it inherited borders from colonization and forged its national identity based on the premise of combating colonial occupation. The country’s historical formation resembles an “African mosaic” with a “scent of the Indian Ocean” resulting in a pronounced multiculturalism (Liesegang 1996). Capela (1996, 9) emphasizes the “civilizational and cultural heterogeneity of the peoples summoned to constitute the nation” and suggests that “approaching this fragmented reality cannot be done on the assumption of a sociologically nonexistent national unity”.Therefore, it is a country whose territory in the 19th century, still as an Overseas Province, was undetermined, being an “area without certain limits or defined borders” (Lobato 2008, 15). Administratively, there was a Governor-General assisted by District Administrators. After its independence in 1975, it became a sovereign state within the borders defined by colonial powers.
Topic:: History, State Formation, and Colonialism
Political Geography:: Africa, Mozambique, and Portugal

136. The Problematic Resettlements: A Literature Review

Author:: Felipe André Angst and Hermenegildo Alberto Machoi
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: One of the problems faced by Mozambican society in recent years is the management of the resettlements created by the implementation of mega--projects involving the exploitation of natural resources and the construction of major undertakings (roads, bridges and other infrastructure). The aim of this paper is to briefly review the literature on the subject of resettlement, with the objective of devising a future model that can be applied to Mozambican society, respecting the specific characteristics of each community, based on the problems identified.It is extremely important to study resettlement processes in Mozam-bique, as they have become a phenomenon with harmful consequences for the lives of local communities, as mentioned by Machel (2014), Silva (2018), Marques, Giondo, Cruz and Mendes (2018). According to Castro (2016) and Marques et al. (2018), the resettlement process causes major changes in daily life, associated with uncertainty about the future of the resettled populations. Marques et al. (2018) also point out that these processes cause changes in the environment and in the lives of those affected.
Topic:: Development, Natural Resources, Infrastructure, Resettlement, and Literature Review
Political Geography:: Africa and Mozambique

137. State-Building in Post-1991 Ethiopia: EPRDF's Pseudo Federalism and Reincarnating Authoritarian Centralisation, an Overview and Critique

Author:: Habtamu Wondimu Hibiso and Solomon Gebre Weldeananiya
Publication Date:: 10-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: EPRDF (Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front), which captured state power in 1991, restructured the state along ethnic federalism to answer the ‘nationalities question’. Ethiopia’s federalism is designed to share constitutional power with regional states. Ethiopia’s federal exercise under EPRDF (1991-2018) resembles pre-1991 centralist regimes, except for unitary and assimilationist policies aimed at nation-building. Hence, EPRDF’s sta-te-building through federalism accommodated diversity, except for political participation and decision-making within the regions’ jurisdiction. Andreas, one of the architects of Ethiopia’s federalism and a legal philosopher, boldly argues that Ethiopian regional units with strong self-rule over their regions checked on the misuse of centralised power and the illegitimate application of government’s power (Andreas 2010). Andreas’ assertion was, at best, narrowly interpreting the right and relative freedom of units in comparison to the pre-1991 political order, and at worst, legitimising the federal order from the guardian of jurisprudence. Arguably, compared to the pre-1991 order, power was shared between the centre and periphery, albeit theoretically. However, as far as the theory and praxis of federalism are concerned, there have been no such practices that warrant Andreas’ assertion and other scholars vying to substantiate the cons-titutional practice of federalism. This has sparked political and theoretical debates, except among the pro-EPRDF camp. States, whether they are small or big, homogeneous or heterogeneous, adopt federalism, considering their local context. In Ethiopia, federalism was adopted to save the country from disintegration, which had elements of hol-ding together (Assefa 2013; Andreas 2013). Enfranchising Ethiopian nations and nationalities and rectifying historical injustices justified Ethiopia’s fede-ralism (Clapham 2013). Despite this objective of Ethiopia’s federalism, the reality was that it strengthened the political centre’s control over the periphery, far from answering the nationalities’ questions. This has been a breeding ground for discontent, rivalries, and ethnic tensions, which undermined democratic state-building and constitutional order. Amidst scant scholarly works on the cause for the creeping of authoritarian and highly centralised rule in EPRDF’s ethnic federalism, since most scholarly works focus on the effects and limitations of ethnic federalism, this paper examines why federa-lism lost its stated objective of democratic and constitutional empowerment of nations in post-1991 Ethiopia’s state-building.
Topic:: Authoritarianism, Federalism, Centralization, Statebuilding, and Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)
Political Geography:: Africa and Ethiopia

138. Mediation Dynamics and Commitments for Peace in Mozambique (1989-2019)

Author:: Cremildo de Abreu Coutinho and Eduardo Munhoz Svartman
Publication Date:: 10-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: In the period immediately following the proclamation of indepen-dence, a civil war broke out in Mozambique, with the main belligerents being the government of the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO)3 and the National Resistance of Mozambique (RENAMO)4, an insurgent movement made up mostly of FRELIMO dissidents who disagreed with the direction the country was taking. According to Nowak (2012), conflicts and desires for peaceful relations coexist in human nature. It was in this context that, after a negotiation process, the Rome Agreement was signed in 1992, with the objective of achieving peace. According to Galtung (1995), this is a pheno-menon characterized as a framework in which conflict manifests itself in a non-violent and creative way. The vast literature available on the peace process in Mozambique focuses on the analysis of the leading role of the two main belligerents. There is a gap in the detailed understanding of the commitment of mediators and observers to achieving sustainable peace. To this end, the first stage of the article is reserved for addressing the dynamics of mediation between the various levels of actors, supported by the theory of multi-track diplomacy which, according to McDonald (2012), is a paradigm that seeks to identify and understand the causes of conflicts within a nation, and seek to develop mutual understanding between the parties in conflict, through multifaceted diplomacy, with the involvement of both government actors and private ins-titutions, using multiple channels of communication, aiming at reconcilia-tion and pacification of the nation. Subsequently, the commitment to peace on the part of the FRELIMO government and the former rebel movement, RENAMO, is analyzed. Thus, the research has the following guiding question: how has mediation occurred and what is the commitment to peace between the belligerents?The approach to mediation dynamics may allow us to understand the trajectories of the peace process in the face of contradictory ideologies, not only in the pretexts that determined the civil war (1977-1992), but also in how the Rome Peace Agreement was possible. Understanding the phenomenon suggests the obedience of path dependency, a mechanism that consolidates the understanding of the present, following the paths that determined the present itself. Associated with the political culture rooted in the heart of the main proponents, the data presented will allow us to understand the success or failure of the thirty years of implementation of the Rome Peace Agreement, which, from a formal point of view, brought a series of social and political reforms.
Topic:: Civil War, Domestic Politics, Mediation, and Peace Process
Political Geography:: Africa and Mozambique

139. Crisis and Integration: Regional Economic Communities and African Integration

Author:: Rômulo Milhomem Freitas Figueira Neves and Paulo Gilberto Fagundes Visentini
Publication Date:: 10-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: The economic integration process in Africa is theoretically in its final stage, marked by the settling of the agreement establishing the African Continental Free Trade Area. Signed in Kigali, in 2018, by 44 of the 55 Afri-can Union members, the agreement came into effect in April 2019 after the 22nd signatory country approved the document. As of June 2024, Eritrea was the only country that had not signed the agreement, while 47 AU members, including the Sahrawi Republic, had endorsed it. Madagascar, Somalia, Benin, Libya, Liberia, Sudan, and South Sudan were the remaining countries yet to ratify. Thus, the agreement is fully in effect, following the ordinary steps for its consolidation. A dedicated secretariat, reporting directly to the Afri-can Union Executive Council, has been established in Accra. However, the situation on the ground is much more complex, with overlapping regional communities, varying stages of sub-regional integration, and state bureau-cracies with significant disparities in development, as well as a considerable number of ongoing internal and international conflicts. Therefore, this article aims to synthesize, based on historical analy-sis — with a particular focus on global and regional economic crises — and the use of aggregated data from international organizations, the processes of sub-regional integration in Africa. This will provide a clear understanding of the different stages of integration and the involvement of various countries in the existing pathways. The priority will be to understand the role of the Regional Economic Communities (RECs) defined by the Abuja Treaty of 1991, which established the African Economic Community and designated them as the foundations of the integration process outlined in the agreement. A complementary goal is to provide a basis for more detailed and specific future analyses by other researchers, to better understand the role and classification of each sub-regional integration process. To this end, the article offers a brief history of the African integration process, starting with the creation of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in 1975 and the adoption of the Lagos Plan of Action in 1980 as responses from newly inde-pendent countries to the global crises of the 1970s, as well as a summary of the distribution of countries across various initiatives.
Topic:: Regional Integration, Regional Economy, Economic Crisis, and African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA)
Political Geography:: Africa

140. Too Poor for Peace: Women in Nigeria's Niger Delta Amnesty Programme

Author:: Jacinta Chimaka Nwaka, Lilian Chidiebere Onyeiwu, and Marcel Alkali
Publication Date:: 04-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: The Niger Delta region is one of Africa’s conflict spots. The resour-ce-based conflict, which began in the 1950s as an ideological struggle chal-lenging the rights of the Nigerian state over the resources of the region and the basis for the distribution of the oil-generating wealth, later became existentialist due to negligence on the part of the oil companies, decline in derivation revenue, and environmental devaluation from oil pollution (Oko-nofua 2016). Unlike the earlier resistance that was intellectually led targeting the state and multinational oil companies, the later agitation had as its front burner militia and cult groups whose targets were not limited to foreign companies and the Nigerian state, but other groups and persons perceived as threats to their interests. In response to their modes of operation which include: pipeline van-dalism, bunkering activities, kidnapping of expatriate oil workers, and a host of so many others, the Nigerian government resorted to military measures. Rather than quelling the crisis, militarization turned the region into what Ikelegbe and Umukoro (2016) call ‘a melting pot of violence and insurgency’ — a development that drastically affected the Nigerian economy, particularly in the second half of the first decade of the Twenty-First Century. Realizing that excessive force was ineffectual in engendering the clement environment needed for oil exploration in the region, the government, under President Umaru Musa Yar Adua, charted a new course for peace by adopting the Disarmament, Demobilisation, and Disintegration (DDR) mode of peace-building, hence, the Niger Delta Amnesty Program (NDAP) also known as the Presidential Amnesty Programme (PAP). NDAP was loudly acclaimed for having reduced, significantly, violence in the region (Ajibola 2015).
Topic:: Poverty, Women, Armed Conflict, and Amnesty
Political Geography:: Africa, Nigeria, and Niger Delta

141. Nigeria's Oil Complex: The Tragedy of the Commons

Author:: Ekpotuatin Charles Ariye and Green Kevwe Abenabe
Publication Date:: 10-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: Nigeria, often referred to as the “Giant of Africa,” has long been a focal point of global attention due to its vast reserves of oil and natural gas. The nation’s oil complex is not only a source of significant wealth and eco-nomic potential but also a complex web of challenges and controversies. At the core of this multifaceted issue lies a concept deeply ingrained in environ-mental and resource management literature: the tragedy of the commons. The tragedy of the commons is a situation in which a group of individuals, acting in their own self-interest, behaves contrary to the collective good by depleting or degrading a shared resource through their cumulative actions. This can happen because there is an incentive for each individual to consume the resource as much as possible, even though this will harm the group in the long run. The tragedy of the commons is a challenge that is faced in many parts of the world, including the Niger Delta. The Niger Delta is a region of Nigeria that is rich in oil and gas resources. However, the region is also home to a large number of people who live in poverty, environmental degradation and conflicts. This has led to a situation where many people in the Niger Delta are exploiting the region’s natural resources in order to survive, even though this is harming the environment and the long-term interests of the region.This research delves into the intricate dynamics of Nigeria’s oil industry, aiming to uncover the extent to which the tragedy of the commons phenomenon is at play in this critical sector. By examining the historical, political, economic, environmental, and social dimensions of Nigeria’s oil complex, this study seeks to shed light on the sustainability and governance challenges facing one of the world’s most oil-rich nations.
Topic:: Economics, Environment, Oil, Natural Resources, and Sustainability
Political Geography:: Africa and Nigeria

142. The Amalgamation of 1914 and the Nigerian Civil War: The Burden of Blame

Author:: Abimbola Oyarinu
Publication Date:: 10-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: Some pundits and scholars have identified Lord Lugard’s amalgama-tion of northern and southern Nigeria as a remote cause of the Nigerian Civil War. The origins of this civil war have been linked to the 1914 amalgamation of Southern Nigeria and Northern Nigeria by the British government (Uche 2008, 114). Colonial legacy has been blamed for the intermittent crises that rocked independent Africa (Taylor 2018, 27). While scholars like Uche (2008), Falola & Heaton (2018), Doron (2022) have exaggerated the role colonial poli-cies played in the outbreak of the Nigerian Civil War, colonial policies cannot be completely exonerated from the underdevelopment and internal strifes in most post-independent African states. In understanding colonial policies’ role in Africa, the Nigerian Civil War will be examined to substantiate the viewpoint of two popular schools of thought. On one side of the pendulum — Bernhard et al. (2004), Roger (2022), Thompson & Fernandes (2020) argue that British colonial legacies are not responsible for the crises and civil wars in Africa. This group argues the view that Africa is going through a phase in its development that, like Europe in the 18th century, it is bound to fight wars. The other school blames the British policies for the wars in Africa. The Nigerian Civil War has been hinged on the colonial legacy of the British, the amalgamation of 1914, indirect rule, and the divide-and-rule policy, just to mention a few. None of these advanced arguments are totally correct. Like the interpretation of creationists, every kind of interpretation can find its promoters.
Topic:: Civil War, History, and Colonialism
Political Geography:: Africa and Nigeria

143. Sino-Mozambican Relationship and the Role of Megaprojects in Mozambique's Territorial Development

Author:: Robson Dias da Silva and Thaysa Cunha
Publication Date:: 10-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: China’s expanded and deeper involvement in the African continent has led to significant changes in the international order and enabled a new attractive alternative to foster economic growth in African countries. China was considered one of the largest trading partners, investors, and sponsors of African countries in the early 21st century (i.e., in the 2000s), particu-larly for countries located in Sub-Saharan Africa, such as Mozambique. The country was the largest investor in Mozambique in 2016; since the end of the civil war – which undermined the national infrastructure of the African country –, infrastructure mega-projects (such as the construction of bridges, roads, dams, airports, commercial establishments, and tourism) were built by Chinese companies and/or with funding and donations from the Chinese government. Furthermore, since colonial times, Mozambique and China have had a close commercial relationship, which included the supply and training of the Mozambican army, the provision of humanitarian aid, the granting of scholarships to Mozambican students, and the sending of doctors and tea-chers, as well as the development of technological centers in Mozambique.
Topic:: Development, Bilateral Relations, Foreign Direct Investment, Economic Growth, and Megaprojects
Political Geography:: Africa, China, Asia, and Mozambique

144. Socio-Economic Impact of the Modernized Nigerian Railway System by the Chinese

Author:: Olaoluwanike Comfort Ogunrinu and Lemuel Ekedegwa Odeh
Publication Date:: 04-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: Railways in Nigeria date back to the colonial times when the Euro-peans constructed them to foster their economic engagement. After inde-pendence, the railway system in Nigeria almost nosedived not until 1995, which experienced the most efficient modernization attempt through Chinese support.Indeed, various interventions were made under the military regime to revamp the Nigerian Railway, yet none so far have been as impactful as the Chinese intervention. The 1995 China-Nigeria Railway deal, under General Sani Abacha, saw about 87 percent completion of the rehabilitation, which became a pointer in the subsequent years that China could be that foreign investor Nigeria needed in the modernization of the Railway. Through various administrations since 1999, China has become actively involved in the moder-nization of the railway, which has tremendously increased the patronage of the railway in Nigeria. Upsurge in the awareness of railway and high level of patronage has not only boosted economic activities along coastal regions but also had positive implications for development.
Topic:: Development, Infrastructure, Colonialism, Modernization, Socioeconomics, and Railways
Political Geography:: Africa, China, Asia, and Nigeria

145. Skimming the East African Community Regional Force in the Kivu: Another Test Case of 'African Solutions to African Problems'

Author:: Jean-Marie Kasonga Mbombo
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: Regional integration is premised on the principle of subsidiarity enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations Organisation which empowers regional bodies to resolve conflicts in their jurisdictions (Chapter 8, Article 52). It implies cooperation among states sharing a geographic proximity. In Africa, such regional organisations include the Economic Community of West African Countries (ECOWAS), Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), Common Market for East Africa (COMESA), East African Community (EAC), and Southern African Development Community (SADC) to name but a few. However, the end of the Cold War witnessed the rise of intrastate conflicts worldwide, which many analysts associated with donor fatigue toward aid-dependent states (Thomas and Mazrui 1992; Bayart 2009; Bates 2008; Solomon 2015). These new wars of the 1990s were more pronounced in resource-rich countries such as Liberia, Sierra Leone, Sudan, Chad, and the Democratic Republic of Congo (Kaldor 2006; Collier 2008). As a result, many economic communities established relevant protocols to boost regional integration and foster peace on the African continent: ECCAS Protocol of Peace and Security; ECOWAS Protocol relating to the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peacekeeping, and Secu-rity (1999); SADC Protocol on Politics, Defence and Security (2001); EAC Protocol on Peace and Security (2013). Of particular interest in this paper is the East African Community (EAC). The leaders of newly independent countries of Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania first met in Kampala and agreed to revive the then British protecto-rate with the establishment of EAC on June 6, 1967. Ten years later, however, this noble initiative collapsed for several reasons, and at the end of the Cold War, the trio states revitalised it with the ratification of its Treaty on November 30, 1993. The following year, the Great Lakes Region of Africa (GLR) plunged into chaos as a result of the genocide in Rwanda. Many survivors of the Tutsi/Hutu saga sought refuge in neighbouring countries. In particular, the influx of Hutu refugees in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the ensuing manhunt of the Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Force quickly trans-formed refugee camps into slaughterhouses (Meredith 2006; Stearns 2011). Driven by economic interests in the mineral-rich Kivu provinces, invading troops from Rwanda, Burundi and Uganda engaged the loyalist forces and allies (Angola, Namibia, and Zimbabwe) in what became the African World War between 1996 and 2001, leaving behind a myriad of armed groups to fuel the war economy and terrorize local population (Coleman 2007; Bates 2008; Prunier 2009).
Topic:: Economics, International Cooperation, Regional Integration, and East African Community (EAC)
Political Geography:: Uganda, Kenya, Africa, Tanzania, and East Africa

146. Resurgence of Military Coups in Africa: Can the African Union and Regional Organizations Defend and Consolidate Democracy?

Author:: Joshua O. Bolarinwa
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: The military’s takeover of political power, irrespective of the methods adopted, represents a rejection of civilian authority (Gutteridge 1985). Since the conclusion of World War II, there have been instances where militaries across the globe have taken part in the removal of elected political leaders, dis-solution of democratic regimes, or establishment of autonomous operations within nominally democratic political systems. These actions have been car-ried out without the consent, oversight, and control of elected civilians. These actions are achieved through coups and other unconstitutional methods of altering the status quo (Kuehn 2017). In the pre-1990 era, military coups served as the predominant method for instigating government transitions in a significant number of African nations. Since the advent of post-colonial Africa, the continent has witnessed a cumulative total of 88 instances of successful coups. The initial coup d’état transpired in Egypt in July 1952, whereas instances of such political upheavals transpired in Guinea-Bissau and Mali in April and December of the year 2012, respectively. Based on the research authored by Issaka K. Souaré, Africa has had a total of 73 instances of military coups, as documented over some time. Out of the entire dataset, 63 occurrences were recorded before the year 1990, while the remaining 10 cases were reported after the ratification of the Lomé Declaration in July 2000 by the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), an organization that is since defunct (Souaré 2014).
Topic:: Democracy, Coup, African Union, Military, and Regional Organizations
Political Geography:: Africa

147. Government, State, and National Wars in Africa

Author:: Nathaly Silva Xavier Schütz and Hernán Olmedo González
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: To what extent were internal wars in African countries after World War II conditioned by their limited levels of governmental entrenchment and statehood? This is the central issue guiding the following research, which focuses on African countries in the post-World War II period, a period in which the system of sovereign States — with its origins in modernity and formally in Europe with the Peace of Westphalia treaties of 1648 — reached the vast majority of the international system. To achieve this objective, the following article is structured as follows.The first section aims to present, in the first instance, empirical information about the relative weight that internal national wars had on the international system in general and in Africa in particular, followed by a presentation of the different propositions about the conditioning factors of this type of war in the international system and African States, and, finally, establish guiding hypotheses for the empirical research of the study. The second section describes the methodological project followed to test the hypo-theses defined in the first section. The third section presents the empirical results of the research and the data analysis. Finally, the article develops a conclusion that systematizes the main aspects of the study.
Topic:: Government, Sovereignty, War, State, and International System
Political Geography:: Africa

148. Atlantism Under Maintenance: A Review of the Brazil-Cape Verde Partnership During the Dilma Rousseff Administrations (2011-2016)

Author:: Tatiana Raquel Reis Silva and Leandro Chaves Batista
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: From a holistic perspective, Brazil’s foreign policy towards the African continent has historically been marked by moments of greater proximity and others of relative distance. Authors such as Barriviera (2016) and Costa (2015) claim that there’s been a downturn in Brazil-Africa relations since Dilma Rousseff became president. It is essential to situate the relations established between Brazil and the various African nations as a phenomenon integrated into the logic of South-South Cooperation (SSC), a segment of Internatio-nal Development Cooperation (IDC) that encompasses political, diplomatic and commercial ties between developing countries, guided by the principle of horizontality, with an emphasis on mutual benefits. With regard to the cooperation established with the archipelago of Cape Verde, it is important to note that it is supported by a basal document: the Basic Agreement on Scientific and Technical Cooperation, signed in 1977.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Bilateral Relations, Partnerships, and Dilma Rousseff
Political Geography:: Africa, Brazil, South America, and Cabo Verde

149. The Future of Japan-Africa Cooperation: TICAD

Author:: Habib Badawi
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: Africa will remain relevant to Japan as a necessary means to achieve some of its long-term political, economic, and strategic goals. Additionally, Japan seeks to expand its relations with the continent. However, it is diffi-cult to view Japan’s participation in Africa as part of an integrated policy or a well-thought-out long-term strategy, but only as a set of goals and some of the tools and mechanisms used to achieve those goals. This is largely reflected in Japan’s failure to prioritize its economic and political interests in its relationship with Africa. While Japan views Africa primarily through an economic lens, it has other major political interests. As Japan strives to bolster the dynamism of its ongoing development, production, and trade through a manufacturing and trade strategy designed to adapt to circumstances and mitigate crises, the nation has concurrently hei-ghtened its ambition for strategic hotspots, including resources and wealth. This is evident in its keen interest in the African continent and the ongoing competition between European and American powers for control over it.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Development, Economics, International Cooperation, and Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD)
Political Geography:: Africa, Japan, and Asia

150. The Challenges of Transhumance and Internal Security in Nigeria: Implications for Food Security in the South-South Geopolitical Zone

Author:: Endurance Nogiomwan Aigbe and Joseph Aihie
Publication Date:: 10-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: Transhumance has induced a varying degree of internal conflict and insecurity in the Northern part of Nigeria and has consequently moved to the Southern part through the North-Central region. Across the country today, newspapers and media houses are awash with diverse stories of arson, kidnapping, indiscriminate shooting at unarmed farmers, and killings of different magnitudes. These dastardly acts are perpetrated primarily by uns-crupulous herdsmen or herdsmen militias who go about with guns and other sophisticated weapons (Aigbe and Akenzua 2020). Although cattle rustling and theft have not accentuated the process of reaching a truce between the clashing parties, the herdsmen, who are major aggressors in the conflict, have resorted to using gruesome means to unleash terror on civilian far-mers. The implication of this is that scores of casualties in terms of deaths are being recorded.
Topic:: Security, Food Security, Geopolitics, Violence, Herders, and Transhumance
Political Geography:: Africa and Nigeria

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COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS