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51. The Domestic Impact of the ICERD on TRC-Related Prosecutions in South Africa: A Story of Lost Opportunities for Post-Apartheid Justice

Author:
Ntokozo Sibanyoni
Publication Date:
06-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
The International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD/the Convention) is a response to apartheid in pre-democratic South Africa. Article 6 obliges states to provide reparations to victims of discrimination. However, 31 years into its democracy, South Africa is haunted by a poor record of prosecuting apartheid. While popular discussions focus on the failure of the government to prosecute, this article focuses on the extent of the Convention’s domestic impact on the prosecutions. This contribution uses a working definition of domestic impact, which emphasises the efforts of all stakeholders in the state’s reporting process. The contribution relies on data collected through desktop research and semi-structured interviews with people working on race-related issues, to assess the extent to which article 6 of the Convention has been realized. Arguing that the Convention has made a delayed and limited impact on prosecutions, the article discusses factors that have hindered impact and provides recommendations towards the realisation of article 6 of the Convention.
Topic:
Apartheid, Transitional Justice, Justice, and Reconciliation
Political Geography:
Africa and South Africa

52. Conflict Resolution Mechanisms for Strengthening Land Tenure Security: A Case of Mvomero District, Tanzania

Author:
Samwel Alananga and Christoncia Joyness
Publication Date:
06-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
In Tanzania, conflicts over land resources between pastoralists and farmers have been pervasive, especially in Mvomero District despite numerous efforts by the government to resolve them. This study is based on secondary data concerning the persistence of conflict, complemented by thematic analysis of six key informant interviews from three villages in Mvomero District: Kambala, Bungoma and Mkindo. The goal is to understand the evolving nature of land conflicts, the effectiveness of conflict-resolution mechanisms and the impacts on both farmers and pastoralists. The findings reveal that efforts to address land conflicts are hindered by several factors: inadequate resources, low levels of knowledge and awareness about land matters, the absence of village land councils, a lack of Village Land Use Plans (VLUPs), especially in pastoralist-dominated villages and insufficient and uncoordinated information. Drawing on theories of principled negotiation and conflict resolution, this paper argues that there is no single resolution strategy suitable for all conflicts, as each setting is unique even within the same village. Nonetheless, coercive methods remain common, with paramilitary and government officials often employed instead of negotiated solutions. Since this approach offers only short-term relief, land conflicts tend to recur repeatedly. In light of these findings, the paper recommends that stakeholders should follow up initial coercive interventions with negotiated approaches to ensure long-term stability. To this end, the effective implementation of the Village Land Act (1999) and the Land Disputes Courts Act (2019) requires the development of operational guidelines and tools that support negotiated solutions in line with the principles of principled negotiation theory.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Land Conflict, Land Tenure Security, and Farmer-Pastoralist Conflict
Political Geography:
Africa and Tanzania

53. Analysing the Root Causes of Armed Conflicts in Northern Ethiopia

Author:
Alemu Mullaw
Publication Date:
03-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
Armed conflicts that need constructive measurement are rampant in various corners of the world. Currently, there are wars occurring in Europe, Asia, and Africa. Armed conflict can be understood as a battle between two parties, at least one of which is a state government, over a government or territory, using armed forces.1 The notion of conflict is evolving along with understandings of states, borders, relationships, actors, issues, and globalisation. Mary Kaldor described this expanded understanding as ‘New Wars,’ which applies to the 2020 Ethiopian armed conflict.2 Ethiopia maintained its independence during the colonial period and emerged with its present borders and ethnic make-up at the end of the 19th century due to the territorial expansion undertaken by Emperor Menelik II (1889-1913). However, the history of the country is riddled with intra- and inter-state conflicts and it has experienced acute political and economic contradictions.3 The country has been a federal republic since 1994, with the official name of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, subdivided into nine ethnically based regional states (Killil), each with a large degree of autonomy, and two autonomous cities with regional state status, namely Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa.4
Topic:
Security, Peace, Armed Conflict, and Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF)
Political Geography:
Africa and Ethiopia

54. The Role of the African Union Peace and Security Council in Promoting the Responsible use of Artificial Intelligence for Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Africa

Author:
Victor Obinna Chukwuma
Publication Date:
03-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
Petra Molnar wrote that the development of technology ‘reinforces power asymmetries between countries’ and influences ‘our thinking around which countries can push for innovation, while other spaces like conflict zones and refugee camps become sites of experimentation.’1 Africa has been dealing with a perennial refugee crisis. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), ‘Around 30 million internally displaced persons, refugees and asylum-seekers live in Africa, representing almost one-third of the world’s refugee population.’2 As artificial intelligence (AI) is gradually reshaping the way things are done all over the world, governments are turning to novel technologies to streamline processes and reduce administrative burdens and costs in public service delivery, including critical decisions affecting the rights of refugees and asylum seekers. While the deployment of AI for border control seems to be more pronounced in developed countries, it is gradually gaining traction in Africa. African governments are exploring the best ways to harness AI, not just for economic growth but also for improving their security architecture and border control. Indeed, AI can be of immense assistance to Africa in managing the refugee crisis. However, there is a need for deeper engagement on how these technologies may compromise the rights of refugees and asylum seekers in Africa, as it is being done in developed countries today. Whereas a harmful use of AI in refugee settings in Africa can exacerbate the existing crisis, a responsible use of AI can have alleviatory impacts. This research examines the role of the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) in this regard.
Topic:
Refugees, Artificial Intelligence, UN Security Council, Asylum, and African Union
Political Geography:
Africa

55. Critical Reflections on SADC’s approach to Regional Security: The case of SAMIM

Author:
Chikondi Chidzanja
Publication Date:
03-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
This article is situated in the broader context of the challenges that peacekeeping, peace enforcement and counterinsurgency (COIN) missions are facing in executing their mandates. Although these challenges have been discussed mainly within the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping contexts, they have extended to the Regional Economic Communities (RECs) context. These challenges are noticeable in Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado province, where the Southern African Development Community (SADC) deployed a mission, the SADC Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM), with a counterterrorism mandate. This piece reflects on the lessons from the intervention for both SADC and its member states. The lessons focus on the host state’s consent and cooperation, self-funding, coordination with partners and lastly, host state ownership and responsibility for citizen protection. Both at the macro and micro level, the SAMIM intervention provides critical insights into the emerging ad hoc model for RECs as they assume responsibility for security sector governance architecture following gridlocks in the UN Security Council (UNSC) and the crisis of multilateralism. Following the UN General Assembly in 2024, which will be remembered for its overarching theme ‘Pact for the Future,’ the piece focuses on how SADC should navigate the aforementioned lessons to enhance sustainable peace and security in the region. Not many studies have focused on how host state consent, self-funding, coordination with partners, and host state ownership and responsibility can affect REC missions like SAMIM. The key question is the commitment of member states to the use of multilateral regional institutions and how these institutions promote the use of their frameworks to tackle common regional security issues while maintaining local agency. Broadly, some questions are: How can SADC and its member states work towards closer cooperation with consistency and in an adaptive manner without compromising the overall mandate of SADC as a regional body? At the same time, how can SADC member states stop viewing SADC as an afterthought in the peace and security sector?
Topic:
Peacekeeping, Counter-terrorism, Protection, Regional Security, and South Africa Development Community (SADC)
Political Geography:
Africa and Mozambique

56. Conflict Resolution by the African Union: Encounters of Peacekeeping Efforts in Somalia

Author:
Jacqueline Nakaiza and Charlotte Karungi Mafumbo
Publication Date:
03-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
Two of the goals set by the African Union (AU) were to promote peace, security and stability for socioeconomic development and to draft an agenda to tackle African problems. The aspiration of African Solutions for African Problems, under the norms of the responsibility to protect (R2P), prompted the AU to take up this responsibility in Somalia. Since the collapse of the state in 1991, Somalia has perpetually failed to secure its territory and protect its populace from self-destruction. It has also failed to respond to disasters, such as famine caused by drought. Somalia is suffering instability caused by Islamist groups who can easily operate in the country due to the absence of state institutions. When the United Nations (UN) Security Council is unwilling to act in a situation crying out for intervention, such as in Somalia, it authorises regional or sub-regional organisations under Chapter VIII of the UN Charter to intervene.1 The Security Council passed Resolution 1744 (2007) under this clause, mandating the AU to deploy troops to Somalia in 2007.2 The initial mandate to stabilise the country and pave the way for a UN Peace Operation was six months long.3 Regarding interventions, Article 4(h) of the AU Constitutive Act clearly states: ‘the AU has the right to intervene in a Member State according to a decision of the Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity.’4 As such, the protection of the fundamental rights of citizens is not a purely domestic concern and sovereignty cannot shield repressive states from intervention by the AU. This article in the AU Constitutive Act was invoked after the reluctance of the international community to intervene in Somalia.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Peacekeeping, and African Union
Political Geography:
Africa and Somalia

57. Artisanal Mining in Zimbabwe: A Complex Narrative of Balancing Economic Gains and Social Strife

Author:
Rumbidzaishe Matambo
Publication Date:
03-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
Artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) ‘refers to mining by individuals, groups, families or cooperatives with minimal or no mechanisation, often in the informal (illegal) sector of the market’.1 A distinction can, however, be made between artisanal mining and small-scale mining. Artisanal and small-scale miners rely on basic tools and limited technology to mine gemstones and key minerals and metals such as gold, cobalt, tin, tungsten, and tantalum.2 These materials are vital to the global economy, supporting essential products such as computers, mobile phones, aircraft, medical devices, and rechargeable batteries.3 A significant share of these metals is sourced through ASM. Driven by the steady demand for these goods, artisanal miners persist in their work, often facing dangerous and exploitative conditions, including child labour and other human rights violations.4 Due to limited resources, ASM activities are usually confined to surface and shallow underground mining, representing the simpler side of small-scale mining.5 Historically, ASM is a traditional practice with roots stretching back centuries across various cultures. Since ancient times, artisanal mining has been a core economic activity, supplying materials for adornments, tools, and construction, and was the dominant form of mining until the Industrial Revolution.6
Topic:
Crime, Mining, and Livelihoods
Political Geography:
Africa and Zimbabwe

58. ‘Something for Something’: The Face of Peace and Security in Africa under Trump 2.0

Author:
Joel Odota
Publication Date:
07-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
The second Trump Administration is reverberating across global systems – politically, economically, socially, and culturally. The world is observing an increasingly transactional and disruptive foreign policy approach, from dramatic aid cuts to multilateral institutions, such as the United Nations (UN), to militaristic threats in West Asia and elsewhere and a regressive stance on gender rights. One of the defining characteristics of this Administration is the emergent doctrine of ‘something for something,’ whereby the United States (US) engagement in global affairs, particularly in peace and security, is conditional upon tangible benefits – primarily economic or strategic resources. A pertinent example of this approach is the Trump Administration’s reported demand for 50% of Ukraine’s critical minerals – including graphite, uranium, titanium, and lithium – in exchange for continued security assistance.[1] Lithium, essential in battery production for electric vehicles, is of particular strategic interest. A similar arrangement appears to be unfolding in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), where the African government is seeking a security deal with Washington in exchange for access to the country’s abundant natural resources. In fact, Trump appointed his in-law Massad Boulos as the Senior Advisor for Africa, and Massad’s first overseas trip was to the DRC, Kenya, Rwanda and Uganda. The visit was to do two things: to ‘get more momentum on the peace agreement and the peace process in eastern DRC, and also, how to bring US investment to the region in Central Africa and the Great Lakes region.’[2] A review of Senior Advisor Boulos’s professional background reveals a strategic alignment with President Trump’s objectives in the DRC. Boulos brings decades of experience in sectors closely tied to the Administration’s emerging interest in resource-for-security exchanges. Notably, he previously held senior executive roles, including Director of Peugeot Nigeria Ltd., Chairman and Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of Nissan Nigeria Ltd., and Managing Director/CEO of SCOA Nigeria Group. The SCOA Group is a prominent conglomerate engaged in the assembly, distribution, sales, and servicing of a wide range of global brands in sectors such as automotive, construction and mining equipment, agriculture, power generation, oil and gas, and industrial machinery. Additionally, the company has substantial interests in contracting and real estate development. Boulos’s extensive background in extractive industries and infrastructure development, especially within the African context, positions him as a key figure in shaping and advancing Trump’s transactional approach to US-Africa relations, particularly in countries like the DRC where strategic natural resource access is a central concern.
Topic:
Security, Diplomacy, Natural Resources, Leadership, Peace, and Donald Trump
Political Geography:
Africa and Democratic Republic of Congo

59. The African Union’s Pace of Integration: The Sahelian Crisis as a Challenge to Supranational Expectations

Author:
Matteo Peccini
Publication Date:
07-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
This article contributes to the ongoing and dynamic debate surrounding the process of continental integration promoted by the African Union (AU). The article investigates how the African integration process has evolved, particularly from the perspective of peace and security, with a specific focus on the case study of the central Sahel. How can the continental approach to the Sahelian crisis be assessed in light of the AU’s longstanding integrative ambitions in the fields of peace and security? Can the instability in the Sahel be considered a missed opportunity for strengthening the continental response to such a significant crisis? This article reflects on these central questions and proposes the Sahel as a potential lens through which to interpret broader continental dynamics.
Topic:
Security, Peacekeeping, Peace, and African Union
Political Geography:
Africa, Mali, Sahel, Niger, and Burkina Faso

60. The Pitfalls of Regionalising National Dialogues

Author:
Chido Mutangadura-Yeswa
Publication Date:
07-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
National dialogues can provide continental and regional actors with entry points to manage political and electoral violence through multi-track diplomacy. Multi-track diplomacy refers to the expansion of international engagement to a multiplicity of levels outside of the traditional diplomatic high-level channels. Multi-track diplomacy is linked to the whole-of-society approach to conflict management. This approach promotes adopting inclusive strategies to transform complex and multi-dimensional conflicts.[1] This shifts the focus away from traditional, high-level engagement among heads of states, diplomats and high-ranking officials. Multi-track diplomacy instead engages multiple conflict stakeholders in coordinated multi-level dialogues. Multi-track diplomacy in Africa translates into regionalising national dialogues because mediators deployed by the African Union (AU) and regional economic communities (RECs) engage with conflict actors largely within state-organised or, at the least, state-sanctioned frameworks. The East African Community’s (EAC) intervention during the Burundi political crisis from 2015 to 2019 demonstrates the opportunities and challenges presented by regionalising national dialogues in peace processes. Burundi’s political crisis was triggered by the presidential candidate nomination of Pierre Nkurunziza by the National Council for the Defence of Democracy – Forces for the Defence of Democracy (CNDD-FDD). The CNDD-FDD’s decision caused a political crisis leading to large-scale protests, government crackdowns, an attempted coup d’état, and militia attacks on military garrisons. By 2018, the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) reported that over 430 000 refugees had fled the country due to the crisis.[2] The EAC’s Inter-Burundi Dialogue eventually emerged as the main preventive diplomacy intervention with Tanzania’s late former president, Benjamin Mkapa, as the facilitator and Uganda’s president, Yoweri Museveni, as the chief mediator.[3] The Inter-Burundi Dialogue was conducted as a series of multi-track problem-solving workshops between December 2015 and October 2018. The problem-solving workshops were categorised into ecumenical, women, youth, political parties, and business leaders. The initiative ended with the attendees signing non-violence pacts. Additionally, Benjamin Mkapa held consultative meetings with a wide range of actors, from grassroots to high-level government officials and international actors, before each round of the main dialogue. This article looks at how the Inter-Burundi Dialogue provides insights into how crackdowns on civic spaces, lack of formal regional citizen engagement channels, and government’s lack of cooperation complicate attempts to regionalise national dialogues. The article draws upon my PhD research,[4] which examined the role of regional organisations in promoting citizen participation in election violence prevention processes in Africa, and included 35 in-depth interviews with officials from intergovernmental organisations, civil society representatives in Burundi and expert sources.
Topic:
Mediation, Regionalization, Peace Process, and National Dialogue
Political Geography:
Africa and Burundi

61. The Palaver Tree and the Notions of National Tribunal and Republican Confessional: Reclaiming the African Conflict Resolution Ethos in National Dialogues

Author:
Jean Yves Ndzana Ndzana
Publication Date:
07-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
In the past two decades, national dialogues have become a recurring feature in post-conflict transitions and governance reform across Africa. These processes are often convened to respond to crises of legitimacy, protracted violence, or political fragmentation. While national dialogues are widely acknowledged as participatory mechanisms intended to rebuild social contracts and create pathways for peaceful political transitions, their outcomes have often been mixed. Some have helped usher in new constitutional orders or restore relative stability, while others have collapsed due to elite manipulation, the exclusion of key stakeholders, or a lack of follow-through on agreed-upon resolutions. Despite growing attention from international organisations and regional bodies, such as the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), many national dialogues remain vulnerable to a key limitation: a failure to ground the process in locally legitimate and culturally resonant frameworks of dialogue and consensus-building.[1] One of the critical yet overlooked dimensions in the design of national dialogues in Africa is the limited incorporation of anthropologically grounded approaches to conflict resolution. Indeed, in many instances, these dialogues replicate procedural blueprints modelled on Western liberal notions of deliberation, often emphasising electoral legitimacy, adversarial bargaining, or constitutional legality. However, these externally driven frameworks usually ignore the rich and deeply rooted traditions of communal dialogue, reconciliation, and restorative justice in African societies. As scholars and peace practitioners have increasingly observed, successful peace processes in Africa require not only institutional inclusiveness but also cultural intelligibility.[2] A national dialogue that resonates with local modes of reasoning and social organisation is more likely to secure legitimacy, mobilise trust, and foster sustainable reconciliation.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Tribunal, National Dialogue, and Palaver Trees
Political Geography:
Africa

62. National Dialogues in Africa’s Fragile States: Power Struggles, Diversity Management, and the Precarious Fight Against State Collapse

Author:
Distinct Obuzor Imaka and Tonye Marclint Ebiede
Publication Date:
07-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
National dialogues have become an increasingly important conflict management tool in countries facing political instability, conflict, or transitions of power. In many African contexts, it is often seen as a last resort by national stakeholders, an attempt to prevent complete collapse or to guide a nation through a significant political shift. Unlike traditional negotiations that usually involve only political elites or those in power, national dialogues are designed to be more inclusive. They bring together a wide range of voices from across society, including opposition groups, civil society, religious leaders, and community representatives. In recent years, this approach has gained prominence in Africa as a response to ongoing crises. While the outcomes of national dialogues have been mixed, they are generally seen as opportunities to reset national priorities, address long-standing grievances, and open pathways toward reform and reconciliation. This article examines the role of national dialogues in Africa’s fragile states, where contested power, deep divisions, and the risk of state collapse shape the political landscape. In such situations, national dialogue has emerged as a way to manage diversity, resolve conflict, and create space for inclusive reform. The article explores how these dialogues navigate power struggles and whether they offer a meaningful path toward long-term stability.
Topic:
Security, Peace, Mediation, Fragility, and National Dialogue
Political Geography:
Africa

63. The Escalation of U.S. Airstrikes in Somalia and the Role of Perceived Threats to the U.S. Homeland

Author:
David Sterman
Publication Date:
07-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
CTC Sentinel
Institution:
The Combating Terrorism Center at West Point
Abstract:
In 2025, the United States substantially increased the pace of its airstrikes in Somalia. At the same time, it increasingly cited not just regional security rationales for the increased pace of strikes but also rationales rooted in an assessed potential threat to the U.S. homeland from Somalia—in particular from the Islamic State-Somalia’s recruitment of foreign fighters. This article examines the increased pace of strikes, the rationales that have been cited to explain the increase, and what existing evidence reveals about the potential threat to the U.S. homeland. It also underscores the need for greater clarity from the U.S. government regarding its assessment of the extent of such a threat.
Topic:
Counter-terrorism, Islamic State, Al Shabaab, Airstrikes, and Military Operations
Political Geography:
Africa, Somalia, and United States of America

64. Understanding China’s New Counterterrorism Ambitions in Africa

Author:
Jason Warner
Publication Date:
08-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
CTC Sentinel
Institution:
The Combating Terrorism Center at West Point
Abstract:
China has recently been pursuing a much more aggressive stance in African security affairs, including playing a more engaged role in counterterrorism (CT). Where is China engaged in CT in Africa, and by what means? What challenges would China face in engaging more robustly in African CT? Most importantly, why is China newly expressing interest in engaging in the African CT landscape at this particular moment? In the main, this piece argues that despite ostensible rationales related to self-defense of economic interests and solidarity with African states, at its core, Beijing’s primary motivations for entering the African CT space are to diversify its means of influence in Africa beyond its historical “economics-first” approach. Recognizing that engaging in African CT is a high-risk but potentially high-reward activity (which other global powers have recently engaged in with mixed results), Beijing likely believes it has a new genre of CT assistance—less kinetic, more economic, and rooted in equitable partnerships—that represents a fundamentally new and productive means of gaining influence in Africa. Yet, China faces challenges in its African CT pursuits, including reconciling whether its cautious ethos can stomach the turbulent landscape of African terrorism; how to deal with a saturated African CT space; and how not to fall victim to the same pitfalls as other global powers that have recently engaged in African CT. Nevertheless, if China can prove that its cautious non-military-first approach is fundamentally different from existing CT value propositions from external states, Beijing could deeply rival, and potentially replace, Washington as the partner of choice for security cooperation in Africa.
Topic:
Security, Foreign Policy, Counter-terrorism, Strategic Competition, Foreign Influence, and Security Cooperation
Political Geography:
Africa, China, and Asia

65. Nile’s Flow of Tensions: The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and Its Impact on Ethiopian-Sudanese Relations

Author:
Hanna Rubinkowska-Anioł and Nagmeldin Karamalla-Gaiballa
Publication Date:
09-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Institution:
Polish Political Science Association (PPSA)
Abstract:
Over the last decade, the Ethiopian project of constructing a dam on the Blue Nile (Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, GERD) close to its border with Sudan resulted in creating serious political tensions between Egypt and Ethiopia, with Sudan being involved. Egypt is accusing Ethiopia of attempts to control the water of the Nile, while Ethiopia claims that the power produced by the dam will contribute to the well-being of Ethiopia and its neighbors, most importantly, Sudan. Among many aspects and layers from which the problem of the Nile’s waters and the construction of GERD can be analyzed, there are disputed areas on the Sudanese-Ethiopian border. They are claimed by Sudan on the grounds of breaking the rule of the 1902 treaty, giving the lands to Ethiopia under the condition of not interfering in the flow of the river. This article examines the GERD project and explores in depth the historical, political, and economic significance of the Ethiopian-Sudanese border, with a particular focus on its implications for relations between the two neighboring countries. The article also discusses key issues related to water resource management, historical land disputes, and the geopolitical dynamics of the region, providing a comprehensive historical and contemporary context.
Topic:
Treaties and Agreements, Bilateral Relations, Water, and Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD)
Political Geography:
Africa, Sudan, Ethiopia, and Nile River

66. Unfinished Revolutions: The Long Shadow of the Arab Spring in Sudan and Algeria

Author:
Metin Özkan and Ettah M. Horma
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Turkish Journal of Middle Eastern Studies
Institution:
Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:
This article examines the enduring impact of the Arab Spring on Sudan and Algeria, focusing on the dynamics that have rendered their revolutionary trajectories “unfinished.” Building on the theoretical frameworks of civil-military relations, authoritarian resilience, and counterrevolution, the study situates both cases within the broader post-2011 political landscape of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). The analysis highlights how structural legacies of post-colonial state formation, entrenched military influence, and regional geopolitical rivalries shaped the course of these uprisings. In Sudan, the fall of Omar al-Bashir in 2019 initiated a fragile civilian–military partnership, ultimately derailed by the 2021 coup, which reignited authoritarian consolidation. In Algeria, the Hirak movement forced the resignation of Abdelaziz Bouteflika but confronted a military establishment determined to preserve its dominance. Comparative insights reveal that in both contexts, militaries acted as decisive arbiters, constraining democratic transitions through tutelary roles and institutional autonomy. External actors also reinforced authoritarian resilience by supporting counterrevolutionary forces. The article concludes that the Sudanese and Algerian cases illustrate the limits of popular mobilization in dismantling entrenched praetorian systems, underscoring the need to reassess democratization theories in light of persistent authoritarian structures in the MENA region.
Topic:
Democratization, Authoritarianism, Arab Spring, Counterrevolution, and Authoritarian Resilience
Political Geography:
Africa, Sudan, Middle East, and Algeria

67. Intent Versus Impact: Is the Choice Between Encampment and Out-of-Camp a Factual Hard Policy Dilemma?

Author:
Markus Rudolf, Carolien Jacobs, and Fekadu Adugna Tufa
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal on Migration and Human Security
Institution:
Center for Migration Studies of New York
Abstract:
Recent debates in the migration field have indicated that the deficiencies of specific policies are attributable to so-called hard dilemmas: mutually exclusive options that are incapable of being reconciled. The central question posed in this study is whether the choice between refugee encampment and out-of-camp policies (OCPs) which allow for freedom of movement constitutes such a dilemma for policy makers. Proponents of encampment policies argue that the loss of freedom of movement is a small price to pay for the efficient provision of adequate shelter, protection, and basic aid. Moreover, they argue that encampment reduces the risk of heightened criminality; the risk of conflicts spilling over borders; and the risk of competition for scarce resources or labor with members of hosting communities. Conversely, advocates of out-of-camp policies argue that freedom of movement helps refugees to become self-reliant and to integrate into host communities. They consider encampment policies to be detrimental, leading to aid dependence and a life in limbo. Ethiopia has explored both options to host its large group of refugees. For a long time, encampment was the main approach. Since the 2019 revised Refugee Proclamation, out-of-camp settlement is allowed but only under specific circumstances and for specific groups. Until today, the overwhelming majority of refugees still resides in camps. This paper analyses Ethiopia’s refugee policies on paper, and its impact on the ground. For this, we specifically examine the experiences of Eritrean refugees in both camp and non-camp settings in Ethiopia. Our analysis demonstrates that discrepancies between policy intentions on paper and actual impacts have been resolved in practice. A combination of encampment and out-of-camp policies can be effective. There is no need to make an either/or decision about which policy to adopt. Policies that combine the best of both worlds should be guided by a bottom up assessment that considers the agency of refugees and host communities. Based on our findings, we formulate some concrete policy recommendations on how to develop refugee policies.
Topic:
Refugees, Shelters, Migration Policy, and Encampment
Political Geography:
Africa, Ethiopia, and Eritrea

68. Multiculturalism as Exclusion: Religious Identity and Displacement Urbanization in Lagos

Author:
Rebecca Enobong Roberts
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal on Migration and Human Security
Institution:
Center for Migration Studies of New York
Abstract:
This paper examines the experiences of internally displaced persons (IDPs) from northern Nigeria who have resettled in Lagos, introducing the concept of displacement urbanization to describe how protracted displacement reshapes the city. Drawing on multi-sited ethnography, surveys, and life-history interviews, the study shows that religious identity is the central determinant of land access, legitimacy, and protection. Christian IDPs, whose displacement is widely recognized as a consequence of Islamist violence, benefit from church networks and favorable public perception, while Muslim IDPs face layered exclusion, stigmatized both by host communities and Lagos-based Islamic institutions. The findings reveal that multiculturalism in Lagos functions less as a framework of inclusion than as a sorting mechanism that legitimizes inequality. Rather than dismantling divisions, it embeds ethno-religious mistrust and securitized framings into urban governance, leaving IDPs structurally invisible in planning and humanitarian frameworks. Policy must shift from denial to inclusion. Federal and state authorities should reform land governance to embed informal tenure within protective frameworks, while Lagos must integrate IDP communities into planning and service delivery. Humanitarian and religious actors should develop faith-equitable systems that counteract mistrust and strengthen social cohesion. Recognizing displacement urbanization as part of Lagos’s urban future is critical for building inclusive and durable solutions.
Topic:
Religion, Multiculturalism, Urbanization, Displacement, Internal Displacement, Exclusion, Identity, and Post-Colonial
Political Geography:
Africa, Nigeria, and Lagos

69. Moscow’s African relations: Unveiling Russia’s strategy in Africa and its impact on global politics

Author:
Seun Bamidele
Publication Date:
09-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Security and Defence Quarterly
Institution:
War Studies University
Abstract:
This paper aims to investigate Russia’s growing involvement in African affairs and understand how its actions are shaped by broader geopolitical calculations. The research also seeks to assess the implications of this engagement for global peace and security. To achieve these objectives, the study employs case studies and geopolitical analysis as its primary methodological tools. It focuses on key African regions -North Africa, sub-Saharan Africa, and the Sahel region to examine Russia’s strategic goals and how they are pursued through specific initiatives and partnerships. This approach allows for a nuanced understanding of the regional variations and broader patterns in Russia’s African strategy. The findings reveal that over the past decade, Russia has significantly expanded its presence in Africa through a multifaceted strategy, which includes economic investments, military cooperation, and diplomatic outreach. By analysing Russia’s activities in the areas such as natural resource investments, military alliances, and political partnerships, the study identifies a clear alignment between Russia’s regional actions and global geopolitical ambitions. These engagements underscore a deliberate effort by Russia to reassert itself as a global power while reshaping the balance of influence in Africa. The study concludes that Russia’s strategic calculus in Africa is complex and deeply intertwined with its broader foreign policy goals. Its growing influence on the continent has significant implications for Africa’s political and economic development, as well as for international relations, in broad terms. By offering a comprehensive analysis of Russia’s strategies, the study enhances our understanding of the evolving dynamics of global power competition and the shifting geopolitical landscape.
Topic:
International Relations, Foreign Policy, International Security, Geopolitics, and Regional Stability
Political Geography:
Africa and Russia

70. USSR-Africa Relations in the 1970s and 1980s: An Analytical Proposal of Motivations, Conditioning Elements and Impacts

Author:
Paulo Gilberto Fagundes Visentini
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
The actuality of the theme of USSR relations with African countries in the 1970s and 1980s is grounded in the revision of a dimension of the mainstream historiography of the Cold War and in the current Russia-Africa interaction, which has deeper roots, essential for its comprehension. The USSR-Africa relations constitute a historiographical gap, dominated by subtly instrumental works produced in the context of the late escalation of the Cold War on the continent. Within this framework, the present text is based on ongoing research. In two previous articles, here taken as a starting point, the focus was on the African Revolutions of the 1970s and 1980s, followed by the analysis of African Marxist Military Regimes during the same period. From this point forth, relevant matters emerged, such as the profile of the relations between the Second and Third Worlds, and the doubling of the number of self-proclaimed socialist states with a Marxist-Leninist orientation, all of which emerged in the periphery (rising from 14 to 30). Two-thirds of these new regimes were African. In this context, the present article examines the Soviet Union (USSR) relations with the African States that were its allies in the 1970s and 1980s. The analysis focuses on the reciprocal motivations, the conditioning elements and the resulting impacts and legacies. This process gained significance belatedly, within a short period of two decades (1969-89), targeting a limited number of countries, yet it was intense (sometimes motivated by Cuba) and had a considerable impact on the transformation of Africa. It is argued that African nations were not “pawns” of the Cold War in their cooperation with Moscow, nor that the USSR pursued a systemic project of “exporting the revolution” or a geopolitical Grand Design for Africa (Coker 1985)
Topic:
International Relations, Foreign Policy, History, Socialism/Marxism, Geopolitics, and Soviet Union
Political Geography:
Africa and Soviet Union

71. Mapping Algeria's Foreign Policy in Africa Through Complex Network Analysis: Security and Energy Dynamics (2019-2025)

Author:
Mourad Benguita
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
In recent years, Africa has emerged as a pivotal space of geopolitical realignment, strategic competition, and region-wide integration experiments. The continent’s growing significance is fueled by its energy potential, evolving security configurations, and the multiplication of cross-border infrastructure and connectivity initiatives. As states navigate this increasingly interdepen-dent environment, foreign policies have shifted from traditional bilateralism to more fluid and multi-layered forms of engagement, including overlapping alliances, regional corridors, and transnational institutional frameworks.Within this continental transformation, Algeria has embarked on a recalibrated foreign policy, particularly since 2019. Internally, the Hirak pro-test movement and the subsequent reconfiguration of the political order ushe-red in demands for a more assertive and diversified external policy posture. Externally, Algeria has faced growing competition over African influence, particularly from regional rivals like Morocco, which has reasserted itself diplomatically across the continent, and from global powers, both traditional (France and the EU) and emerging (China, Russia, Turkey and Gulf states). This dual pressure has compelled Algeria to adopt a more proactive and systemic approach to its African policy.
Topic:
Security, Foreign Policy, Geopolitics, Energy, Regional Politics, and Network Analysis
Political Geography:
Africa, Algeria, and North Africa

72. Françafrique, Neocolonialism and the Political Economy of Coups d'État in the Franc Zone (2020-2023)

Author:
Mussa Jau and Karine de Souza Silva
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
In recent years, Francophone African countries have been the scene of coups d’état launched by the military class dissatisfied with the regimes in power between 2020 and 2023. With the events that occurred in Mali, Burkina Faso, Gabon, Niger and Guinea-Conakry, it was possible to observe some similarities in the justifications invoked by the protagonists of the coups, such as: economic depression, insecurity or the lack of progress in the fight against terrorism, corruption and, last but not least, the fight against economic imperialism and French neocolonialism on the continent.The population appears to be aligned with the ideals of the current military regimes and demonstrates its discontent with France’s track record of diplomatic, military, and economic activity on the continent. Consequently, incisive demonstrations were organized in front of French embassies in practically all affected territories — in which the population demanded the expulsion of the French diplomatic corps, the withdrawal of African countries from the Franc Zone3, and consequently the deinstitutionalization of the CFA Franc4, delimited here as the object of the research.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Political Economy, Coup, Regional Politics, and Neocolonialism
Political Geography:
Africa, Europe, France, Mali, Niger, Gabon, Burkina Faso, and Guinea-Conakry

73. Pan-African-Foreign Policy Theory: A Conceptual Significance of Foreign Policy Analysis Within Policy Agenda Setting for Africa

Author:
Chris Landsberg, Sandile Moloi, and Oscar Van Heerden
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
This article claims that Pan-Africanism Foreign Policy Theory is about Africa’s states’ foreign policy. This claim and theory have not been developed before. The closest argument to our Pan-Africanism Foreign Policy Theory is the writing in 2009 by McDougal (2009), which contends that, as the continental states and its premier integration bodies seek to craft a new-Pan-Africanism, African foreign policies should be based on three aspects: cultural and political unity; Afro-centric development, and the Afri-can conceptualisation of Ubuntu. We lay further claim that Pan-Africanism is rarely analysed by reviewing the goals pursued by states, specifically those of security, prosperity, and world reorganisation. This paper aims to make a constructive contribution to the overall literature by examining Pan-Africanism as African foreign policy, given that little has been written about it from this viewpoint.
Topic:
Security, Foreign Policy, Economics, Pan-Africanism, and Regional Politics
Political Geography:
Africa

74. Political Impasse and UN Intervention in Cote d'Ivoire

Author:
Henry Kam Kah
Publication Date:
02-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy International Relations
Institution:
Postgraduate Program in International Strategic Studies, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
Abstract:
In this paper we argue that the United Nations peacekeeping mission in Cote D’Ivoire contributed to the return of peace in the country but encountered enormous challenges and scathing criticisms. The mission was established in April 2004 with the aim of normalising the tense political atmosphere in a divided country where rebel forces (Forces Nouvelles) controlled Northern Cote D’Ivoire and government forces controlled the Southern part of the country. The mission was to build community security, trust in the people and institutions and protect human rights in a country torn apart by civil war. Prior to the 2002-2003 cease-fire agreement between belligerents, Cote D’Ivoire’s political terrain was heavily polluted with no agreement on almost every sticky issue. This widened regional and political cracks in the country and the despicable human rights situation re-ignited political violence. Besides, prior electoral concertation fuelled mistrust among politicians and indiscipline reigned supreme in the army threatening peace. Army commanders had soiled their hands in illicit natural resource exploitation and soldiers erected clandestine checkpoints to extort money from the population. Gender-based violence was rife and mercilessly gullible political hawks did not protect the population. Through a content analysis of essentially documents produced by the UN operations in Cote d’Ivoire (UNOCI) we conclude that it was able to navigate through numerous hurdles amidst accusations, counter accusations and virulent criticisms.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Politics, United Nations, Peacekeeping, and Gender Based Violence
Political Geography:
Africa and Côte d'Ivoire

75. ECOWAS Freedom of Mobility and its National Security Implications for Nigeria

Author:
Ayodeji Aduloju and Abimbola Opanike
Publication Date:
02-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy International Relations
Institution:
Postgraduate Program in International Strategic Studies, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
Abstract:
This study examines the effects of the ECOWAS Free Movement Protocol on national security in Nigeria in the context of a wider regional and global security landscape. From primary data drawn from structured interviews and fieldwork, combined with secondary sources, the research argues that while the Protocol facilitates regional integration and regional trade, at the same time it interacts with Nigeria's narrow institutional capacity, insecure borders, and corruption and hence amplifies security vulnerabilities. However, blaming insecurity on the porousness of borders in isolation could miss the intricacy of interaction among transnational criminal networks, weak multilateral enforcement institutions, and the inherent gap between the ECOWAS integration vision and domestic enforcement realities. This study employs both functionalism and the regional security complex theory to place Nigeria's national security issues within the frameworks of regional interdependence and international systemic processes. The findings of the study propose that effective security governance in Nigeria requires not just better management of the borders but also regional coordination and institutional reforms to address both internal and external drivers of insecurity.
Topic:
National Security, Regional Politics, ECOWAS, and Insecurity
Political Geography:
Africa and Nigeria

76. Artificial Intelligence Offers Learning Opportunities in the Global South

Author:
Javaid Sofi and Junaid Nabi
Publication Date:
05-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Cairo Review of Global Affairs
Institution:
School of Global Affairs and Public Policy, American University in Cairo
Abstract:
A pilot program for AI-assisted instruction in Nigeria indicates a promising avenue for democratizing access to education around the world
Topic:
Democratization, Education, and Artificial Intelligence
Political Geography:
Africa, Nigeria, and Global South

77. Aproximación a las estrategias y políticas de la Unión Europea en el Sahel: el dilema pendiente de Bruselas

Author:
Francisco José Marcos Martín
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
Este artículo analiza las políticas y los documentos estratégicos dentro del área de seguridad y defensa elaborados por la Unión Europea para el Sahel, estudiando su evolución y el estado de ejecución en el que se encuentran. El análisis de los documentos estratégicos y de la actuación de la Unión Europea concluye que ha habido diversas etapas en la ejecución de estas estrategias europeas. Algunas etapas fueron fructíferas y prometedoras; otras han estado marcadas por desencuentros, algunos de los cuales no se han superado aún. La situación actual en el Sahel es extremadamente complicada ya que no se han alcanzado los objetivos principales que se marcaron desde Bruselas en sus distintas estrategias y la región corre el riesgo de entregarse a terceros actores o incluso de colapsar. Sería, por tanto, deseable abrir el debate sobre el diseño e implementación de las estrategias de la Unión Europea y la actuación de los estados miembros.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Treaties and Agreements, Bilateral Relations, and European Union
Political Geography:
Africa, Europe, Mali, and Sahel

78. The Global State of al-Qa`ida 24 Years After 9/11

Author:
Colin Clarke and Clara Broekaert
Publication Date:
09-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
CTC Sentinel
Institution:
The Combating Terrorism Center at West Point
Abstract:
Al-Qa`ida has evolved considerably over the past four decades. Today, it is no longer a hierarchical organization with charismatic leadership, but rather a decentralized network of franchise groups dispersed throughout Africa, the Middle East, South Asia, and beyond. The group has not conducted spectacular external operations (EXOPS) for many years, but instead has been focused on patiently rebuilding, dedicating its resources and manpower to forging relationships with regional affiliates and championing their grievances, which are often locally focused. Al-Qa`ida Central, including its senior leadership, has been attenuated, but the organization’s branches in Somalia and the Sahel are gaining momentum, and there is growing concern that al-Qa`ida in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) is also looking to rebound. All of this is occurring against a backdrop of decline in the overall tempo of Western counterterrorism efforts, signaling the end of more than two decades of the Global War on Terrorism. Even in its diminished form, 24 years after the 9/11 attacks, al-Qa`ida and its global network of affiliates pose a serious latent security threat, including to the West, which takes these groups for granted at its own peril.
Topic:
Security, Terrorism, Counter-terrorism, and Al Qaeda
Political Geography:
Africa, South Asia, Middle East, and Global Focus

79. Post-Military Politics and ‘Emi Lokan’ Democracy in Nigeria

Author:
Remi Chukwudi Okeke
Publication Date:
06-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Institution:
Polish Political Science Association (PPSA)
Abstract:
This paper interrogated post-military politics and ‘Emi Lokan’ democracy in Nigeria. It is a significant contribution to the ongoing academic focus on consolidating democracy in the country. According to the research hypothesis, post-military politics in the country still contain some unnecessary military-governance propensities that have not been fully identified for invalidation. The study examined the meaning of ‘Emi Lokan’ democracy. It investigated its democratic implications. The work was based on a qualitative research design, embedding the consultation of secondary sources of non-numeric data. A key message of the contribution is that the influence of military culture in the current democratic order in the country has remained undiminished. The work found that the ‘Emi Lokan’ political belief in Nigeria owes its distasteful origin to the interference of the military in the governance affairs of the nation. It is concluded in the paper that the undesirable ‘Emi Lokan’ democracy can only be stopped in the country by the coming together of a manifestly new breed of politicians. An auspicious attempt was made in this regard during the 2023 presidential election in the nation.
Topic:
Democracy, Domestic Politics, and Military
Political Geography:
Africa and Nigeria

80. Digital Postcolonialism in Africa and Class Debates: Protoproletariat or Pooriat?

Author:
Özgür Yılmaz
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Academic Inquiries
Institution:
Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:
This study explores the concept of digital postcolonialism, analyzing how digital economies perpetuate colonial dynamics and deepen global inequalities. Digital colonialism, much like historical colonialism, exerts control over developing regions through monopolistic ownership of digital infrastructure, data, and platforms by tech giants primarily located in the global North. By examining the labour conditions of digital workers, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa, this study highlights the emergence of a “digital blue-collar” workforce facing precarious, low-wage conditions dictated by platform algorithms. Through the introduction of the concept “pooriat,” the study underscores the severe poverty and dependency that characterize this workforce, reflecting a new form of economic subjugation in the digital age. These conditions reinforce a digital hierarchy, where peripheral regions provide labour and data without fair compensation or control, paralleling colonial resource extraction. The study also discusses the potential of alternative frameworks, such as platform socialism, to challenge these power imbalances by democratizing control over digital infrastructures. This research contributes to the discourse on global inequality, digital dependency, and socio-economic restructuring, emphasizing the need for a more equitable digital economy.
Topic:
Post Colonialism, Labor Issues, Inequality, Class, Exploitation, and Digital Colonialism
Political Geography:
Africa

81. The International Politics of Renewable Energy and Regeneration in the Context of Climate Adaptation and Mitigation: Prospects and Challengs for Africa

Author:
Kenneth Chukwuemeka Nwoko
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
Africa is at a critical intersection in the broader global struggle against climate change, as well as in efforts to adapt to its impact. On the one hand, the continent has contributed least to greenhouse gas emissions and carbon pollution relative to its size and population. On the other hand, it stands at the forefront of the devastating impacts of climate change: from the inten-sifying desertification of the Sahel and Southern Africa to droughts and extreme weather in East Africa, as well as rising sea levels undermining coastal cities such as Lagos and Accra. These woes are compounded by a host of pressures that threaten local ecosystems and the ability of communities to adapt to the changing environment, including land grabs, and extractive and colonial resource exploitation. Unfortunately, the current approaches to the international politics surrounding climate change do not equitably address the needs of African nation-states or the continent’s people (Grimaldi 2018).Taking the ideas of regeneration and renewability as a starting point, energy production and consumption represents one of the most significant global political challenges, as well as opportunities. For African nation-states, questions about how to address energy poverty — a condition that afflicts 600 million people on the continent — while rapidly industrialising are paramount. Nevertheless, the international politics of renewable energy is crucial beyond Africa’s borders, with geopolitical implications fermenting across the globe. Renewable energy resources and technologies could reshape power in Africa. Where colonialism and postcolonial approaches to extraction empla-ced power in largely exogenous metropolitan cities, the continent possesses significant renewable energy resources — onshore wind, offshore wind, solar, hydropower, and geothermal — that, if developed in sovereignty and directed towards the needs of local populations, could address energy poverty and foster local industrialisation. However, addressing climate change and, more broadly, moving towards sustainable production and consumption requires excavation beyond Africa’s borders. Thus, there is a need to investigate the international politics of renewable energy, with Africa at the centre. To do this, three research questions are posed: 1) What are the essential policies and regulatory frameworks for enabling renewable energy initiatives in Africa? 2) What are the prospects concerning renewable energy implementation and regeneration in Africa, and what barriers are encountered? 3) What should be considered in the international politics of renewable energy initiatives, espe-cially regarding developing and emerging countries, particularly in Africa?
Topic:
Climate Change, Renewable Energy, Adaptation, International Politics, and Mitigation
Political Geography:
Africa

82. Borders Without Belonging: Statelessness, Displacement, and Human Insecurity in Post-Handover Bakassi

Author:
Seun Bamidele
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
The Bakassi Peninsula conflict remains one of the most complex and enduring examples of postcolonial territorial disputes in Africa, rai-sing urgent questions about legal sovereignty, resource control, and human security. Originally situated within the fluid and often contested borders of colonial cartography, Bakassi was subject to shifting territorial claims by Nigeria and Cameroon, a conflict that culminated in the 2002 International Court of Justice (ICJ) judgment awarding the peninsula to Cameroon (ICJ 2002a; 2002b). While hailed internationally as a triumph of legal diplomacy and pacific settlement (International Peace Institute 2008; United Nations 2008), the ruling and its aftermath exposed the severe disjuncture between international law and local realities, particularly for Bakassi’s inhabitants who faced statelessness, displacement, and legal ambiguity (Odinkalu 2012; Hussain 2023; Oyewo 2021).The existing scholarship on the Bakassi conflict has primarily focused on its geopolitical and legal dimensions, particularly the role of the ICJ in adjudicating territorial disputes and enforcing treaty obligations between sta-tes (Bonchuk 2014; Ezeilo 2010; Nwoko 2015). Other studies have examined Nigeria–Cameroon bilateral relations, the role of natural resources in fueling the conflict, and the enforcement challenges of international decisions (Hart 2022; Ebolo 2022; Egeran 2015). While these contributions are valuable, they tend to adopt a state-centric lens that overlooks the lived experiences of affected populations, particularly in relation to citizenship, displacement, and social exclusion.This study departs from such frameworks by foregrounding the human consequences of legal diplomacy, particularly the emergence of pos-tcolonial statelessness and the marginalization of displaced persons. It builds on, but also critiques, literature that under-theorizes the link between inter-national legal processes and everyday governance failures in borderlands.
Topic:
Displacement, Borders, Human Security, Statelessness, and Insecurity
Political Geography:
Africa, Nigeria, Cameroon, and Bakassi Peninsula

83. Obstructed Paths to Justice: Land Grabbing and the Crisis of Reconciliation in Central Nigeria's Postcolonial Conflicts

Author:
Gloria Longbaam-Alli
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
Proudly referred to as the “Food Basket of the Nation,” Central Nigeria was once regarded as a tranquil region, largely insulated from the ethno--religious conflicts prevalent in Northern Nigeria. Historical and colonial legacies from the pre-colonial era allowed farming communities in Plateau and Benue to coexist alongside Fulani pastoralists. When conflicts arose, traditional conflict resolution systems were employed. However, British indi-rect rule facilitated the political dominance of the Hausa-Fulani elite over minority groups in Central Nigeria. Land policies favoured “settlers,” such as the Hausa-Fulani, while marginalising “indigenes,” thus creating admi-nistrative hierarchies that fostered enduring resentment (Madueke 2018; Logams 2004; Ochonu 2014)Post-independence, relations among minority groups that rallied under the “Middle-Belt” identity emerged as a form of resistance to Hausa--Fulani control. The foundations of identity politics established during the colonial period, along with the weaponisation of historical grievances, have been utilised over the years to justify violence and clashes involving herders and farmers. For instance, land conflicts between Fulani pastoralists and far-ming communities in Central Nigeria have recently intensified, resulting in cyclical violence and hindering reconciliation efforts. This study explores the critical role of unresolved land grabs in perpetuating farmer-herder clashes and obstructing sustainable peacebuilding in the region. Between 2010 and 2022, ethno-religious tensions, cultural disputes, and land conflicts between Fulani Muslim pastoralists or agro-pastoralist settlers and Indigenous Chris-tian farmers have had a devastating impact, leading to numerous fatalities (Nigeria Watch 2021).
Topic:
Territorial Disputes, Reconciliation, Armed Conflict, and Post-Colonial
Political Geography:
Africa and Nigeria

84. Education and Africa’s Structural Transformation: Human Capital, Partnerships, and the Case for a Pan-African Movement

Author:
Pedro Silva Baptista
Publication Date:
07-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
The Rest: Journal of Politics and Development
Institution:
Centre for Strategic Research and Analysis (CESRAN)
Abstract:
This paper examines how education can drive structural transformation and sustainable development in Africa, emphasising human capital and international partnerships. Using empirical data, it explores how aligning education with labour market needs and local realities can help unlock the continent’s demographic dividend. Key challenges include learning poverty, outdated curricula, and weak teacher training. Nonetheless, targeted investment in STEM, vocational training, and renewable energy offers opportunities for innovation and job creation. The PanAfrican Education Movement is presented as a catalyst for change, advocating curriculum reform, integration of indigenous knowledge, gender-responsive budgeting (GRB), and sector-specific skills development with targeted interventions for girls’ education. The study highlights the role of international partnerships— especially with the EU—in supporting digital inclusion, infrastructure, and governance. Combining quantitative indicators and policy analysis, it proposes a multisectoral strategy grounded in the Triple Helix model to strengthen collaboration between academia, industry, and government for education-led development.
Topic:
Education, European Union, Partnerships, Human Capital, Pan-Africanism, and Structural Transformation
Political Geography:
Africa and Europe

85. A New Scramble? Geopolitical Economy of Multi-Polarity in the Sahel and its Implications for Africa's Economic Sovereignty

Author:
Al-Chukwuma Okoli and Abdulkareem Alhassan
Publication Date:
09-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy International Relations
Institution:
Postgraduate Program in International Strategic Studies, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
Abstract:
This study explores how the Sahel has emerged as a contested space for influence, competitive stakes, resources, and markets. The paper posits that the Sahel’s geopolitical economy is characterized by a new scramble – a multi-polar struggle by the global and regional powers – for dominance and strategic advantage, with far-reaching implications for the sovereignty of the member states as well as regional stability and development. The paper underscores the nuanced issues that underpin the evolving geopolitical landscape in the Sahel and what they hold African agency and sovereign virtues, especially in the realms of economy and geo-strategy.
Topic:
Political Economy, Sovereignty, Geopolitics, Multipolarity, and Great Powers
Political Geography:
Africa and Sahel

86. Governance and Resilience: Enhancing Community-Based Strategies to Combat Violent Extremism and Terrorism in Ghana

Author:
Joseph Kelvin Merdiemah and Felix Danso
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
This paper presents a contextually grounded analysis of governance and community-based strategies for preventing violent extremism and terrorism in Ghana, a country situated at the intersection of regional insecurity and democratic stability. Unlike prior studies that take a generic policy view or ignore local dynamics, this paper integrates governance theories with empirical evidence drawn from Ghana’s high-risk border regions. It employs qualitative methods, specifically semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions with a diverse range of stakeholders, including policymakers, security professionals, community leaders and civil society actors. The findings reveal how entrenched governance challenges, such as resource and capacity deficits, political interference and weak inter-agency collaboration intersect with acute socio-economic vulnerabilities to undermine effective prevention efforts. Notably, the study highlights the pivotal yet underacknowledged role of community engagement and grassroots participation in fostering resilience, while identifying deficiencies in existing counter-terrorism frameworks, particularly the lack of an operational definition of violent extremism and the top-down implementation approach. By bridging theoretical models with on-the-ground realities, the paper advances a multi-level framework for policy and practice that foregrounds community agency, inclusive governance and context-driven responses. It concludes with concrete, tailored recommendations to enhance both state and societal resilience, setting it apart from previous, less integrative approaches to extremism prevention in West Africa.
Topic:
Conflict Prevention, Terrorism, Governance, Violent Extremism, and Resilience
Political Geography:
Africa and Ghana

87. Relevance of the African Union Transitional Justice Policy for Lesotho: Towards Sustainable Peace

Author:
Khabele Matlosa and Moeketsi Kali
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
Lesotho’s protracted history of political instability and authoritarian governance between 1970 and 1992 has entrenched a culture of violence, the effects of which continue to undermine peacebuilding efforts under the current democratic dispensation (1993–2025). The novelty of this paper lies in its illustration of the utility of transitional justice in situations of political instability that are not characterised by large-scale civil wars or violence. The paper argues that sustainable peace and reconciliation require institutionalising a robust, context-sensitive transitional justice framework aligned with the African Union Transitional Justice Policy (AUTJP). Drawing on qualitative analysis of historical records and expert interviews of purposively sampled experts between 2024 and 2025 by the Lesotho Council of Non-Governmental Organisations and the Strategic Institute for Research and Dialogue, the study identifies a lack of coordinated, victim-centred justice responses to past human rights violations. The AUTJP offers a strategic blueprint for embedding transitional justice into Lesotho’s ongoing governance reforms. The study finds that combining retributive, restorative and redistributive justice approaches – while rooted in local traditions – can help address structural grievances and enhance the legitimacy of the reforms. Ultimately, the paper makes the case for adopting a legally grounded, nationally owned and participatory transitional justice policy informed by African and international best practices.
Topic:
Authoritarianism, Transitional Justice, Justice, African Union, and Peacebuilding
Political Geography:
Africa and Lesotho

88. Leveraging Lessons Learned for Innovation in Threat Response Models: A Utilitarian Approach to Addressing Security Challenges in Africa

Author:
Linda Akua Opongmaa Darkwa and Philip Attuquayefio
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
The design of the African Standby Force (ASF) was informed by threat scenarios in Africa following the end of the Cold War. Despite being declared operationally ready in 2015, the ASF is yet to be utilised in its originally envisaged form. Instead, African states have devised measures to address threats outside the ASF’s defined scenarios. We explore how deficits in the various threat response models deployed by the African Union (AU) over the years produced lessons that shaped the context for AU member states’ preference for ad hoc security initiatives to address their shared security challenges. Through this, we contribute to the growing literature on ad hoc security coalitions (AHSCs) by curating relevant lessons learned from their deployment and how the AU can develop a structured framework to guide future operations. We do so by discussing two AHSCs deployed on the continent: the Coalition of States in East Africa against the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in Uganda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Sudan, and the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) against Boko Haram in Nigeria. We elaborate on particular aspects of their operations that produce lessons and how the AU has leveraged some of these lessons.
Topic:
Security, International Cooperation, African Union, African Standby Force (ASF), Innovation, and Threat Response
Political Geography:
Africa

89. The Failure of Mediation and Peacemaking Efforts in the Sudan Crisis

Author:
Munzoul A. M. Assal and Abdelmageed Yahya
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
This paper examines internal and external mediation efforts aimed at addressing the devastating war in Sudan. The nature and scale of the war in Sudan make mediation extremely difficult but also increasingly urgent. The paper engages with existing mediation frameworks and tackles complexities of peacemaking efforts in Sudan. It adopts a qualitative approach, relies on an actor-focused analysis, desk review of mediation literature and initiatives, and stakeholder interviews with academics, civil society activists, politicians and experts. The war in Sudan is proving difficult for mediators and peacemakers due to the entanglements of sociopolitical, geographical, economic, regional and international factors. This is not simply a war between two armies, but a political and social conflict, with regional and international dimensions. Several internal and external mediations emerged to address the war. Internal initiatives failed due to the lack of a clear vision, deep societal divisions, weak mediation capacity, complexity of the crisis, short-term interests and the lack of genuine commitment to inclusive peace. External actors simplify the crisis by not fully acknowledging the diversity of political forces at play. This overlooked the multifaceted nature of the situation. As a result, the complexity of the conflict is ignored, leading to stalemates in the mediation initiatives.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Civil War, Mediation, Armed Conflict, and Peacemaking
Political Geography:
Africa and Sudan

90. Restorative Conferences as a Conflict Resolution Tool: An Action Research Project in a Zimbabwean High School

Author:
Onismo Rukuni, Geoff Harris, and Jason Davis
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
Conflicts, violence and breaches of discipline are common in Zimbabwean schools. Teachers have always used retributive practices, particularly corporal punishment, to deal with these problems, but this approach has been outlawed since 2013. Since then, teachers have struggled to handle indiscipline without using corporal punishment. Restorative disciplinary practices such as restorative conferences, peer mediation and peacebuilding circles are possible alternatives but to date have been little used in Zimbabwe. This article reports an action research project that introduced restorative conferences with Form 2 learners in one large urban high school between October 2022 and May 2023. A short-term evaluation of the use of such conferences found strong support from learners, teachers and parents. This finding suggests the potential benefits of restorative conferences and related practices as a way of building more peaceful school communities.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Education, Youth, and Peacemaking
Political Geography:
Africa and Zimbabwe

91. From Dialogue to Disillusionment: Analysis of the Major National Dialogue in Cameroon

Author:
Robert Kosho Ndiyun
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
National dialogues have emerged as crucial tools for conflict transformation, promoting inclusivity and consensus among various actors in internal conflicts. The recurrent escalation of socio-political and economic challenges – particularly in Africa – has advanced the use of national dialogues to calm tensions and foster the transition toward peace and reconciliation. Defined as formal and nationally owned processes that seek to solve problems of national relevance, national dialogues offer a forum for discussion among conflicting stakeholders and the state.1 In Africa, national dialogues have been organised in Kenya (2007), Côte d’Ivoire (2011), Tunisia (2013-2014), Sudan (2014), Burkina Faso (2024), Mali (2024), Chad (2024), Gabon (2024), and Niger (2025) to address post-electoral protests, intra-state conflicts, and coups, respectively. Scholars suggest that a successful national dialogue must have the following features: inclusivity, transparency and public participation, a credible and neutral convener, a clear agenda, and a feasible implementation timeline for its recommendations.2 Inclusivity guarantees that all key stakeholders, including marginalised groups, are represented in the dialogue process. By incorporating diverse perspectives, the dialogue gains legitimacy and addresses the main drivers of conflict. When participants perceive that their voices are heard, this enhances trust and commitment to the dialogue results. Dialogues that include women, youth, and other traditionally excluded groups are more likely to tackle key causes of conflict effectively. Transparency entails open communication about the dialogue process, objectives, and results. This frankness aids in building public trust and facilitates broader societal participation. Public participation is crucial – when citizens are actively involved, they are more likely to support and commit to the dialogue’s recommendations, establishing a feeling of ownership over the process and its outcomes. Effective national dialogues often integrate mechanisms for keeping the public informed, even if they are not directly engaging in discussions. A credible and impartial convener contributes significantly to facilitating dialogue. This entity should be trusted by all stakeholders and seen as neutral, thus safeguarding a fair process. A well-respected convener can mediate conflicts, balance power dynamics, and facilitate productive deliberations, improving the chances of attaining consensus. National dialogues’ effectiveness often relies on the credibility of their convener, as a perceived bias can compromise the entire process. A clear programme summarises the themes to be discussed and the goals of the dialogue. It provides an organised basis that keeps discussions focused and fruitful. Well-defined goals help participants understand the purpose of the dialogue and the expected outcomes, which can inform their inputs effectively. Dialogues with a clear agenda are more likely to achieve meaningful results. A feasible execution plan for recommendations is crucial for ensuring that the dialogue’s results are actionable. Without an accurate timeline, there may be interruptions or failures in implementing agreed-upon actions, resulting in disenchantment among stakeholders. A clear timeline establishes accountability and inspires continuous momentum toward achieving peace. Successful dialogues often include specific timelines for implementing recommendations, which helps maintain engagement and commitment from all parties involved.
Topic:
Transparency, Boko Haram, Reconciliation, Armed Conflict, Peacebuilding, and National Dialogue
Political Geography:
Africa and Cameroon

92. Popular Coups d’état in Africa

Author:
Simbarashe Tembo and Laura-Stella Enonchong
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
The end of the Cold War saw a new democratic and constitutional trajectory in Africa that brought an end to the post-independence era of military coups and authoritarianism. Africa fought relentlessly against the scourge of coups d’état that spread across the continent soon after independence. The spread of constitutionalism and the deepening of democracy in the 1990s slowed down the occurrence of coups. The events of the past few years, however, indicate a resurgence of military coups on the continent, and that has been disconcerting. The recent coups have been markedly different from the post-independence ones. They are peculiar in that they have been largely supported by the civilian population, especially the youth. This has raised several debates regarding their legitimacy and the future of democracy in Africa. While some have characterised these events as coups d’état, others have opted for the more liberal descriptors such as ‘popular uprisings’ or ‘military-assisted transitions.’1 The cases of Zimbabwe (2017), Mali (2020, 2021), Guinea (2021), Burkina Faso (Jan 2022, Sept 2022), Sudan (2021), Niger (2023), and Gabon (2023) are illustrative. It is important to stress that regardless of the nomenclature one opts for, this form of transition is not provided for in any of these countries’ constitutions. Given Africa’s history of coups d’état and the aftermath, usually characterised by repression, scholars are at odds trying to explain why civilians would support military regimes. Some scholars have attributed the public support for these coups to general dissatisfaction with democracy.2 Others perceive the public support as a ‘symptom’ of mis-governance by the incumbent (overthrown) regimes.3 All the countries that experienced coups in recent years have constitutions that provide mechanisms for political transitions. Some go as far as limiting presidential terms to ensure that leadership is rotated. It seems, however, that the processes embedded in those constitutions have failed to deliver democratic transitions. This review aims to examine scholarship on the resurgence of coups d’état, and the conceptual framing of their popular support. We argue that while the popular support for coups does not necessarily symbolise a rejection of democracy, it is a serious indictment on the practice of democracy in Africa.
Topic:
History, Governance, Public Opinion, Democracy, Leadership, and Coup
Political Geography:
Africa

93. Peacebuilding Practices in Cross-Border Conflicts: The Ethiopia-Turkana Case Study

Author:
Asmare Shetahun Alemneh
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
Pastoralism is a livelihood mechanism and transhumance activity characterised by livestock herding and movement in the arid and semi-arid lands of East Africa. Pastoralists and agro-pastoralists move with their livestock, and in most cases, raiding, livestock theft, abduction, drought, the presence of illegal arms, inaccessibility of pastureland, water scarcity, epidemics, environmental degradation, and negative cultural practices instigate conflict and violence. These problems need solutions through mechanisms that enable the creation of peace and development.1The nature of cross-border pastoralist conflict between Kenya and Ethiopia is resource-driven. Furthermore, the salient triggers of conflict are politically motivated and ethnic-based for resource sharing and control. It is frequently witnessed across the border, and often seemingly inevitable due to resource scarcity and environmental degradation.2 A number of interventions are being carried out by non-government organisations (NGOs), international and intergovernmental organisations, and the governments of the study area in order to build peace and mitigate conflict and violence.3 The states are not the only actors in peacebuilding; it involves the participation of various non-state actors, because state-centred approaches to peacebuilding are unable to address conflict and violence.4 This article argues that multiple approaches to peacebuilding are the most important mechanisms to resolve cross-border resource-based conflicts and create sustainable peace between the pastoralist communities of the two countries. The specific objectives of this study were to identify the underlying causes of the Kenya-Ethiopia, specifically Turkana (Kenya), Hamer, Dassanech, and Nyangatom cross-border resource-based pastoralist conflicts; and to examine the peacebuilding approaches applied.
Topic:
Conflict, Borders, Pastoralism, Peacebuilding, and Resources
Political Geography:
Kenya, Africa, and Ethiopia

94. Effectiveness of National Dialogues in Post-Conflict Transitions in Africa: Case Study of Sudan

Author:
Benson Nyamweno
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
Conflicts in Africa always results in deep-rooted divisions based on ethnic, political, religious lines, and fractured societies.1 While national dialogue is a fundamental remedy in the realisation of sustainable peace, security and stability, the process should be inclusive, nationally owned political negotiations that foster reconciliation, address grievances, and create a conducive environment for democratic leadership.2 It should bring on board all actors, including opposition groups, civil society, government, and marginalised groups, for the realisation of future social and political order. However, the effectiveness of national dialogue in post-conflict transitions have attracted wider debate. While scholars and policy-makers have hailed national dialogues as tools for peacebuilding, their effectiveness is not guaranteed.3 Key considerations, for example, the structure of the dialogue, participants’ credibility, the extent of inclusivity, and the political will to implement agreements, are critical to their outcomes.4 In many instances, national dialogues have failed to yield tangible and sustainable results, more so when taken over by political elites or due to lack of political goodwill to implement agreements.
Topic:
Transparency, Inclusion, Post-Conflict, Peacebuilding, and National Dialogue
Political Geography:
Africa and Sudan

95. Thirty Years of the Training for Peace Programme (1995–2025): Reflections on a Strategic Partnership

Author:
Linda Akua Opongmaa Darkwa
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
The 30-year history of the Training for Peace (TfP) programme offers an insight into the evolution of Africa’s peace and security landscape and the changing demands placed on continental and regional institutions. Conceived in the aftermath of seismic political and security shifts, the programme was the outcome of a strategic political conversation between Nelson Mandela, former President of South Africa, and Gro Harlem Brundtland, former Norwegian Prime Minister. From the outset, it was intended to fill a pressing gap: enabling African actors to take greater responsibility for addressing conflicts on the continent by strengthening local knowledge, skills, institutional systems, and leadership. Since the mid-1990s, TfP has become one of the most enduring and consequential capacity support mechanisms to the then Organisation of African Unity (OAU), now the African Union Commission (AUC). Unlike short-term technical initiatives, the programme’s longevity and ability to adapt to dynamic political and operational realities have made it a trusted and integral partner. Its work has spanned policy development, police and civilian capacity enhancement, governance and stabilisation support, strategic analysis, and knowledge management. However, more importantly, TfP has provided the AU with a platform that has enabled dialogue, coherence, policy convergence, and strategic reflection at times of institutional transition and wider continental turbulence. As the continent grapples with evolving security challenges, from terrorism and violent extremism to governance deficits, climate fragility, and technological disruptions, the programme’s record reveals how long-term accompaniment, demand-driven support, and adaptive methodologies can strengthen institutional resilience. This article examines the 1995–2025 trajectory of TfP, analysing its evolution, contributions, convening role, and the lessons it offers for African-led peace and security efforts in a period defined by complexity, uncertainty, and competing priorities. The evolution of TfP: From foundational capacity-building to strategic accompaniment Although TfP was established before the transition from the OAU to the AU, its inception anticipated the continent’s evolving peace and security vision, which by the late 1990s increasingly recognised the need for more proactive and multidimensional approaches to conflict. TfP has evolved through several configurations since its establishment and is today composed of three implementing Partners: the African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD), Institute for Security Studies (ISS), and Norwegian Institute for International Affairs (NUPI). Anchored in a collaborative arrangement involving two African institutions and one northern research partner, the TfP configuration brings together locally grounded experience with global comparative analysis, enhancing the programme’s ability to provide context-responsive and evidence-based support to the AU. The TfP programme stands as one of the most enduring examples of North–South cooperation in the peace and security domain, combining Norway’s long-term financial and political support with African institutional leadership and contextual expertise. This partnership has enabled mutually reinforcing learning, ensuring that capacity support is demand-driven, context-sensitive, and anchored in African priorities. In the programme’s early years, its focus was on ways to harness the knowledge and capabilities of countries in the Southern Africa region that had emerged from complex transitions, for the security challenges confronting the continent. That notwithstanding, given the fact that Africa was witnessing an increase in intra-state conflicts, it was evident that a major recalibration of peace operations was required. The programme was, therefore, designed to meet the growing demand for multidimensional peace operations as intra-state conflicts took centre stage.
Topic:
Security, Peace, Regional Organizations, and Strategic Partnerships
Political Geography:
Africa

96. The Future of Peace Operations: A Review of African-Deployed Peace Operations and the African Standby Force

Author:
Festus Kofi Aubyn and Naila Salihu
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
Since the 1990s, Africa has become an epicentre of complex and evolving security challenges, ranging from intra-state conflicts, insurgencies and political instability to terrorism in the Sahel and the Horn of Africa and maritime insecurity in the Gulf of Guinea and Indian Ocean.1 These threats are not only locally rooted but are also regional in scope and intertwined with organised crimes, climate pressures, and governance deficits. The frequency and complexity of these security challenges have made it clear that Africa must not only be the subject of peace operations, but also the architect of its own security responses. Consequently, African-led peace support operations (PSOs) have emerged as a principal instrument through which the African Union (AU), Regional Economic Communities (RECs), Regional Mechanisms (RMs), and ad hoc coalitions of states have attempted to respond to the continent’s complex security challenges. Once the exclusive preserve of United Nations (UN) peace operations, the emergence of African-led PSOs was driven by both pragmatic and normative considerations – including the urgent need for context-sensitive responses, the assertion of African agency, and the growing recognition that no external actor will prioritise Africa’s peace and security more than Africans will.2 It also highlighted the operationalisation and efforts to realise the ‘African solutions to African problems’ paradigm that emphasises African ownership, leadership, and context-driven approaches to addressing the continent’s challenges.3 The African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), established in 2002 with its various components such as the African Standby Force (ASF), serves as the institutional backbone for the expanding role of African-led peace operations.4 As a continent-wide rapid-response mechanism, the ASF is designed to provide the AU and its RECs/RMs with a ready pool of military, police, and civilian personnel for PSOs. However, since its conception, the ASF has remained only partially realised, raising critical questions about the continent’s readiness and capacity for self-reliant PSOs. The growing threat of terrorism and violent extremism and the resurgence of military coups have also magnified the need for ASF reform and adaptation to remain fit for purpose. Against this backdrop, this article reviews the trajectory and current state of African-deployed PSOs, with a specific focus on the ASF. After a concise overview of contemporary PSOs in Africa, the article explores how the ASF has progressed in practice, while persistent gaps and barriers that have constrained its functionality. Through a forward-looking lens, the article concludes by offering future scenarios and concrete policy recommendations aimed at strengthening African agency and capacity in PSOs. The paper conceptualises African-led PSOs as missions mandated, deployed, recognised, or endorsed by African regional institutions. It argues that African-led PSOs are more agile, localised and often provide quicker responses to peace and security challenges in the region, especially in places where UN responses are absent or slow. These PSOs have been conducted by AU forces, regional organisations and ad hoc coalitions of states. The ASF is a laudable, African-led mechanism with significant efforts and investment made in the development of policies, structures and regional capabilities, but the it faces challenges in operationalisation.
Topic:
Security, Peacekeeping, Peace, and Regional Security
Political Geography:
Africa

97. UN Security Council Reform: Africa’s Quest for Permanent Representation and Veto Power

Author:
Abraham Ename Minko
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) remains one of the most powerful organs of global governance, tasked with maintaining international peace and security. However, its structure and decision-making processes have long been criticised for being outdated and unrepresentative, particularly in their exclusion of African countries from permanent membership. Despite Africa comprising 54 states – the largest regional bloc in the UN – and contributing significantly to UN peacekeeping operations, it remains without a permanent seat on the Council. This discrepancy raises fundamental questions about equity, legitimacy, and the effectiveness of the multilateral system in addressing the security concerns of an increasingly multipolar world. Calls for reform have grown stronger in recent years, driven by Africa’s rising political and economic influence and the continent’s persistent demand for a more inclusive global order. The push for Security Council reform is not a new phenomenon. The debate has been ongoing for years, with various proposals put forward to expand the Council’s composition and distribute power more equitably. African states, through the African Union (AU), have articulated their collective position in the Ezulwini Consensus, which calls for two permanent seats with veto power and additional non-permanent seats for Africa. This demand is rooted in the historical marginalisation of African voices in global decision-making and the disproportionate impact of UNSC resolutions on the continent1. However, the path to reform remains fraught with challenges, as permanent members with veto power continue to resist structural changes that could dilute their influence. At the heart of this issue lies the broader struggle for a more representative and effective multilateral system. While the continent has demonstrated its capacity to contribute meaningfully to international security, the absence of permanent African representation in the Security Council limits its ability to shape key decisions. The lack of African voices in high-level deliberations perpetuates a system where policies and interventions are often designed without sufficient input from those most affected by them. This article examines the structural imbalance of the UNSC, the diplomatic strategies pursued by African states and the AU to push for reforms, and the geopolitical and institutional obstacles that hinder progress. By assessing Africa’s quest for permanent representation and veto power, the study seeks to shed light on the implications of these reforms for global governance, multilateral diplomacy, and the future of Africa’s engagement with the international system. Ultimately, understanding the dynamics of Security Council reform is essential for evaluating the prospects of a more equitable and responsive global security architecture.
Topic:
Diplomacy, Reform, Geopolitics, and UN Security Council
Political Geography:
Africa

98. Navigating Climate and Conflict: The Role of UNMISS in Building Resilience in South Sudan

Author:
Rumbidzaishe Mupfiga
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
Over the past two decades, the intersection between climate change and security has become an increasingly urgent policy and operational concern for peace operations across Africa. Rising temperatures, shifting rainfall patterns and extreme weather events have disrupted livelihoods and strained governance systems in regions already grappling with fragility and protracted conflict. These dynamics have heightened competition over scarce natural resources, displaced populations and created new fault lines of insecurity that transcend traditional political and ethnic divisions. Recognising these emerging challenges, both the United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU) have underscored the importance of addressing climate-related security risks as part of broader peace and security frameworks. The AU’s Continental Climate Change Strategy (2022–2032) and the UN’s Climate Security Mechanism, established in 2018, highlight the growing consensus that peace operations must integrate climate adaptation and environmental resilience into their mandates and practices. Among the countries most affected by this climate-conflict nexus is South Sudan, a country where the combined effects of protracted conflict, political fragility, and environmental degradation have created one of the world’s most complex humanitarian crises.1 In this context, climate change acts as a threat multiplier, compounding food insecurity, displacement and communal violence. For the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS),operating in this volatile environment has required navigating not only political and security challenges but also the far-reaching impacts of a changing climate. This article examines how climate change has affected UNMISS operations, how the mission has adapted to these evolving conditions, and the ways in which local communities have developed resilience through both traditional coping mechanisms and mission-supported initiatives. By focusing on South Sudan, the article sheds light on the broader implications of climate change for peace operations in Africa, and the need for adaptive, climate-sensitive approaches to sustaining peace in the 21st century.
Topic:
Climate Change, Peacekeeping, Conflict, and Resilience
Political Geography:
Africa and South Sudan

99. Twenty-five Years On: Has UNSCR 1325 Transformed African Peace Support Operations?

Author:
Rumbidzaishe Mupfiga
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
Twenty-five years ago, the adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 (2000) marked a watershed moment in global peace and security. For the first time, the international community formally recognised that women are not merely victims of conflict but critical actors in peacebuilding, security and post-conflict recovery. Before the adoption of UNSCR 1325, women’s experiences and contributions were often overlooked in conflict and peace processes, despite being disproportionately affected by armed conflict and playing vital roles within their communities.1 The Resolution marked a turning point by explicitly calling for the inclusion of women’s perspectives and participation across all aspects of peace and security, from conflict prevention and resolution to peacekeeping and post-conflict reconstruction. The Resolution and the broader Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda that followed committed states and international organisations to enhance women’s participation in peace processes, strengthen the protection of women in conflict, and integrate gender perspectives into peace and security interventions.2 Nowhere has the test of these commitments been more visible than in Africa. Over the past 25 years, the continent has hosted the largest concentration of peace support operations (PSOs), with about half of the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions operating around the world being in Africa.3 PSOs have ranged from UN-led missions such as the UN Organisation Stabilisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO), to missions led by the African Union (AU), including the AU Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), its transition to the AU Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS), and now the current AU Support and Stabilisation Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM). Africa has also seen hybrid operations such as the UN–AU Mission in Darfur (UNAMID), as well as regional initiatives like the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM). Collectively, these missions have presented both opportunities and challenges in translating the vision of UNSCR 1325 into practice.
Topic:
United Nations, Peacekeeping, Women, UN Security Council, and African Union
Political Geography:
Africa

100. Protecting and Securing the Future for the “Future”: The Ongoing Prevalence of Protecting Children in Africa

Author:
Wandile Langa
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
The nature of conflict and contestation in Africa has evolved drastically over the last five years. While conflict remains a major threat to children, the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 significantly compounded their vulnerability by introducing additional complexities in already fragile contexts. We have since entered a chapter of increased geopolitical conflict, and not in Africa alone. There have been ongoing conflicts in Ukraine and Israel, as well as global economic turmoil. Each of these threats has had dire consequences for the agenda for peace, none as significant as on the plight of children, especially children in fragile and conflict-affected areas in Africa. This article explores the circumstances facing children living in conflict-affected areas across Africa. It assesses the response and effectiveness of international bodies, such as the United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU), in safeguarding the future of the continent’s youngest and most vulnerable group.
Topic:
United Nations, Children, Youth, Conflict, African Union, and Protection
Political Geography:
Africa