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Begin New Search Political Geography Africa Content Type Journal Article

1. Parliamentary Diplomacy and Normative Contestation after Coups d’État in West Africa

Author:
Nádia Teresa dos Santos Loureiro
Publication Date:
01-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
The Rest: Journal of Politics and Development
Institution:
Centre for Strategic Research and Analysis (CESRAN)
Abstract:
This article examines how international parliamentary organisations (IPOs) engage with situations of constitutional rupture following coups d’état in West Africa, focusing on political transitions in Mali, Burkina Faso and Guinea (Conakry) between 2020 and 2023. It addresses how parliamentary actors, lacking coercive authority, engage in contexts marked by military takeovers, suspended constitutional frameworks and contested political legitimacy. Drawing on a constructivist and post-Westphalian perspective, the article conceptualises parliamentary diplomacy operating through discursive practices and symbolic positioning. Empirically, the analysis examines the responses of the Pan-African Parliament (PAP) and the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) based on qualitative documentary analysis of resolutions, statements and institutional reports. The findings show that, despite significant political and structural constraints, IPOs contribute to articulating expectations of legitimate governance by problematising the marginalisation of parliaments and reaffirming representative institutions as expressions of popular sovereignty
Topic:
Diplomacy, Sovereignty, Legitimacy, Coup, and Parliamentary Diplomacy
Political Geography:
Africa, West Africa, Mali, Guinea, and Burkina Faso

2. Resisting Digital Colonialism and Protecting Subaltern Agency in Africa

Author:
Sylvia Ayesu
Publication Date:
04-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Public and International Affairs (JPIA)
Institution:
School of Public and International Affairs (SPIA), Princeton University
Abstract:
As African states accelerate digital transformation, they do so within a global political economy of data, artificial intelligence, and surveillance technologies dominated by foreign corporations and external regulatory norms. This article examines how contemporary forms of digital colonialism, characterized by asymmetrical data extraction, technological dependency, and externally imposed governance frameworks, constrain political autonomy and reproduce historical patterns of domination. Moving beyond narratives of victimhood, the article foregrounds subaltern agency by analyzing how African governments and civil society actors actively resist, negotiate, and reconfigure these power relations. Focusing on three illustrative cases in Kenya—the implementation of the Data Protection Act, the diffusion of Chinese-built smart city projects, and the rise of civil society-led data justice movements—the article analyzes how power asymmetries are negotiated within contemporary digital governance. It argues that prevailing global Artificial Intelligence (AI) and data governance frameworks inadequately incorporate African political priorities, thereby reproducing dependency rather than enabling sovereignty. It concludes by proposing policy pathways to strengthen African digital self-determination, including regulatory capacity enhancement, safeguarding transparency in technology procurement, and promoting civic oversight.
Topic:
Political Economy, Science and Technology, Transparency, Self-Determination, Extractivism, Agency, and Digital Colonialism
Political Geography:
Africa

3. Russia-Africa Relations amid Global Geopolitical Shifts

Author:
Wojciech Kotowicz
Publication Date:
03-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
Institution:
Faculty of Political Science and International Studies, Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń
Abstract:
The article examines the dynamics of Russia’s relations with African states against the backdrop of the post-2022 transformation of the international system. The research objective is to identify the geopolitical motivations behind Russia’s engagement in Africa, assess the instruments used to implement this policy, and delineate the prospects and constraints for Russia-Africa relations under conditions of growing multipolarity. The author argues that Russia’s expansion in Africa – though catalyzed by the international isolation resulting from its aggression against Ukraine – forms part of a broader strategy to assemble an alternative, anti-Western bloc in which Africa plays a key legitimating and symbolic role. The analysis covers the historical foundations of Russia-Africa relations from the Cold War era, the geopolitical drivers of Russia’s post-2022 engagement, and the instruments of Russian policy toward Africa, with particular attention to the military, economic, and information domains. The study shows that African states – especially military juntas in the Sahel – are not passive objects of Russian manipulation but active players pursuing their own survival strategies by diversifying international partnerships. The material underpinnings of Russia’s engagement, however, remain fragile: limited investment, a focus on extractive and defense sectors, and rising reputational costs indicate that Moscow is maximizing influence at minimal cost. The conclusion holds that the durability of Russia’s presence in Africa will be tested by the Kremlin’s capacity to sustain engagement amid a protracted war in Ukraine, by the evolving expectations of African publics, and by the response of the West and other global actors intensifying the competition for influence on the continent.
Topic:
International Relations, Foreign Policy, Geopolitics, and Multipolarity
Political Geography:
Africa and Russia

4. Relations of the Russian Federation with African States in Russian Strategic Documents – Political and Military Dimension

Author:
Krzysztof Żęgota
Publication Date:
03-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
Institution:
Faculty of Political Science and International Studies, Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń
Abstract:
The article examines the evolution of the Russian Federation’s relations with African states through the lens of Russian strategic documents and foreign policy practices. It argues that Russia’s contemporary engagement in Africa reflects the implementation of priorities defined in successive national security strategies since 1997. Moscow’s approach integrates political and military dimensions, aiming to restore great-power status, secure geopolitical footholds, and counter Western influence. Politically, Russia presents itself as an anti-colonial partner advocating multipolarity and sovereignty, while militarily it strengthens ties through arms trade, training, and the deployment of private military contractors. Case studies of Egypt, Mali, and the Central African Republic illustrate how Russia’s strategic narratives have been translated into concrete diplomatic and security partnerships. In conclusion, the article argues that Russia’s policy toward Africa represents both a continuation of Soviet-era ambitions and a pragmatic adaptation to the geopolitical realities of the twenty-first century. By selectively deploying limited resources and focusing on strategically significant states, Russia has managed to expand its influence on the African continent despite growing competition from other international actors.
Topic:
International Relations, Foreign Policy, National Security, Politics, and Military Cooperation
Political Geography:
Africa and Russia

5. Institutional Quality and Economic Policy Strategies as Drivers of Competitiveness in African Economies

Author:
Oleksandra Werbowa
Publication Date:
03-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
Institution:
Faculty of Political Science and International Studies, Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń
Abstract:
This study examines the determinants of national competitiveness in African economies, with a particular focus on the role of institutional quality and economic policy strategies. The analysis is based on cross-sectional data for 2024 covering fifteen African countries and includes governance, competitiveness, and socio-economic indicators such as the Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG), Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), IMD Competitiveness Score, GDP per capita, Human Development Index (HDI), and inflation rate. Principal Component Analysis (PCA) and K-means cluster analysis were applied to identify structural relationships and country groupings. The results reveal a strong positive association between institutional quality and economic competitiveness, indicating that countries with stronger governance frameworks tend to achieve higher competitiveness levels. The cluster analysis identified three distinct groups of countries with differing institutional and development profiles. Countries characterized by higher governance quality, lower corruption, and stronger socio-economic performance demonstrate significantly higher competitiveness, while countries with weaker institutional frameworks face greater structural constraints. These findings confirm that institutional quality is a key determinant of competitiveness and highlight the importance of context-specific policy strategies. Strengthening governance effectiveness, improving institutional capacity, and supporting socio-economic development are essential for enhancing competitiveness and promoting sustainable economic growth in African economies.
Topic:
Governance, Economy, Economic Policy, Institutions, Multidimensional Analysis, and Cluster Analysis
Political Geography:
Africa

6. Trends in Regional Minilateralism: the Case of the Horn of Africa

Author:
Olha Ivasechko, Teresa Astramowicz-Leyk, and Yaryna Turchyn
Publication Date:
03-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
Institution:
Faculty of Political Science and International Studies, Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń
Abstract:
The article examines the phenomenon of minilateralism in the context of the Horn of Africa, a region known for its complex geopolitical situation, numerous conflicts and challenges. The author highlights key minilateral initiatives in the region. Among them is the Tripartite Agreement between Ethiopia, Somalia, and Eritrea, which aims to strengthen regional security and cooperation. The Horn of Africa Initiative, which focuses on economic development and integration, is also considered. Special attention is paid to the role of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) as an important platform for addressing regional challenges. The recent Memorandum of Understanding between Ethiopia and Somaliland is analyzed as an example of the latest minilateral agreements that can have a significant impact on the regional balance of power. The paper analyzes the main goals of these formations and their impact on regional security and development. Potential scenarios for the development of minilateralism in the Horn of Africa are considered. This includes the formation of competing blocs, the intensification of proxy conflicts, and the prospects for using minilateral initiatives to strengthen broader multilateral cooperation. The authors focus on exploring the key role of minilateralism in the Horn of Africa, analyzing its potential and challenges, and identifying possible ways to develop it in this critical region.
Topic:
Treaties and Agreements, Geopolitics, Regional Politics, and Minilateralism
Political Geography:
Africa, Ethiopia, Somaliland, and Horn of Africa

7. Energy Geopolitics of Africa: the Role of the Continent in the Global Energy Balance

Author:
Oleh Pekhnyk, Oleh Tsebenko, and Olha Ivasechko
Publication Date:
03-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
Institution:
Faculty of Political Science and International Studies, Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń
Abstract:
The article provides a comprehensive analysis of Africa’s energy geopolitics and its role in the global energy balance. The study covers the production, export and use of the continent’s main energy resources, including oil, natural gas and renewable energy sources. Particular attention is paid to the impact of geopolitical factors, international investment and economic policy on the energy sector of African countries. The article analyses the key challenges faced by the countries, including political instability, corruption, insufficient infrastructure and environmental threats that hinder the efficient use of energy resources. An important aspect of the study is an assessment of the role of major international players, such as China, the EU and the US, in the development of the African energy sector, as well as the prospects for Africa’s integration into global energy markets. The article analyses opportunities for expanding energy production and exports, renewable energy development, and potential scenarios for Africa’s future energy landscape in the context of the global energy transition. From a geopolitical perspective, Africa is playing an increasingly important role in the global energy balance due to its rich natural resources, growing investments in energy production and processing, and the development of renewable energy. The continent itself has significant potential in oil production, gas industry and solar energy, making it an important player in global energy geopolitics. The article analyses key trends, challenges and prospects for Africa in shaping global energy policy.
Topic:
Oil, Geopolitics, Renewable Energy, Energy, Energy Security, and Natural Gas
Political Geography:
Africa

8. Natural Resources of the Western Sahara Region as a Factor of International Conflicts

Author:
Bohdana Haiduk and Yuliya Lemko
Publication Date:
03-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
Institution:
Faculty of Political Science and International Studies, Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń
Abstract:
The study places particular emphasis on the role of Western Sahara’s natural resources in international relations, with special attention given to the conflict associated with the occupation by the Kingdom of Morocco. The territory of Western Sahara contains a variety of natural resources, such as phosphates, fisheries, and minor reserves of oil and gas, which are important for the energy sector, among others. These resources have become a significant factor in geopolitical processes at both regional and international levels. The paper highlights the specific features of the legal regulation regarding the use of these resources within the territory. The research examines the impact of natural resources on the political process of legitimizing Morocco’s occupation of the territory and analyzes the main export directions of these resources. Furthermore, the study characterizes Western Sahara’s resources as instruments of foreign policy. The role of the United Nations in addressing the conflict is explored, alongside an analysis of the European Union’s position on the Western Sahara dispute. Finally, the paper evaluates the involvement of international actors in the conflict.
Topic:
International Relations, Natural Resources, Conflict, and Legitimization
Political Geography:
Africa, Morocco, and Western Sahara

9. The European Union – Africa Partnership

Author:
Waldemar Tomaszewski
Publication Date:
03-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
Institution:
Faculty of Political Science and International Studies, Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń
Abstract:
This article examines the current state of the EU’s partnership with African countries. It analyzes the state of political and economic cooperation, as well as cooperation in building civil society. The article’s structure encompasses the origins of EU-Africa relations, the main areas of cooperation, and the anticipated directions of their development. The research primarily utilizes institutional, legal, and systemic approaches. Historical methods are used to a lesser extent. The main goal is to determine the scale of EU assistance to African countries and the priority sectors of cooperation. The main hypothesis is: Africa’s importance in the international system is growing rapidly, which is why the European Union is redefining its partnership with Africa, recognizing the continent as an equal partner. This hypothesis was positively verified during the analysis. The article is based primarily on information contained in official documents of EU and African Union institutions. Furthermore, available literature relevant to the subject matter was utilized.
Topic:
International Relations, European Union, and Partnerships
Political Geography:
Africa and Europe

10. Sudan’s Water Crisis Worsened by War, But There is Hope

Author:
Lama Elhatow
Publication Date:
05-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Cairo Review of Global Affairs
Institution:
School of Global Affairs and Public Policy, American University in Cairo
Abstract:
As Sudan continues to face numerous obstacles, including a lack of multilateral governance for hydrological stability, water remains a potential entry point for cooperation domestically, regionally, and internationally.
Topic:
Climate Change, Water, Governance, Crisis Management, and Armed Conflict
Political Geography:
Africa and Sudan

11. The War in Sudan Is Fought Over the Bodies of Women

Author:
Tahani Abbas
Publication Date:
05-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Cairo Review of Global Affairs
Institution:
School of Global Affairs and Public Policy, American University in Cairo
Abstract:
Women should play more than symbolic roles in any peacemaking efforts in Sudan; they must be allowed genuine political participation to protect themselves and build a more inclusive country.
Topic:
Women, Armed Conflict, Inclusion, Political Participation, and Peacemaking
Political Geography:
Africa and Sudan

12. Reconciling a Fractured Sudan

Author:
Nureldin Satti
Publication Date:
05-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Cairo Review of Global Affairs
Institution:
School of Global Affairs and Public Policy, American University in Cairo
Abstract:
To address Sudan’s problems, the efforts of the Sudanese people and international mediators must be synchronized.
Topic:
Protests, Reconciliation, Mediation, and Armed Conflict
Political Geography:
Africa and Sudan

13. From Conflict Actors to Constitutional Guardians? Reassessing Security-Sector Governance Under the 2025 Tenth Amendment to the Constitution of Lesotho

Author:
Bokang Moshoeshoe
Publication Date:
06-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
This article critically examines whether the 2025 Tenth Amendment to the Constitution of Lesotho constitutes a substantive transformation in the governance of national security institutions or merely a reconfiguration of entrenched power relations. Grounded in Lesotho’s history of political instability and recurrent security-sector involvement in governance, the study adopts a qualitative doctrinal and interpretive institutional approach. It analyses the extent to which the Amendment restructures authority, strengthens oversight and promotes the depoliticisation of coercive institutions. The article finds that while the Amendment introduces important procedural reforms – particularly in relation to appointments, oversight mechanisms and professional standards – it does not fundamentally alter the concentration of authority within the executive. Consequently, the reforms align with international and regional norms on democratic security-sector governance yet fall short of achieving meaningful structural transformation. Executive dominance continues to shape the incentives that historically enabled politicisation. The article argues that constitutional reform in this context operates within the limits of constitutional engineering: enhancing formal accountability without fully addressing underlying political dynamics. Nonetheless, the Amendment provides a framework that may, over time, support the gradual consolidation of constitutionalism and institutional neutrality.
Topic:
Security, Reform, Justice, Peacebuilding, and Constitutionalism
Political Geography:
Africa and Lesotho

14. Peace Dividends in Practice: How Local Peace Committees Foster Development and Stability in Zimbabwe’s Matabeleland

Author:
Munyayiwashee Shumba, Shadreck Khanye, and Vitalis Sibanda
Publication Date:
06-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
This paper considers how community-led peace initiatives become drivers of economic development, infrastructure improvement and service delivery that are critical to peace and stability. It examines how grassroots peacebuilding, particularly through Local Peace Committees (LPCs) established by the Ecumenical Church Leaders Forum (ECLF), has contributed to post-conflict development and social stability in the Matabeleland region of Zimbabwe. The role of LPCs in facilitating community projects, restoring trust in leadership and promoting inclusive participation in development planning is assessed with the aim of contributing to the broader African debates on how locally driven development can anchor sustainable peace and stability, especially in the absence of strong state intervention. The paper draws on interviews with ECLF staff and community members from Matabeleland to assess how these efforts are creating tangible peace dividends and helping to stabilise a region marked by a history of unresolved conflict following the Gukurahundi atrocities and where a sense of neglect by central government is alive and well. The results show that LPCs are effective community structures that facilitate development by promoting social cohesion and that the strength of the LPCs lies in the fact that they are community-driven initiatives.
Topic:
Development, Justice, Post-Conflict, Peacebuilding, and Community Initiatives
Political Geography:
Africa, Zimbabwe, and Matabeleland

15. Strengthening Africa-Led Peacebuilding in Stabilisation Contexts

Author:
Andrew E. Yaw Tchie
Publication Date:
06-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
While the primary responsibility of the United Nations (UN) is to secure global peace, it has continued to emphasise the importance of partnerships with regional organisations. Consequently, the UN tends to get involved only after a relative level of peace is established. Conversely, the wider international community looks to regional organisations such as the African Union (AU) to address peacebuilding matters. It suggests that the AU has a relative level of agency to play a pivotal role in supporting national bottom-up and localised bottom-up peacebuilding initiatives crucial to the overarching aims of peace and stability. However, peacebuilding efforts often take a backseat in persistent violent conflicts, with stabilisation efforts taking centre stage. The paper examines the AU’s peacebuilding efforts to address conflicts and argues that, while these efforts are welcomed, its peacebuilding efforts can maintain and strengthen existing social structures, resulting in peacebuilding becoming a source of tension that legitimises some actors over others. The paper suggests that the AU must re-evaluate how it approaches peacebuilding in complex stabilisation environments and calls for a peacebuilding framework that considers the interconnectedness within the context of stabilisation.
Topic:
African Union, Peacebuilding, Regional Organizations, and Stabilization
Political Geography:
Africa

16. The Exclusion of Women From Formal Peace Negotiations: The Case of Liberia

Author:
Everjoy Magwegwe and Prince Zimuto
Publication Date:
06-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
This study critically examines the persistent exclusion of women from formal peace processes. Through an in-depth case study of Liberia’s peace negotiations and analysis of global peacebuilding literature, it challenges the assumption that women are excluded because they lack the capacity to meaningfully participate. The study reveals that even when women possess significant conflict-resolution experience and leadership skills, as evidenced by Liberian women’s instrumental role in ending the civil wars in their country, they remain relegated to observer status in formal negotiations. The research also demonstrates how patriarchal power structures systematically limit women’s participation despite their demonstrated peacebuilding competencies. The paper proposes concrete policy recommendations, including enforceable participation quotas and gender-sensitive peacebuilding guidelines, to transform symbolic inclusion into substantive participation.
Topic:
Women, Negotiation, Exclusion, Peacebuilding, and Gender
Political Geography:
Africa and Liberia

17. Through Youth Lenses: Reflections on the Impact of the Continental Framework for Youth, Peace and Security in Africa

Author:
Mpule Kgetsi
Publication Date:
04-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
Before the global recognition of the Youth, Peace and Security (YPS) agenda through the United Nations (UN) Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 2250, Africa had already begun laying the groundwork through the African Youth Charter. Article 17 of the Charter, which provides for Peace and Security, when read in conjunction with provisions such as Article 11 on youth participation, establishes a clear normative foundation for integrating young people into peace and decision-making processes. Yet, despite its progressive content, the limited implementation of the Charter by the African Union (AU) and its member states relegated it to the margins of global peace and security practice. This article contends that while YPS frameworks have generated momentum for the adoption of the YPS agenda, progress in implementation remains slow, resulting in limited impact. The adoption of the Continental Framework for Youth, Peace and Security (CFYPS), along with its ten-year implementation plan, offered an opportunity to address the implementation gaps of the Charter and fulfil Africa’s long-overdue commitments to YPS. Inspired by UNSCR 2250, the framework also incorporates elements of the African Peace and Security Architecture, thereby placing the YPS agenda within key continental policy frameworks. The analysis that follows examines whether the CFYPS has substantially addressed the needs of Africa’s young peacebuilders. This approach allows for a critical evaluation of both the framework’s promises and its practical impact in translating policy into lived realities. The article will assess the extent to which the CFYPS has fulfilled its promises and will evaluate its contributions to peacebuilding and youth empowerment. In doing so, it aims to determine not only the framework’s policy relevance but also its practical impact on the lives of young Africans. Before the implementation of these frameworks, various studies existed that illustrated that the needs of young people did not always align with policy assumptions.
Topic:
Security, Youth, Peace, and Peacebuilding
Political Geography:
Africa

18. Digital Dissent and Democratic Deepening: How Youth-led Protests are Reshaping Governance Accountability in Francophone West Africa

Author:
Chefor Ngwenyi Meungwe
Publication Date:
04-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
Between 2021 and 2025, Francophone West Africa witnessed a surge in youth-led protest movements that challenged the region’s governance architecture. From Senegal’s Y’en a Marre movement resurgence to citizen uprisings against constitutional manipulation in Guinea and Burkina Faso, young Africans deployed innovative strategies combining digital mobilisation with traditional street activism to demand accountability, democratic consolidation, and economic opportunity.1 These movements represent more than episodic resistance; they signal a generational shift in how political legitimacy is contested and negotiated across the region.2 This article examines the structural drivers, tactical innovations, and governance implications of youth protests in Francophone West Africa, with particular attention to Burkina Faso, Guinea, and Senegal. Drawing on recent protest cycles, it argues that youth movements have created new accountability mechanisms that operate outside and often in tension with formal democratic institutions. Understanding this dynamic is essential for policymakers seeking sustainable pathways towards inclusive governance in a region where 60% of the population is under 25 years old.
Topic:
Governance, Youth, Protests, Accountability, and Dissent
Political Geography:
Africa and West Africa

19. Exploring the Ideology of Pan-Africanism and Operation Dudula in South Africa’s Political Landscape: Youth Activism in an Era of Xenophobia

Author:
Melody Mbwadzawo Siangombe
Publication Date:
04-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
Youth activism has long played a transformative role in Africa’s socio-political history, from anti-colonial struggles to democratic reform movements. It is through activism that the youth express feelings, impede and interfere in social, political, economic and environmental reforms in society for change to happen. These contemporary youth-led movements can shape national debates, yet they also grapple with complex social dynamics, including unemployment, inequality and political marginalisation. In South Africa, youth activism has been a defining force in the country’s history, evolving from a key pillar of the anti-apartheid struggle to a critical movement challenging post-apartheid failures in democracy, governance and socio-economic equity. Operation Dudula has emerged as a movement that seeks to address unemployment and perceived threats from foreign nationals through organised protests, often with a xenophobic tone.1 This paper situates Operation Dudula within the broader framework of pan-Africanism, a political and ideological philosophy that emphasises African unity, solidarity and collective self-reliance. By examining Operation Dudula’s ideology, strategies and impacts, this paper seeks to illuminate the intersection of youth activism, nationalism and xenophobia, and to explore avenues for constructive engagement that align with broader African ideals.
Topic:
Youth, Xenophobia, Pan-Africanism, and Activism
Political Geography:
Africa and South Africa

20. Historicising Youth and Peacebuilding in the Niger Delta

Author:
Emmanuella Chidimma Egejuru and Oladoyo Bode Akanbi
Publication Date:
04-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
The Niger Delta region of Nigeria presents a unique case study for understanding how youth populations transition from conflict perpetuation to peacebuilding across different historical periods. This oil-rich area, comprising nine states, including Rivers, Bayelsa, Delta, Akwa Ibom, Cross River, Edo, Ondo, Abia, and Imo, occupies approximately 70 000 square kilometres of ecologically significant territory.1 The region houses over 500 densely populated rural ethnic minority communities, each with distinct historical experiences of resource extraction, environmental degradation and political marginalisation. Understanding youth involvement in peacebuilding requires examining how this role has evolved through distinct historical phases, from pre-colonial communal governance systems to colonial exploitation, post-independence oil discovery, militant uprising, and contemporary peace initiatives. This historical approach reveals that youth engagement in peace processes is not a recent phenomenon but rather reflects changing political economies, governance structures, and international frameworks across different periods. By tracing this evolution, we can better understand current challenges and identify sustainable pathways for youth-centred peace consolidation.
Topic:
History, Youth, Conflict, Engagement, and Peacebuilding
Political Geography:
Africa, Nigeria, and Niger Delta

21. Pan-Somalism in the Construction and Crisis of the Somali State: Integration and Irredentis

Author:
Rafaela Pinto Serpa
Publication Date:
05-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
The collapse of the Somali State in 1991 constitutes one of the most emblematic episodes of state disintegration on the African continent, with the country remaining embroiled in a civil war that is still present in some regions today. In this regard, Somalia in the 1990s can be defined as a “Collapsed State”, that is, an extreme version of “Failed State”. According to Rotberg’s (2003) classification, the State in collapse is characterized by a complete authority vacuum within its borders, resulting in the division of sub-regions under the control of substate actors that privatize the security apparatus, markets, trade and external political-economic relations. These actors became known as Warlords.The literature on this process (and on the African statehood in gene-ral) has been marked by interpretations that privilege identitary aspects of the Somali society — the idea that permanent clan fragmentation has made the construction of a modern nation-state impossible (Lewis 1988). There-fore, at times as the cause, at times as the effect, the debates about “Failed States” and “identitary disputes” are majorly present on the analysis about the post-colonial states crisis. Conversely, this work starts from an idea of broad identity that exis-ted in the region — the somallitude3. The existence of both identitary forms, though conflicting (fragmented on one side and cohesive on the other), does not explain the matter in itself, and demonstrates the necessity of shifting the analytical focus. Therefore, this article maintains that the state collapse must be understood based on the inherent contradictions of the State-building process in Somalia amid the underdevelopment condition.In this sense, it is argued that the pan-somalism — understood as the political project of reunification of the territories inhabited by Somali popula-tions in the Horn of Africa — constituted the ideological axis of the formation of the Somali State, simultaneously operating as the national cohesion vector and the structural fragilization factor. The central hypothesis of this article is that pan-somalism assumed a contradictory character throughout the State formation process. If, at its origin, it acted as a nation-building mechanism, by providing a common political horizon and legitimizing the nascent state, its transformation into an irredentist project by the Somali elite shifted the priority from internal construction to external territorial projection. This shift not only exceeded the material capacities of the Somali State, but also reconfigured the very content of the national interest. In this manner, pan--somalism, by binding itself to the territorial reunification agenda, ceased to express a collective project of integration and development, reflecting instead the interests of elite fractions that used nationalism as an instrument of political legitimacy.The objectives of this article consist, therefore, in analyzing pan-so-malism in its dual dimension — as a national integration project and as an irredentist project —, highlighting how the tension between these dimen-sions contributed, dialectically, to the construction and crisis of the Somali State. To this end, this article examines, firstly, the origins of pan-somalism in Somali politics following the Second World War, emphasising its role in the formation of a relatively cohesive national identity, which oriented the process of unification between the British and Italian Somalilands, from 1960 onwards. Subsequently, it analyzes the external projection of this pro-ject, evidenced by the tensions and conflicts with neighboring states, such as Ethiopia, Djibouti, and Kenya, in the context of the irredentist agenda. Finally, it seeks to demonstrate how the prioritization of this expansionist dimension, to the detriment of the internal construction, contributed to the fragilization of the State and its subsequent crisis, as reflected in the Ogaden War and its consequences.From the methodological point of view, this article adopts a hypothe-tico-deductive approach, drawing on a historical and materialist analysis, and therefore qualitative. The analysis is structured in three levels — national; regional; and systemic —, which overlap in concentric circles of mutual dependency. It is understood that the articulation of the three levels of analysis (systemic, regional, and national) can contribute to the perception, on the one hand, of the constraints offered by the structure, while simultaneously, on the other, allows for the observation of the states’ (and of social forces that compose them) capacity for agency in face of these restrictions (Pereira and Serpa 2024).In that regard, pan-somalism’s development and its implications for Somali politics are understood as products of this interaction: at the regional level, the territorial disputes and power asymmetries in the Horn of Africa imposed limits and intensified its conflictive character; at the systemic level, the Cold War reconfigured alliances and expanded the Somali state’s room for maneuver. Thus, pan-somalism’s trajectory is situated at the intersection of these dynamics, which conditioned both its possibilities and its destabi-lizing effects.
Topic:
Politics, State Building, Identity, and Pan-Somalism
Political Geography:
Africa and Somalia

22. A Look at the Demographic Transition Process in Guinea-Bissau

Author:
Angelita de Carvalho and Vavito Andre da Costa
Publication Date:
05-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
Demography has produced one of the best-documented generaliza-tions in the social sciences: the demographic transition (Kirk 1996). Accor-ding to Lee (1987), demographic theories developed as scholars sought to analyze and systematize the theoretical foundations of population science, giving special emphasis to demographic thinking. The demographic tran-sition is one of the best-known theoretical currents in demography, which has been developed over time and marked by different contributions in the quest to understand its processes and associated factors in different regions and countries around the world.The classic formulation of demographic transition theory, as dis-cussed by Kirk (1996), traces back to early contributions by authors such as Warren Thompson (1929), Adolphe Landry (1934), Kingsley Davis (1945), and Frank Notestein (1945), all cited in Kirk (1996). From the 1960s onward, Ansley Coale further systematized the study of demographic transitions in European countries through a major project at Princeton University, contri-buting to the consolidation of what is now regarded as the classic version of the theory (Coale 1973, cited in Kirk 1996; Grupo de Foz 2021). According to Kirk (1996), demographic transition has been an impor-tant topic for modern demography. The demographic transition model began as a classification of populations differentiated by different combinations of fertility and mortality. Societies undergoing modernization progressed from a pre-modern regime of high fertility and mortality to a post-modern regime in which both were low. There is a classification by phases or groups. In the first phase, both fertility and mortality were at a very high rate. In the following phases, mortality began to decline, followed by a decline in fertility.Specifically, in the sub-Saharan context, studies show that the delay was caused by severe recessions in economic development and various pro-blems in the historical past that directly affected the demographic transition process in the region. Using data from the United Nations Population Projec-tion, we can identify how the transition is occurring in Sub-Saharan Africa, particularly in the sub-region of West Africa, the area in which Guinea-Bissau is located. Since the 1990s, which are considered by many authors to be the beginning of the transition in this region of Africa, data on both mortality and fertility have continued to decline at a very slow pace. In West Africa in 1990, the fertility rate was 6.65 children per woman, falling to 6.04 children in 2000. In 2010, there was a further decline to 5.71 children per woman, and to 5.05 for the year 2020 (United Nations 2022). Data on mortality for the same region can be observed for the same period. In 1990, the mortality rate was 17.5 per thousand inhabitants; in 2000, it declined to 15.7‰; the downward trend continued until 2010, 12.5‰, and in 2020, the observed crude death rate (CDR) is 10.7‰ (United Nations 2022). Guinea-Bissau, which has very similar characteristics to those of other countries in the region, is believed to be following similar trends in the demographic transition process.This research in the Guinean context is highly relevant, since there are no studies on this country that seek to demonstrate the specificities of the demographic transition in the country. This is the first study with this aim, which seeks to encourage new research and, with it, the knowledge necessary for the development of public policies directed toward various demographic phenomena in Guinea-Bissau. Beyond filling a geographic gap, this study distinguishes itself from existing regional analyses — such as those by Tabutin and Schoumaker (2021) or the World Bank (Canning, Raja, and Yazbeck 2015) — by moving beyond the aggregate trends of Sub-Saharan Africa to isolate the unique demographic trajectory of a fragile state. While regional models often treat Guinea-Bissau as a mere data point within a broader trend, our analysis addresses the “Demo-graphic Transition in Conflict Contexts”. By integrating historical and political factors, such as the chronic instability and the 1998-1999 civil war (Koudawo 2001; Cardoso 1995), we explore how political shocks and governance failu-res have created a “stalled” or idiosyncratic transition pattern that defies the linear assumptions of classical demographic theory. This historical-political lens is the primary innovation of this work, offering a nuanced interpretation of how the state’s fragility directly impacts demographic outcomes.
Topic:
Democratization, Demographics, Governance, Population, and Economic Development
Political Geography:
Africa and Guinea-Bissau

23. The Confederation of African Football (Caf) and the African Cup of Nations (Afcon) As Examples of an Effective Pan-Africanism: A Brief Discussion

Author:
Guilherme Silva Pires de Freitas and Felipe Antonio Honorato
Publication Date:
05-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
Africa’s main men’s football tournament, the African Cup of Nations (“AFCON” as it is popularly known), was born in the wake of independence on the continent. Played for the first time in 1957 by just three teams — Sudan, Egypt and Ethiopia —, the event grew and over the years began to encompass new countries that were emerging: the number of participating nations increased to 24 in the 1978 edition and, for the 2026 edition, 52 confederations registered for disputing the qualifying phase. AFCON, which is organized by the Confederation of African Football (CAF), has consolidated itself as an international mega-event, offering in 2024 a record prize pool of US$ 7 million to the winners (CAF 2024) and expanding its popularity internationally - the edition had a global audience of approximately 2 billion people (Gyimah 2024). This paper aims to demonstrate, through an analysis and synthe-sizing of the existing research, that AFCON and CAF are examples of an effective Pan-Africanism in the decades following decolonization. For this, an historical overview of the timelapse from the end of European colonialism in Africa (1950 and 1960 decades) to nowadays is made, showing how both AFCON and CAF have been used for reinforcement of national and regional identities, regional integration and international projection of Africa.The strengthening of CAF, which went from four founding members in 1957 to the current 54 members in 2012, and the popularization of AFCON (Agostino 2011), helped not only to strengthen the ideal of continental unity and self-affirmation in the face of former colonizers, but also to reduce ethnic differences and national antagonisms (Hayatou 1998). Important political leaders from the period of the African decolonization, such as Kwame Nkru-mah and Sékou Touré, saw football as a vector of national identity in newly independent nations and as an element that could unite the entire African continent through a common practice between these States in search of inter-national affirmation (Hayatou 1998). As examples, it is possible to mention the African boycott to the 1966 World Cup (Freitas 2022; Darby 2019) and also the continent’s massive support for the Brazilian João Havelange’s can-didacy for FIFA presidency against the British Stanley Rous in 1974 (Rocha 2019; Darby 2019).The article is divided into four parts: in addition to this introduction and the conclusion, there are section two, which discusses the “The Pan-A-fricanist ideal”, and section three, which addresses “CAF and AFCON as examples of an effective Pan-Africanism in the decades after decolonization”. Finally, it is worth explaining that regional integration is understood here as the process by which territories that were not or were only slightly con-nected to each other gradually form a distinct regional group. CAF represents what is called formal regional integration: the countries that are members of the organization enter into a regional agreement and form a common space, in this case, the football confederation. This is a top-down process determined by national administrations (Richard 2014).
Topic:
Sports, Pan-Africanism, Soccer, African Football (CAF), and African Cup of Nations (AFCON)
Political Geography:
Africa

24. Endogenous Peacebuilding in the Niger Delta: Community-Centered Approaches and Alternative Deve-Lopment Pathways

Author:
Tope Shola Akinyetun, Ikponmwosa Ebomoyi, and Ambrose Osariyekemwen Iyase
Publication Date:
05-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
The Niger Delta is part of the most volatile region in Nigeria, having experienced a prolonged history of political assassination, martyrdom, neglect, agitation, militancy, and violent conflict. The assassination of Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight other Ogoni leaders in 1995 and the retaliation for the environ-mental protests and the mass slaughter of civilians in the Odi Massacre in 1999 are examples of martyrdom and political violence in deep symbolic terms (African Studies Centre 1999; Francis et al. 2011). These incidents also include agitations related to environmental injustice, pollution, and envi-ronmental degradation, which hinder development in the region. Ironically, this paradox highlights the instability of peace in the country, as the area is central to Nigeria, being the primary source of government income through its crude oil deposits. For instance, attacks on oil facilities are estimated to have resulted in a significant loss of approximately 130 million barrels of oil in 2016 alone (Fatunji 2016) and 2.3 trillion Nigerian Naira in 2023 (Okonkwo 2023) due to militancy in the region. Meanwhile, 179 cases of oil theft were recorded between January 11 and January 17, 2025, involving 55 illegal refineries and 29 illegal pipeline connections in the Niger Delta (Olawin 2025). In the same period, 48 Inde-pendent National Electoral Commission (INEC) offices were burned down between January 2019 and October 2022, as government buildings in at least nine states around the region were the target of militia action and poli-tically motivated violence (George 2022). In addition to triggering a wave of kidnappings, attacks on government infrastructure, and the destruction of lives and property, militancy also resulted in devastating financial damages, with the government allegedly losing 10 billion Nigerian Naira per day during the times when the assaults on oil platforms were the most active in 2016 (Okere et al. 2016).The conflict thus hindered both peace and peacebuilding efforts. As the government led by President Musa Yar’Adua in 2009 launched the Presidential Amnesty Programme (PAP) in an attempt to offer amnesty to militants, the pursuit of a sustainable peace in the region has been futile. The low effectiveness of the programme can be attributed to its politiciza-tion, corruption, ineffective control, the government’s lack of sincerity, and poor management (Ebiede et al. 2020; Sarki 2009). Additionally, attacks and destruction of oil infrastructure continue to recur. For example, in 2025, militants organized attacks on trunk lines and terminals, which connected a significant portion of production (The Defense Post 2025).
Topic:
Development, Natural Resources, Violence, Peacebuilding, and Community Initiatives
Political Geography:
Africa, Nigeria, and Niger Delta

25. Sharia in Yorùbáland: Navigating Religious Pluralism and Ethnic Tensions in Southwest Nigeria

Author:
Olasupo Thompson, Tokunbo Stephen Dada, Olugbenga Seun Aina, Bamidele Jinadu, and Surajudeen Oladotun Oladele
Publication Date:
05-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
Religion has played a critical role in global and national develop-ment, offering hope and strength in times of crisis (Boro et al. 2022). While often seen as personal, some states impose religion to promote unity and peace. It remains a central factor in many global conflicts. Secularism has been adopted by some nations to foster harmony. Despite its role in social cohesion, religion has also sparked conflict, particularly in multi-ethnic or post-colonial nations. Africa exemplifies this, with countries like Congo, Rwanda, and Nigeria experiencing deadly religious conflicts, displacement, and refugee crises.Nigeria is a diverse nation with over 450 languages, 374 ethnic groups, and a landmass of 923,768 square kilometers (Thompson and Adams 2021). With a population of about 230 million, it is divided into six geopolitical zones. The major ethnic groups, the Hausa-Fulani, Yorùbá, and Igbo are collectively called ‘Wazobia.’ Ten groups comprise 80 percent of the population, with four language groups, Hausa (21 percent), Yoruba (20), Igbo (17), and Fulani (7) dominating. Islam, Christianity, and African Traditional Religion (ATR) are widely practiced, with the north predominantly Muslim and the south lar-gely Christian. Despite constitutional federalism and secularism, ethnic and religious tensions persist. Nigeria’s legal system blends customary, religious, and statutory laws. The extension of Sharia courts beyond the traditionally Islamic north, particularly into Yorùbáland in southwest Nigeria — a region with a sizable Muslim population alongside strong Christian and traditionalist influences — has sparked debates on legal pluralism and religious freedoms. Numerous studies have explored the intersections of ethnicity and religion (Ukiwo 2005; Nwauche 2008; Paden 2015; Lichtenheld and Ogbudu 2021), as well as ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria. However, there has been relatively little scholarly focus on the rising issue of Sharia implementation in Yorùbáland.This paper examines reactions to the imposition of Sharia courts in Yorùbáland and its impact on intergroup relations, governance, and national development. Major Yorùbá towns include Oyo, Ondo, Ekiti, Ogun, Osun, and Lagos. The study addresses key research questions: What are the Yorùbá people’s laws and customs? What is the nature of North-South relations in Nigeria? Why is the North advocating for Sharia in Yorùbáland, and how is it perceived across regions? What are the implications for intergroup dynamics? This study is significant because it provides a theoretically grounded analysis of contemporary Sharia debates in Yorùbáland, an area often overlooked in existing scholarship on religion and law in Nigeria.
Topic:
Development, Religion, Governance, Ethnicity, Pluralism, and Sharia
Political Geography:
Africa and Nigeria

26. Peace in Pieces: The Politics and Pitfalls of Peacemaking in South Sudan

Author:
Ibrahim Bangura
Publication Date:
05-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
Since gaining independence in 2011, South Sudan has remained one of the world’s most fragile states and has been engulfed in cycles of violence. The euphoria of independence was short-lived, as internal contes-tations among local ethnic groups quickly surfaced. As stated in a speech by the Secretary General of the United Nations, António Guterres, “All the dark clouds of a perfect storm have descended upon the people of the world’s newest country, and one of the poorest” (UNDP 2025, 1).The rivalry between President Salva Kiir Mayardit and his deputy, Dr. Riek Machar, has persistently plunged the country into civil war and a huma-nitarian crisis since 2013 (de Waal 2014; Craze 2019). The political violence has been fuelled by ethnic rivalries, especially between the Dinkas, of which Kiir is a member, and the Nuer, of which Machar is one. Both national and international efforts at peacemaking have so far failed to end the conflict. The failures of both the Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan (ARCSS) in 2015 and the Revitalised ARCSS (R-ARCSS) in 2018 point to the weaknesses of peace processes that are elite-driven and facilitated by external actors (Vertin 2018). This situation has been further precipitated by the killing of General Majur Dak during a United Nations evacuation in Nasir County in March 2025 and the detention of Machar (Radio Tamazuj 2025). The renewed clashes between government forces and opposition-aligned militias, particularly in Upper Nile, have led to grave concerns over the targeting of civilians and the obstruction of humanitarian access (Sudans Post 2025). As of October 2025, more than nine million people, or over two-thirds of the population, require humanitarian assistance due to acute food insecurity, mass displacement, and climate-related shocks, which have compounded the crisis (Agaba et al. 2025). Moreover, based on interviews conducted, the transitional government remains paralysed by mistrust, delayed elections, and the absence of meaningful accountability mechanisms. These conditions raise urgent questions about the viability of the peace process and the future of South Sudan’s statehood.The key questions that this study answers are: (i) Why have peace agreements signed in South Sudan failed so far?; (ii) What are the under-lying socio-political and economic factors that contribute to these failures? (iii) What roles have regional and international actors played in enabling or undermining the achievement of sustainable peace? How can locally rooted initiatives be employed to complement peace efforts? This paper interrogates the politics and challenges of peacemaking in South Sudan, examining why peace has been difficult to achieve despite commitments under the R-ARCSS. It argues that the peace process in South Sudan has been elite-centred and transactional rather than addressing the root causes of the conflict. Therefore, the conflict is usually postponed rather than addressed (Kiranda et al. 2016), a phenomenon this paper refers to as the ‘revolving-door’ syndrome. This syndrome speaks to the continuous relapse into violence due to the unresolved root causes of a conflict. Additionally, violence is often reconfigured and not addressed, with it gradually institutio-nalised and normalised over the years (Kiranda et al. 2016). Over three decades of conflict, combined with the militarisation of political life and the absence of a functional state system and structure, crea-ted immediate challenges that prevented the country from remaining united and peaceful (Johnson 2012). As a result, the approach to independence and peacebuilding became militarised, relying on elite bargaining and power brokering, often with the support of international actors. Elite bargaining primarily concentrates on the interests and aspirations of political elites, with compromises made to end the violence. These agreements tended to sideline the wider society and overlooked the necessity of establishing the institutional foundations of a legitimate state. This paper adopts a critical political economy approach to provide more profound reflections on peace-making and peacebuilding in South Sudan. Using this approach, the paper argues that peace agreements are not neutral instruments of peace-making but are usually instruments shaped by the interests and intended outcomes of political elites. Thus, the paper challenges state-centric and elite paradigms of peace. It argues that conflict resolution efforts should seek to understand the entanglements of peace and power, be people-centred, and confront the critical questions of political transformation, justice, and legitimacy. Methodologically, this paper adopts an interpretive and exploratory approach, grounded in the need to interrogate the politics and challenges of peace-making in South Sudan. Between October 2024 and September 2025, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 53 respondents (34 males and 21 females), most of whom are currently based in South Sudan and work for government, civil society, academic institutions, and international organisa-tions. Additionally, to triangulate findings, the study analysed a wide range of secondary sources, including policies of the government, peace agreements, academic literature, reports by international organisations and civil society, and resolutions by the United Nations (UN), the African Union (AU) and the Intergovernmental Agency on Development (IGAD). Interviews were conducted virtually, with some conducted in the capital city by the author during field visits to the country in 2024 and 2025. This paper is structured as follows: Section two presents the historical and structural roots of conflict in South Sudan; Section three interrogates the main peace agreements and their limitations; Section four examines the poli-tics of inclusion and exclusion within peace processes; Section five assesses the role of regional and international actors; Section six examines bottom--top peacebuilding efforts in South Sudan; and Section seven assesses the factors that undermine long-term stability, accountability and statebuilding in South Sudan. The conclusion proposes a shift towards a more organic, inclusive, context-specific, and sensitive approach to conflict resolution and peacebuilding in South Sudan.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Politics, Fragile States, Armed Conflict, and Peacemaking
Political Geography:
Africa and South Sudan

27. Refuge, Integration and Regional Governance in Uganda: Implications for Brazil-Africa South-South Cooperation in the South Atlantic

Author:
Guilherme de Araujo Grigoli
Publication Date:
05-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
Uganda’s response to the South Sudanese exodus has consolidated itself as an analytically relevant case for examining the interaction between African norms, sub-regional arrangements, and state implementation capa-cities under recurrent security and budgetary shocks (International Crisis Group 2015; OCHA 2018; UNHCR 2018). At the continental level, the 1969 Convention of the Organization of African Unity (OAU)/African Union (AU) and the 2009 Kampala Convention constitute an expanded normative foun-dation for protection, while at the sub-regional level, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) shapes commitments and coordinates durable solutions in dialogue with the Comprehensive Refugee Response Framework (CRRF) (AUC and IOM 2024; IGAD 2022; IGAD and EAC 2023). In Uganda, the Refugees Act (2006) and the Refugees Regulations (2010) anchor the progressive integration of refugees into national systems and the practice of mass refugee recognition, constituting a distinctive legal framework in East Africa (Republic of Uganda 2006, 2010).Building on this context, the article seeks to address the following research question: to what extent does the continental and sub-regional nor-mative framework for the protection of forcibly displaced persons, articula-ted around the Kampala Convention and the commitments of the AU and the IGAD, condition the outcomes of refugee policies in Uganda over the 2013–2025 period?The working hypothesis holds that the combination of a relatively dense regional normative framework and asymmetric domestic state capaci-ties produces a selective and incremental implementation of these commit-ments, resulting in significant advances in terms of reception and inclusion, but also in persistent zones of friction and vulnerability, particularly along the livelihoods–local integration nexus (World Bank Group 2016; Doyel 2022; U-LEARN and REACH 2023). Uganda was chosen both for its role as a “labo-ratory case” for the self-reliance and local integration agenda in East Africa and for the country’s centrality to recent protection reforms within the AU and IGAD (African Union 2009; IGAD 2023). The article contributes on three fronts: first, it traces the normative–operational linkage connecting the AU, IGAD, and the CRRF to Ugandan legal provisions and policy plans, thereby elucidating the mechanisms through which regional commitments are transmitted into domestic implementation (IGAD and EAC 2023; UNHCR 2022). Second, it traces the temporal evo-lution of implementation (2013–2025), highlighting territorial variations, demand-side pressures, and recurrent “stress tests” related to financing and sectoral coordination (UNHCR 2024a, 2025b). Finally, it derives operational implications for Brazil-Africa (South Atlantic) cooperation, with an emphasis on sectoral integration modules, livelihoods, and results-based monitoring (Komakech et al. 2024; U-LEARN and REACH 2023).
Topic:
International Cooperation, Governance, Refugees, and Displacement
Political Geography:
Uganda, Africa, Brazil, and South Sudan

28. The Geopolitical Shifts in the Sahel: The Sino-Russian Strengthening vs the Franco- American Decline

Author:
Yoslán Silverio González
Publication Date:
05-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
The political changes that have taken place in the Sahel over the past five years have been a result of the sustained context of insecurity experienced in the region and also an expression of a transformation in the dynamics of the international geopolitical arena. The weakening of the Euro-U.S. model of security cooperation and its failure to contain terrorism provoked a wave of coups against the French military presence in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso. The “coup” governments adopted an anti-French narrative that has had reper-cussions in former Western allied countries, such as Senegal, Chad, and the Ivory Coast, which have also requested the withdrawal of French troops. The political crisis affected the structure of ECOWAS when the Sahel countries decided to withdraw from it and create the Alliance of Sahel States. In this region of the Global South, the traditional Franco-U.S. hegemony has eroded.On the other hand, these changes have allowed, first, the consoli-dation of China’s position, not only in the Sahel, but throughout the entire sub-Saharan region. China has managed to completely displace traditional players — such as France, the United States, and the European Union (EU) — from economic control, in terms of trade volume and foreign direct invest-ment, and has consolidated its position as Africa’s main strategic partner and is advancing its own security agenda. Second, these political changes have allowed a greater Russian involvement in security issues to combat terrorism. Russia has increased its international role not only through its actions in Syria and Ukraine, but also in the Sahel, an area where traditional Euro-American influence is declining.This paper demonstrates how, over the past five years, the Sahel-Saha-ran region has become the African epicenter of changes in the internatio-nal geopolitical order, which is undergoing a transition toward a multipolar system with the loss of Euro-U.S. hegemony. The medium-term scenario presents a strengthening of the Sino-Russian axis in detriment of the Fran-ce-U.S. “bloc” in sub-Saharan Africa.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Armed Forces, Geopolitics, Multipolarity, International Order, and ECOWAS
Political Geography:
Africa, Russia, China, France, Sahel, and United States of America

29. Pursuing Equity: An Analysis of the Africa Group’s Positions during the Negotiations of the Revised International Health Regulations and the WHO’s Pandemic Agreement

Author:
Ramiro Januário dos Santos Neto, Deisy de Freitas Lima Ventura, and Maria Antônia Melo Beraldo
Publication Date:
08-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Contexto Internacional
Institution:
Institute of International Relations, Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro
Abstract:
The Africa Group has emerged as a leading voice in global health governance, advocating for equity in two key pandemic instruments: the 2024 revision of the International Health Regulations (IHR) and the WHO-led Pandemic Agreement. This study provides a review of the Group’s official proposals (2022–2025) for both instruments. It questions how – and with what objectives – they were articulated and assesses the extent to which they advance equity, especially in the sharing of health products and technologies. Grounded in Critical Global Health Studies, we hypothesize that the Africa Group’s equity demands were not fully addressed in the final texts. We categorize the proposals into four priority areas and compare them to the latest drafts of these international instruments to assess incorporation. Several proposals were partially included – such as language on allocating a share of health products to developing countries and a joint financing mechanism. However, many core demands, particularly enforceable equity measures and benefit-sharing obligations, were softened, reworded, or excluded. Political flexibility by African states enabled consensus, but effective implementation hinges on future negotiations and sustained advocacy. Overall, these instruments partially respond to the Africa Group’s agenda yet fall short of transformative reform, leaving equity commitments largely non-binding.
Topic:
Public Health, African Union, Equity, WHO, Health Governance, and Pandemic Agreement
Political Geography:
Africa

30. Emerging Challenges and Opportu-Nities in Humanitarian Assistance in Mozambique: A Case Study from Cabo Delgados

Author:
Fátima Chimarizeni Papelo
Publication Date:
09-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
This paper aims to analyze the emerging challenges and opportuni-ties derived from the humanitarian assistance actions applied in Cabo Del-gado in the context of violent extremism that has been ravaging the province since 2017. This topic is relevant because the traditional concept of huma-nitarian assistance presupposes support for victims of a disaster caused by nature or man-made, and the province of Cabo Delgado presents a growing demand for humanitarian assistance due to the ongoing prolonged violent conflict. In Cabo Delgado, there are victims of a violent, unconventional, low-intensity conflict. More than 1 million people are in need of humanita-rian assistance, of which more than 50% are women and children (OCHA 2021). Along with terrorism, climate disasters, such as Cyclone Keneth in 2019, and the COVID-19 Pandemic, which began affecting Mozambique in 2020, are exacerbating the state of vulnerability of humanitarian victims. Combined, these events force non-state humanitarian actors to operate in an environment characterized by uncertainty, insecurity, and unpredictability. Nevertheless, these humanitarian actors may operate beyond what is defined by traditional humanitarian principles, which concern saving lives and allevia-ting the suffering of humanitarian victims, including developmental actions that may result in the reduction of state power in the humanitarian space and that lead to the implementation of political action by external forces. If prolonged, this scenario may accentuate the weakening of state power. Given this context, one wonders what challenges and opportunities are derived from the humanitarian support process in Cabo Delgado. This paper seeks to reflect on the emerging challenges and oppor-tunities arising from the humanitarian assistance process in Cabo Delgado. Specifically, it sought to a) define what humanitarian assistance is; b) analyze the emerging challenges for humanitarian actors in Cabo Delgado; and c) analyze the emerging opportunities for humanitarian actors within the pro-cess of humanitarian assistance in the region. We started from the hypothesis that the problem of the humanitarian assistance process in the context of violent extremism creates emerging challenges and opportunities for non--state humanitarian actors that are linked to human security, management, and coordination of humanitarian actions.
Topic:
Security, Violent Extremism, Armed Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance
Political Geography:
Africa, Mozambique, and Cabo Delgados

31. Situation Analysis of the Chissano Government: Domestic Transitions and Economic Pragmatism in Mozam-Bique (1986–2004)

Author:
Ercilio Neves Brandao Langa
Publication Date:
09-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
This article analyzes the political situation of Mozambique during Chissano’s Government between 1986 and 2005, as well as the internal and external factors that contributed to the fulfillment or unfulfillment of the government’s objectives. Political, economic, and historical events are observed in order to evaluate the Chissano Government. Situation analysis is a plural methodology that allows interpreting events, facts, and causes, as well as describing the behavior of the actors involved, the correlations of force, and the internal and external interests that influence the course of politics. Another aspect that justifies using this tool is the historical time involved – 18 years between the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century – characterized by transformations, transitions, and dis-tinct domestic, regional, and international political-economic changes. The situation analysis proved to be an effective tool to reach a broader and deeper perspective of the Chissano Government and the national and international context in which it developed. This methodology requires historical knowle-dge of the object of study, its context and political dynamics, the organization of local society, its behavior patterns and social values, as well as its politi-cal groups, their objectives, and interests. The text constitutes a subjective perspective, a point of view on the “Chissano era”, a political, economic, and social period in the history of Mozambique. It is an ex-post-facto analysis, as it is written decades after the events have occurred, and although it limits its scope to a short period of time, it nonetheless covers long and complex socio-economic transformations. Despite systemic changes in Mozambican society, the structure of the country’s politics has remained almost the same, led by the party-state.
Topic:
History, Economy, Domestic Politics, and Pragmatism
Political Geography:
Africa and Mozambique

32. The Evolution of Un Peace Operations from a Human Security Perspective: The Dilemma in the Issue of Western Sahara

Author:
Guilherme Moreira Dias, José Maria Sydow de Barros, and Túlio Pires Barboza
Publication Date:
09-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
The question of Western Sahara, “Africa’s last colony”, is quite pecu-liar in the context of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations, when compared to other ongoing missions, and it is also quite unique from a geo-political point of view since the international community differs regarding this territory (Barros 2020).In this context, this article seeks to address the following issue: why didn’t the evolution of UN peace operations, which occurred after the expan-sion of the international security agenda and the emergence of the concept of human security, provide any significant change in the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO)? We will consider the hypothesis that, although there is a consensus at the international level on the importance of the concept of human security, there has been no significant change in MINURSO’s mandate, such as the incorporation of new assign-ments, due to Morocco’s close relationship with some permanent members of the UN Security Council (UNSC), namely France and the United States.
Topic:
United Nations, Peacekeeping, and Human Security
Political Geography:
Africa and Western Sahara

33. Contemporary Terrorism: A Theoretical Perspective

Author:
Yoslán Silverio González
Publication Date:
09-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
Studying the impact of terrorism on international relations is of vital importance due to the implications not only local and regional but also within the international system. The phenomenon of terrorism is not exclusive to a region or a country, it can affect everyone in indirect ways. In this sense, it crosses borders and does not understand nationalities. The most dangerous thing is the treatment given to it in international forums, multilateral orga-nizations, and the media since it is presented as a threat to security, but to legitimize military actions by Western powers or to delegitimize governments “not prone to the West”.This article is based on a conceptual proposal that helps to understand the phenomenon of terrorism from a non-Western perspective, criticizing the positions of the United States in this regard. The main objective is to deepen the debate around the concept of terrorism, its erroneous link to Islam, and to nationalist and/or revolutionary movements. It is also pertinent to see how it has been legally defined by international law, through resolutions, conventions, and protocols of different multilateral organizations, including the African Union (AU).
Topic:
International Relations, Terrorism, Violent Extremism, Global South, and African Union
Political Geography:
Africa and Global Focus

34. Asia’s Growing Global Influence: A Study of India’s Africa Policy

Author:
Hamdy A. Hassan
Publication Date:
09-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
The 21st century could become an Asian and African century, which will result in a radical global transformation of the world. Thus, the past decade has witnessed a large Asian presence in Africa, especially, China, India, Japan, and South Korea. Not surprisingly that the rise of Asia in global politics has worried the traditional Western powers. Analyzing contemporary Asian approaches to Africa should be performed through their historical contexts, in particular the history of competition and rivalry between Asian rising powers. It is no secret that this point has not been adequately addres-sed in previous studies on African-Asian relations (Iwata 2019). This state of rivalry is reflected in the African policies of major Asian countries. For example, the Sino-Indian conflict and the Sino-Japanese conflict, in addition to the Taiwan issue, have definitely affected these countries’ interactions with Africa. In contrast to European policies towards Africa after the founding of the European Union, there is no consensus framework for Asian international relations. The experience of struggle against colonialism and engagement in the Non-Aligned Movement represented the most prominent components of the mutual relations between Asia and Africa, especially since the Ban-dung Conference in 1955 (Adem 2017). When the Cold War ended, Asian countries began to achieve high and rapid rates of economic development. Hence, the Asian countries that previously received development aid have become among the most important international donors. This means that the concept of “donor powers” has undergone a major change that it is not limited to Western industrialized countries (including Japan). Perhaps all of this requires studying and analyzing Asian-African relations.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Development, Global South, Donors, and Foreign Influence
Political Geography:
Africa and India

35. Ethnic Conflicts in Ghana: Colonial Legacy and Elite Mobilisation

Author:
Beenish Ayub
Publication Date:
01-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
The Rest: Journal of Politics and Development
Institution:
Centre for Strategic Research and Analysis (CESRAN)
Abstract:
This research paper examines the relationship between ethnic conflicts in Africa and their roots in the colonial legacy and elite mobilisation, focusing on the case study of Ghana by taking into account the regions of Dagbon and Bawku as examples. It examines how the dynamics of ethnic tensions in the post-colonial age have been influenced by the colonial past of Africa, which was marked by arbitrary borders, dividing policies, and preferential treatment of particular ethnic groups. The paper also looks into how Ghana’s political elites use ethnic tensions for personal advantage, escalating disputes and impeding national unity. This study intends to provide a thorough knowledge of the complex interaction between colonial legacies, elite mobilisation, and ethnic conflicts in Ghana and Africa by analysing historical documents, academic writings, and empirical data.
Topic:
Ethnic Conflict, Elites, Mobilization, and Post-Colonial
Political Geography:
Africa and Ghana

36. Africa Through the Lens of Chaos and Complexity

Author:
Fernando Jorge Cardoso and José Manuel Félix Ribeiro
Publication Date:
01-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
The Rest: Journal of Politics and Development
Institution:
Centre for Strategic Research and Analysis (CESRAN)
Abstract:
Africa cannot be looked at as a big country. The Continent is politically organised into 54 states, which are very diverse entities with different histories within and without their borders. Almost all these states are multinational - multiethnic places with different regions, and when emergency or crisis situations arise, people’s “sense of belonging” is usually in the family, in the tribe, in the language, or in the religious group, not in “the state”. However, notwithstanding this reality, many analyses and positions are still based on neo-realist readings, assuming the existence of rationalities that do not exist or are not strong enough to understand the dominant realities. The article applies some of the tools of the Complexity theory to look at the current African situation and politics.
Topic:
Development, Politics, and Complexity
Political Geography:
Africa

37. Toward Anti-racism Education in the African Context

Author:
George Sefa Dei and Niketa Afia Peters
Publication Date:
03-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Cairo Review of Global Affairs
Institution:
School of Global Affairs and Public Policy, American University in Cairo
Abstract:
What would African educational systems look like without colonial influence? Answering such questions may guide educators in the various communities of the African continent to imagine something re-centered around indigenous experiences. Anti-racism is an important part of that answer
Topic:
Education, Colonialism, Indigenous, and Racism
Political Geography:
Africa

38. Human Rights and Constitutionalism in Africa: Progress has been Achieved, but More is Needed

Author:
Ottilia Anna Maunganidze
Publication Date:
03-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Cairo Review of Global Affairs
Institution:
School of Global Affairs and Public Policy, American University in Cairo
Abstract:
The institutional human rights and constitutionalist framework in Africa has been constantly evolving through the Organization of African Unity’s history and transformation into the African Union. In the face of contemporary challenges in the form of coups, unconstitutional changes in government, and more, African policymakers must focus on grounding their policy within the normative framework of the Union
Topic:
Human Rights, Norms, African Union, Constitutionalism, and Organization of African Unity
Political Geography:
Africa

39. Pursuing Unity: Pan-Africanism in Practice

Author:
Stephen Okhonmina
Publication Date:
03-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Cairo Review of Global Affairs
Institution:
School of Global Affairs and Public Policy, American University in Cairo
Abstract:
History has proven that a completely politically unified Africa may be impossible to achieve; instead, integration should be pursued with a more limited goal of facilitating faster economic, social, and political progress
Topic:
History, Regional Integration, Economic Development, and Pan-Africanism
Political Geography:
Africa

40. Enabling Evolution: The Role of Knowledge Production in the Development of African Unity

Author:
Samuel M. Makinda and Angela Leahy
Publication Date:
03-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Cairo Review of Global Affairs
Institution:
School of Global Affairs and Public Policy, American University in Cairo
Abstract:
Knowledge is power; by harnessing knowledge production, the Organization of African Unity and its successor, the African Union, have set the continent on a new path.
Topic:
Regional Integration, African Union, Regional Politics, and Organization of African Unity
Political Geography:
Africa

41. On Senegali Nationhood and African Unity: In Conversation with Mark Deets

Author:
Omar Auf and Mark Deets
Publication Date:
03-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Cairo Review of Global Affairs
Institution:
School of Global Affairs and Public Policy, American University in Cairo
Abstract:
How is Senegal’s recently-elected young president faring in his efforts to navigate a complex local and regional ethno-political landscape? And what echoes from the past inform such efforts? Historian of West Africa answers these questions
Topic:
Ethnicity, Interview, African Union, and Regional Politics
Political Geography:
Africa, West Africa, and Senegal

42. The View from Africa Before and After the U.S. Elections—Q&A with Mark Deets

Author:
Omar Auf and Mark Deets
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Cairo Review of Global Affairs
Institution:
School of Global Affairs and Public Policy, American University in Cairo
Abstract:
Trump’s re-election brought massive changes to many aspects of the United States and the world. What led to Trump regaining the presidency? What will the reverberations look like in West Africa? Omar Auf sat with historian Mark Deets to find out
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Elections, Interview, Donald Trump, and Regional Politics
Political Geography:
Africa, West Africa, and United States of America

43. CTC Sentinel: May 2025 Issue

Author:
Daisy Muibu, Yayedior Mbengue, Sean Morrow, Don Rassler, and Briar Bundy
Publication Date:
05-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
CTC Sentinel
Institution:
The Combating Terrorism Center at West Point
Abstract:
In the May 2025 feature article, Daisy Muibu and Yayedior Mbengue examine the evolving counterterrorism challenge in Somalia. They write that “nearly three years after the Somali government launched its offensive against al-Shabaab, the security landscape remains precarious. Al-Shabaab has resurged, coordination between federal and Puntland forces is limited despite Islamic State-Somalia’s growing global remit, and the future of the African Union mission is uncertain. These trends are driven by political discord, a fragmented national landscape, donor fatigue, operational challenges, and al-Shabaab’s resilience.” Our interview is with Christine Abizaid, the former director of the U.S. National Counterterrorism Center. She emphasizes that: “The CT business is still a needles-in-the-haystack business; it’s still one piece of information that can open up a whole new threat network. You have to be digging into and accessing multiple sources of information, collaborating with multiple partners who see things in different ways.” Aymenn Al-Tamimi charts the rise, fall, and dissolution of al-Qa`ida’s loyalist group in Syria Hurras al-Din. He writes that: “The primary ongoing concern from a counterterrorism perspective is that regardless of Hurras al-Din’s own weakness, individuals who were members of the group, particularly leading figures, may try to coordinate with other members of al-Qa`ida or other jihadis outside Syria for the purpose of organizing terrorist attacks abroad.” Saif Tahir and Amira Jadoon examine the geographical origins, mobility patterns, and demographic characteristics of Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) militants through an analysis of 615 profiles from the organization’s own martyrdom commemorative publications spanning 2006-2025. Julika Enslin outlines the evolution of the Islamist terror threat landscape in Germany since 2020 by taking an in-depth look at all nine executed Islamist terrorist attacks and the 20 publicly reported thwarted attack plots during that time. A personal note: Over the last 10 years, it has been the privilege of a lifetime to serve as the Editor-in-Chief of CTC Sentinel to showcase the best and brightest scholars and practitioners in our field. It’s time for me to pass the baton. The publication will be in great hands with my brilliant colleagues Kristina Hummel and Don Rassler. I look forward to continuing my close association with the Combating Terrorism Center and CTC Sentinel. The faculty and staff at the center, past and present, are the very best of America. I greatly appreciate the trust that directors Colonel Sean Morrow, Brian Dodwell, and Lieutenant Colonel (Retired) Bryan Price placed in me. Above all, I would like to express my thanks to our extraordinary contributors. They have greatly helped the counterterrorism enterprise. Who thinks wins.
Topic:
Terrorism, Counter-terrorism, Al Qaeda, Al-Shabaab, African Union, Salafi-Jihadism, and Hurras al-Din
Political Geography:
Africa, Middle East, Syria, North America, Somalia, and United States of America

44. Maintaining Regional Stability Amid Complex Regime Transitions in Africa: Challenges and Opportunities for COMESA Member States

Author:
Mumo Nzau
Publication Date:
03-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
With a market reach of approximately 600 million people and straddling 21 countries, the COMESA bloc occupies a vast chunk of the continent. Contemporary literature on the region generally points to huge macroeconomic potential in as far as the holistic developmental and wealth creation projections are concerned. Nonetheless, a sizeable number of COMESA countries have, from time to time, experienced phases of complex regime transition, a state of affairs that comes with an aura of regional instability, thereby undermining the prosperity prospects of a trading bloc that boasts a combined GDP of US$ 768 billion. Over the past decade, a sizeable number of these countries have been faced with one form or another of political turmoil and assorted civil strife, especially within the context of regime transitions and/or change of power from one government to the next. Against this background, through the lenses of neofunctionalism and liberal institutionalist theories, this paper examines the question of how best to ensure and/or maintain regional stability in the midst of such complex regime transitions, with the view of teasing out the challenges and opportunities before offering sustainable policy recommendations for COMESA countries.
Topic:
COMESA, Regional Stability, Neofunctionalism, Liberal Institutionalism, and Complex Regime Transitions
Political Geography:
Africa

45. Terminating Insurgency in Mozambique: Reflections on the SADC Mission In Mozambique

Author:
Oita Etyang, Lweendo Kambela, and Stephen Muleya
Publication Date:
03-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
The continued threat of insurgency in Mozambique has triggered academic and policy interest in the recent past. Indeed, the ramifications caused by acts of insurgency globally and in Africa remain endemic. This calls for the need to establish sustainable and context-specific interventions at regional and national levels. The Common Market of Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) regions have not been spared from the lethality of insurgency, with Mozambique morphing into the epicentre of interest. Insurgency has caused untold suffering to communities in Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado province, prompting the deployment of a SADC mission. As a regional peace operation, the SADC Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM) was deployed on 15 July 2021 following approval by the Extraordinary SADC Summit of Heads of State and Government held in Maputo, Mozambique on 23 June 2021. The main objective of SAMIM was to support the Republic of Mozambique to combat armed groups and acts of insurgency, particularly in the Cabo Delgado province. This article seeks to understand the impact of the SAMIM intervention. It mainly interrogates SAMIM’s mandate, structure, success, challenges and lessons learned using both qualitative and quantitative research methodologies and various open data sources, including programmatic documents.
Topic:
Security, Insurgency, Peacekeeping, COMESA, and South Africa Development Community (SADC)
Political Geography:
Africa, Mozambique, and Cabo Delgado

46. The Enemy of my Enemy is my Friend: Ethiopia–Eritrea Relations and the 2020 Conflict in the Tigray Region in Ethiopia

Author:
Berita Mutinda Musau
Publication Date:
03-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
Abiy Ahmed’s assumption of power in Ethiopia in April 2018 brought positive changes that were lauded internationally but unwelcomed by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) –one of the coalition parties in the Ethiopian government. In November 2020, the Ethiopian Federal Government commenced a massive ‘law enforcement operation’ in the Tigray region against the TPLF. Eritrea’s involvement in the conflict alongside the Ethiopian government internationalised it. This article analyses Eritrea’s involvement in the Tigray conflict. Since their 1998 border war over the Badme region, Eritrea and Ethiopia have had frosty relations. To date, they are still mending these relationships despite their 2018 rapprochement. This article argues that the alliance of the Ethiopian government with Eritrea against the TPLF could be a case of ‘the enemy of my enemy is my friend’ and thus examines Ethiopia–Eritrea relations and their strategic considerations that necessitated this alliance. Adopting the realist theory of international relations, the study reviews literature and historically analyses the relations between the two countries. The study’s main objective is to understand their strategic considerations for conflict and cooperation at different times in history and particularly in the Tigray conflict. The study’s findings reveal that amid the Ethiopia‒Eritrea relations are Eritrean‒Tigrayan relations, anchored in issues of identity construction and deconstruction, statehood and sovereignty, animosity, mistrust and apprehension. The study recommends that the relations between Abiy Ahmed’s government, Eritrea and the TPLF should be keenly monitored and managed for the stability of the two countries and the Horn of Africa region.
Topic:
Bilateral Relations, Armed Conflict, and Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF)
Political Geography:
Africa, Ethiopia, and Eritrea

47. The East African Community Regional Force in the Democratic Republic of the Congo: Successes, Challenges and Prospects

Author:
Kizito Sabala and Vyalirendi Jacques Muhindo
Publication Date:
03-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
Against the backdrop of more than 20 years of existence of the United Nations Organization Mission in Congo/Mission de l’Organization des Nations Unies au Congo (MONUSCO), the East African Community (EAC) deployed a military force in the eastern part of the country in November 2022. The purpose of the East African Community Regional Force (EACRF) was to contribute towards the resolution of the conflict that has ravaged the region for decades, and specifically to neutralise the M23 resurgence and the numerous informal armed groups. The regional economic community that brings together eight countries, namely, Burundi, Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia, South Sudan, Tanzania, and Uganda was doing this for the first time since its establishment in 1999. Slightly over a year since its deployment, and eventual withdrawal in December 2023, there are several questions that arise which are the subject of this article: (i) Why did the EAC deploy EACRF when there is MONUSCO? (ii) to what extent had EACRF achieved its objective? (iii) was the mandate of the regional force appropriate for the situation in eastern DRC and how did it compare to that of MONUSCO? (iv) what are the challenges and prospects for peace, security and political stability in the DRC? While the article relies predominantly on secondary data, it taps into limited primary sources obtained by one of the authors during field humanitarian assignments in different parts in DRC.
Topic:
Armed Forces, Humanitarian Intervention, Military Intervention, and M23
Political Geography:
Africa, East Africa, and Democratic Republic of Congo

48. The Farmer–Fulani Herdsmen Clashes and the Socio-Economic Development of North-Western Nigeria: A Case Study of Southern Kaduna

Author:
David Villah Dan-Azumi
Publication Date:
06-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
The clashes between Fulani herdsmen and farmers in Nigeria have become endemic and persistent for decades. Climate change, cattle rustling, expansion of cultivated lands and population growth are among the major drivers of these clashes. However, the trends in the clashes in recent years suggest strong political, religious, ethnic and economic undertones. The recurrent and escalating nature of the violence in recent times is worrisome and despite the existing security efforts at the federal and state levels, the conflict remains unabated. This research examines the farmer–Fulani herdsmen clashes and their impact on the socio-economic development of southern Kaduna state. To explain the multifaceted nature of the clashes and how they affect the livelihoods of the affected communities, the study employs a theory of frustration and conflict, a quantitative research method, a survey research design and inferential statistics to analyse data. Findings from the research show an intricate interplay of socio-political, economic and ethno-religious factors in the violent clashes, a lack of feasible and realistic grazing policies and a lack of strong political will to address the conflict. Based on the research findings, the study recommends the establishment of cattle ranches in accordance with the existing laws on land ownership and robust security measures and structures to anticipate and forestall the recurrent clashes.
Topic:
Conflict, Justice, Economic Development, Reconciliation, and Fulani Herdsmen
Political Geography:
Africa and Nigeria

49. Distributive Justice and Land-Related Conflict in Panda Development Area of Nasarawa State, Nigeria

Author:
Joshua O. Zachariah and Elias Chukwuemeka Ngwu
Publication Date:
06-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
The question of land has increasingly become a major source of conflicts in many parts of Africa. In Nigeria, claims of rights over landholdings and justice administration of land disputes, though of great concern, have received inadequate attention in the literature. In this context, this paper examines Nozickian distributive justice vis-à-vis land-related conflicts in the Panda Development Area (PDA), Nasarawa state, Nigeria. It focuses on perennial delays-cum-unfavourable rectification of unjust landholdings as drivers of conflict in the area. The study employs the survey method of data collection using key-informant interviews. It adopts a qualitative descriptive method to analyse the data. The paper found that over 80% of the population in the study area rely on agriculture, and that there are numerous contestations over land use and ownership. Unfortunately, still, adjudication of these cases lingers unnecessarily, resulting in distrust, antagonisms and violent confrontations. The study recommends fundamental reform of Nigeria’s justice system as it relates to land matters to ensure more equitable distribution of land. Such reform should include the introduction of special courts as well as the mainstreaming of traditional institutions, local and ad-hoc arbitrators into the dispute resolution mechanisms of land-related cases.
Topic:
Development, Justice, Peacebuilding, and Land Conflict
Political Geography:
Africa and Nigeria

50. The Transitional Justice Policy of Ethiopia and its Relevance for Peacebuilding

Author:
Yohannes Haile Getahun
Publication Date:
06-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
This article deals with the peacebuilding impact of the Transitional Justice Policy of Ethiopia (TJPE) through an explanatory case study approach that contextualises the discourse of transitional justice and peace within the specific context of Ethiopia. Drawing on existing literature on the peace implications of transitional justice systems, the study develops a framework that emphasises the need for a balanced approach that integrates retributive and restorative justice mechanisms. Foregrounding the TJPE, the article identifies both prospects and limitations. The processes of truth-seeking and accountability for past, recent and present human rights abuses, fighting the culture of impunity and building social trust are the primary prospects. However, certain factors could undermine the peacebuilding contributions of the transitional justice programme. These factors include political capture, the politics of striking mutual innocence pacts, predicaments of political legitimacy, harmonising reconciliation and justice and ongoing conflicts. Generally, beyond the textual and institutional design, the political system and its dynamics have much bearing on the effectiveness of the TJPE in bringing about durable peace.
Topic:
Transitional Justice, Impunity, Reconciliation, Peacebuilding, and Political Transition
Political Geography:
Africa and Ethiopia