Scientist and Industrial Manager: Emil Fischer and Carl Duisberg

Dietrich Stoltzenberg

Center for German and European Studies, University of California at Berkeley

March 1997

Abstract

The close relation of the scientist Emil Fischer and the industrialist Carl Duisberg is an important example how science and industry can work together. In the first decade of their relationship, beginning at the turn of the century their contact was focused primarily on business in the field of synthetic pharmaceutical drugs. This was quite profitable for Fischer. Later their cooperation extended to other areas. While Fischer founded a "Chemische Reichsanstalt" and the "Kaiser-Gesellschaft," Duisberg was active in collecting money from the industry for these institutions. Duisberg's main aim at that time was to build up the "Interessengemeinschaft" (IG) of the biggest German chemical companies and often informed Fischer about the state of progress on this matter. During World War I, their business relationship developed into a friendship. While Fischer worked hard to improve the raw material situation and supply of food for the population, Duisberg changed the production of his company from dyes and pharmaceuticals to war material. But they both were more and more active in the founding of associations to promote chemical education. Both continued this cooperation after the war until Fischer's death 1919. Both men influenced the development of science and growth of chemical industry in America.

Dietrich Stoltzenberg, Hamburg

Contents

1. Summary
2. Introduction
   1. Research and Development in Chemistry at German Universities and Industry in the 19th Century
   2. Examples of Cooperation of Researchers in the 19th Century
3. Emil Fischer's Ancestors, Family and his University Career up to the call to Berlin
4. Carl Duisberg's Youth, his first years at the Farbenfabriken Bayer at Elberfeld
5. Emil Fischer and the Farbenfabriken Bayer
6. Building up a Friendship, The time before World War I.
7. A Steady Friendship in Times of Need
8. End of the War and up to Fischer's death in July 1919
9. Epilogue

   The influence of Fischer's Scholars and Duisberg's industrial Initiatives in the rise of the American Chemical Science and Industry

1. Introduction

1.1. Research and Development in Chemistry at German universities and industry in the 19th century

At the beginning of the nineteenth century in natural science and especially in chemistry the relation between universities and industry developed quite quickly. Especially at that time basic and applied research carried out at universities was closely connected with development and production in the industry. Very often the researchers themselves transferred their own results into ways of practical use and manufacturing. But later on more and more specialisation of research in the area of natural science developed. There occured a splitting up of the big chemical tree in its different branches and twigs. Basic research, applied research and manufacturing seperated and were carried out in different institutions and locations.

If one looks back to the time between 1840 and 1885, the great time of the industrial revolution in European countries like England, France and Germany, one clearly sees a retreat of the industry from basic and applied research and a concentration on the development of manufacturing procedures for the different products took place. It was the time of liberal capitalism and the owners and managers in industry were not prepared to spend their money on uncertain research work. Even if the results of research could be applied they did not contribute a remarkable amount to rising costs at universities and other institutes.

In this situation the leading research capacities tried to convince the regional and national state authorities of the importance of natural and chemical science for the development of the respect, esteem and strength of their country. In the Federation of German States the respective governments showed different interest in the nessecity of further natural science. The working conditions in the chemical laboratories very often were disastrous. But slowly the view of the state authorities changed. The Hessian government took interest in Liebig's work and built a laboratory which can still be seen in Giessen. The application of Liebig's work, A. W. von Hofmann's results in England and the industrial development also in the area of chemistry accelerated this development. New institutes were built, better and more instruments were made available and purchased by public money.

At the end of this period in the 1880ies the support of the states in Germany had risen to a remarkable height and was an example for other countries.

During the following decades the relation of chemists at universities and the industrial managers intensified again to a remarkable extent. A very interesting example for this cooperation is the relation of Emil Fischer and Carl Duisberg.

1.2. Examples of cooperation of researchers and industry in the 19th century

In the period of time mentioned before the most prominent examples for the combination of basic research, applied research and practical use are Justus von Liebig and August Wilhelm von Hofmann. But I will also give another example: Carl Engler.

Liebig's life (1803 - 1873) and work was influenced to a high extent by ideas how chemistry could be used in various areas of application. This already started during his time in Giessen.

Already 1828 Liebig had a link to the food industry. He visited sugar refineries in France and tried to apply their methods in Hessia ₁ .

But the most important information on industrial chemistry Liebig got in England and Scotland. During his first journey to England 1837 he visited different chemical plants and got into contact with several industrial managers At that time such plants were not existing in Germany at all.

After Liebig's wrote his famous book about the application of chemistry in agriculture ₂ he became very well known in the agricultural world. In his book he emphasized:

"Perfect agriculture is the true foundation of all trade and industry - it is the foundation of the riches of states. But a rational system of agriculture cannot be formed without the application of scientific principles".

Together with the Muspratt company in Liverpool he developed the production of fertilizers and supported the founding of a superphosphate factory in Bavaria.

In 1842 he published his very well known book about the chemistry of physiology und pathology ₃ . While some details were wrong, the principle to see the assimilation and metabolism from a chemical point of view was prolific for further research and development in the area of nutrition.

Liebig was interested in the process of cooking. 1847 he described a meat extract and in his "Chemische Briefe". He pointed to the fact that in countries where cattles were mainly slaughtered to use their skins nourishing food extracts could be produced very cheap. This was taken up by the "Fray Bentos company" in Brasilia and the "Liebig Extract of Meat Company" was founded. Liebig got a lot of money for lending his name.

This short survey about Liebig's activities in applying chemistry and developing new methods in especially the area of food industry shows that he was one of the first researchers who held close contact to industrial managers.

Liebig's scholar A. W. von Hofmann (1818 - 1892) ₄ also took up several advantages earning money by consulting and working together with industrial managers. After studying chemistry at Giessen and being a private assistent to Liebig he went to Bonn. But he left the Bonn university already in the same year 1845 and went to London to become head of the Royal College of Chemistry. This was a private institute and the founders John Lloyd Bullock (1814 - 1906) and John Gardner (1804 - 1880) had worked at Liebig's laboratory in Giessen. They took it as a model for the college ₅ . They proposed the appointment of one of Liebig's assistents as head of the college. Among others Hofmann was asked and he accepted under the condition that he would be allowed to go back to Bonn after two years. But in fact he stayed in London for twenty years.

Already at Giessen Hofmann laid the foundation of his later most important work:, to isolate the substances of coal tar ₆ . He prepared aniline and phenole and speculated about their constitution. His scientific inventions contributed to build up a branch of an industry which was capital intensive and of an extraordinary growth rate in Britain. His scholars carried on this developing process in industry, colleges and universities. As G. K. Roberts expressed it in a headline of his contribution in Lit. ₇ Hofmann bridged the gap between science and practice in his English years.

Hofmans most important achievements in his Berlin years from 1865 to 1892 were the foundation of the Deutsche Chemische Gesellschaft and his contribution to shape an Imperial German legislation. When presiding over the inaugural meeting of the Deutsche Chemische Gesellschaft zu Berlin in November 1867 he announced that the new society's purpose would be

"den Vertretern der speculativen und angewandten Chemie Gelegenheiten zum gegenseitigen Ideenaustausch zu geben um auf diese Weise die Allianz zwischen Wissenschaft und Industrie aufs neue zu besiegeln." ₈ .

This academic-industrial collobaration is reflected in the fact that the Gesellschaft's initial regulations were drawn by C.A. Martius, an active entrepreneur, and his friend C. H. Wichelhaus, a Privatdozent at the Berlin university. Businessmen and technical or industrial chemists made up a large share of the initial membership.

The most institutional achievement in the Gesellschaft's first decade was its role in introducing a German national patent system. Hofmann saw patents as a central link in the developing "Alliance" between science and industry.

After 1880 the growth of the German chemical industry and the amount of chemists employed in larger companies led to a new development, the founding of own scientific laboratories in the larger most important chemical companies. The academic industrial cooperation exemplified by Hofmann and Martius gave way more and more to in-house research and development. In the following generation, Emil Fischer's generation, the role of academic institutions would become more important to industry as sources of trained chemists than as sources of inventions. The mutual and sometimes also controversial interest of those who worked as researcher at universities and the manager in the chemical industry in the standard of education for chemists resulted in several discussions, also with the state authorities and a joint effort to found new institutions. The research work at the universities concentrated on more basic problems. But from this work a lot of results were achieved as spiin-off products and found their way into industrial companies. By this way of cooperation, also in obtaining joint patents, both, the researcher and the industrial manager in the companies, made financial profits.

The last example of research workers and their connection with industry is Carl Engler (1842 - 1925). He wa a contemporary of Emil Fischer but 26 years older. The most important difference in his scientific carreer was that he lectured and worked at a Technische Hochschule, the oldest and most well known in Germany, in Karlsruhe. During the late decades of the nineteenth century such schools were still not accepted as equivalent scientific institutions. Engler with others attained that this barrier was abolished and they are now called Technical Universities.

Engler's most important research work was in the area of mineral oils. Engler contributed to a large extent to the uprising of this at that time very young industry. He visited the oilfields of Eastgalicia, the Caucasus and Northamerica, hold close contact with the managers and worked on the property of oils of different origins, developed measuring instruments and a destillation process. He summerized his 25 years of experience in a book "Das Erdöl" ₉ .

He had connection with the BASF which lasted a long time. He became member of the board together with Heinrich vom Brunck, the top manager of the BASF at the time when it developed to one of the biggest companies of the world. Engler actually convinced vom Brunck to take up the development of the synthesis of ammonia invented by Fritz Haber who was professor of physical chemistry in Karlsruhe.

2. Emil Fischers ancestors, family and his university career up to the call to Berlin

The family of Emil Fischer comes from the Rhineland and lived in the small town of Flamersheim. His grandfather was a merchant and also his grandmother derived from merchants. Both died very early and Emil's father Laurenz together with his other brothers grew up in the care of his uncle and aunt. The uncle took over the business in Flamersheim selling different goods to the farmers in the countryside. Already with eighteen Laurenz and his brother Friedrich Arnold took over this business. They made good profits and started a vinegar factory and established a malthouse. The main part of the business was later transferred to Euskirchen, a bigger town in the neighbourhood of Flamersheim. Various other activities were a wool factory which was later combined with a plant to dye the wool, the takeover of a cement plant and an investment in a brewery in Dortmund. With the different production processes Laurenz occasionally had problems and recognizrd the importance of chemical knowledge to solve them. He therefore furthered Emil and his brother Otto to start studying chemistry. The father influenced to a high degree the character of Emil Fischer: being a hard worker, never afraid of solving problems, having a patriotic conviction and a good sense of earning money. But there was one big difference: the fragile health of Emil. This already became evident when he was visiting schools in Wetzlar and Bonn. After starting to study chemistry in Bonn he became very sick. Probably he had a strong gastritis. In later years this developed into a chronic sickness and influenced his changing conduct. His scholar, Kurt Hoesch, wrote in his Fischer-biography ₁₀ :

"In his later years - and to whom it was not evident - his sorrounding had to stand sullen hours when Fischer had grievances caused by sickness or fear against growing discomfort which haunted the great man. Emil Fischer pursued his often actually threatened health with strong apprehension and sometimes with curious hypochondric importance."

In spring 1871 Fischer took up chemistry at the university of Bonn. At this time August Kekule was head of the chemical institute. This institute had been established for A. W. Hofmann. The outside of the building was very splendid but inside the laboratories were dark and nearly without ventilation. Fischer disliked the whole atmosphere. Together with his brother he looked for another university and they went to Strassburg. There they experienced the installation of the new "Reichsuniversität" and the imperial cultural ministeries spent a lot of money to raise the various institutes. Here Fischer met Adolf von Baeyer, who was head of the chemical institute. Both later became friends until Baeyer's death in 1916.

Fischer's thesis was about the dyes flurescein and phtalein-orcin. Already in Strassburg Fischer became Baeyer's assistant and there he started one of his first important work, the preparation of phenylhydrazine ₁₁ .

In summer 1875 Baeyer accepted the offer of a chair at the Munich university. Three of his assistants went with him and Fischer was one of them.

During Baeyer's time the Munich chemical institute was one of the most important research centers and his school of chemists spread all over the chemical world. Emil Fischer was the first assistent of Baeyer and habilitated 1878. His habilitation speech had the heading "Die heutigen Aufgaben der Chemie" and Fischer remembered later ₁₂ that it was much more difficult to prepare it than the actual examination.

Fischer worked in Munich mostly on the structure of the phenylhydrazine ₁₃ . These investigations included also various chemical reactions of phenylhydrazine with different substances. One of his studies led to a new class of dyes, the triphenylmethanes. Already A.W. von Hofmann had produced dyes of this group, e. g. the rosaniline, without knowing their constitution. Emil Fischer together with Otto Fischer, his cousin, found out that it was a triphenylmethane. Later they synthezised several other dyes of this group.

As early as 1879 Fischer went to Erlangen succeeding Jacob Volhard who took over the chair of chemistry in Halle. Fischer and his assistants in Erlangen mostly worked on hydrazines, phenylhydrazines and several reactions were carried out with them to find new substances like derivates of indoles ₁₄ , hydrazones ₁₅ , and osazones which gave way to the important research about sugars and their derivatives.

Fischer's work on the reaction of phenylhydrazine with the ester of acetic-acid ₁₆ was used by Ludwig Knorr, Fischer's friend in Erlangen, to synthezise a derivative of pyrazole, antipyrene, when he was working at the Farbwerke Hoechst. This became one of the most used synthetic drug against asthma, influenza, rheumatism and other sicknesses.

While being in Erlangen Fischer got offers to various universities, e.g. from the Technical University of Aachen as head of the inorganic chemical institute. When Heinrich Caro, who was head of the scientific laboratory of the Badische Anilin und Sodafabrik retired and became member of the board of the company Fischer was asked to take over Caro's position. But Fischer did not accept these offers. He wanted to continue his own research work at a university.

In 1885 he got a call from the Würzburg university. He just experienced a period of sickness and Würzburg hesitated at first but when the call became true he accepted it.

His time in Würzburg from 1886 until 1892 was very successful. Already in Munich he started work on different carbohydrates. Now he and his coworkers concentrated on this special branch of chemistry. 1890 Fischer at a meeting of the Deutsche Chemische Gesellschaft in Berlin presented his work ₁₇ .

Fischer liked the atmosphere in Würzburg. He had very close relations with various coworkers like Oscar Piloty, Lorenz Ach and W. Wislicenius. Several of them later rose into high ranks of industry. Fischer therefore had no problems later on to receive support from such firms like C. Boehringer where Ach became head of the scientific laboratory, the Badische Anilin and Sodafabrik and Meister, Lucius und Brüning in Hoechst. He even had close private contact with familiy members owning those companies.

His best friends in Würzburg were the families of Ludwig Knorr and Wilhelm Leube, a professor of medicine he already met in Erlangen. Mrs. Leube tried to find a wife for him and thought that a certain Miss Agnes Gerlach would be the most suitable one. It was very difficult to convince Fischer, as he wrote in his memoirs:

"meine Gleichgültigkeit in Sachen Liebe waren ihren Plänen nicht günstig gewesen" ₁₈ .

However they were able to convince Fischer and the engagement took place in December 1887 and they married already in February 1888. They had three sons, Hermann Otto Lorenz, Walter and Alfred. Two of them died during world war I. Hermann later went to America and became professor of chemistry at the university of Berkeley, California. Very tragically was the early death of Emil Fischer's wife in November 1895, three years after they went to Berlin.

In June 1892 the Ministerialdirektor of the Prussian Kultusministerium, Friedrich Althoff, appeared in Würzburg. He proposed to Fischer to come to Berlin to take over the first chemical institute as successor of A.W. von Hofmann who had died in the beginning of that year. At first Fischer wanted to stay in Würzburg. But his wife, his father and a harsh reaction of the Bavarian minister of culture who had promised to build a new laboratory in Würzburg convinced Fischer to accept this offer.

Getting a call to Berlin was a very remarkable distinction at that time. More and more the scientific life of Imperial Germany focussed at its capital. A professor and the head of the chemical institute, who took the chair of Hofmann, played an important role in the scientific world and in public life. Therefore Fischer's interactions with the academic societies and the industry grew in importance. In consequence his relation with Carl Duisberg intensified who at that time started his carreer in the Farbenfabriken Bayer in Elberfeld.

3. Carl Duisberg's youth, his school and university time and his first years at the Farbenfabriken Bayer at Elberfeld.

Friedrich Carl Duisberg was born September 29, 1861. He was about nine years younger than Emil Fischer.

His father Johann Carl Duisberg was a ropemaker in a village near the small town of Barmen. At that time the development of the industrial center at the Ruhr just started and the merger of Barmen with Elberfeld had not yet taken place. Today both towns developed to one of the biggest towns in the Ruhr area Wuppertal.

Carl's mother was convinced that he had "something in himself". In the dialect of the rhine area she expressed it with the words: "En den Jongen sett wat dren, dat weet ick am allerbesten". Against the will of the father she cared for a good education of her son. In 1879 he started studying chemistry at the university of Göttingen, one of the old traditional German universities. But he could not stay in Göttingen as a new law in Prussia was introduced regulating that one had to have the "Latinum", a special degree of Latin, to be permitted studying at a university. He therefore went on to Jena in Thuringia.

He had to start all over again in chemistry. His professorwas Anton Geuther, whoin 1889 was followed by Ludwig Knorr until 1889. Geuther found Duisberg's way of handling the subject rather strange. But he soon perceived he extraordinary intelligence of this student. Duisberg completed his thesis as early as 1881.

Duisberg chose as one the subsidiary subjects national economy. This showed an early growing interest in economical problems.

Duisberg had to earn money and therefore he applied for a position in industry. As no acceptable position was offered to him his teacher Geuther made him his assistent.

As he was often asked where he served in the army he decided to go to the "1. Infanterie-Leibregiment" as "Einjährig-Freiwilliger" in Munich. While serving in such a way he was allowed to visit a university as a guest. Duisberg therefore asked Adolf von Baeyer's for permission to work in his institute. That was at a time when Emil Fischer had already gone to Erlangen. But Fischer quite often stayed in Munich and he and Duisberg met each other for instance when bowling in the evening.

Duisberg worked under the guidance of Baeyers assistent Hans von Pechmann. There he met for instance Theodor Curtius, who later became his good friend ₁₉ . He kept also a very close relation with Pechmann. Duisberg was very impressed by working the methods of work at the Baeyer institute which differed to a high extent from that at the Geuther institute in Jena ₂₀ . Together Pechmann and Duisberg studied the reaction of phenoles with aceticacid ethers ₂₁ .

After completing his military service and his time at the Baeyer institute Duisberg went home and tried again to obtain a position preferably at the Farbenfabriken Bayer. His mother was very active in supporting him as she knew the old Friedrich Bayer having been together at school with her. The old Bayer had died already but with the help of their teacher she got in touch with his son ₂₂ . This time Carl Duisberg was successful. In 1883 he was offered a position by the son in law of Friedrich Bayer, Carl Rumpff. Initially his contract was restricted to one year. Duisberg was first sent to Strassburg to solve problems of the indigo synthesis. He worked in the laboratory of Rudolf Fitting but was not very successful. Later he was able to finish some synthetical work. He returned to Elberfeld and was fully employed in September 1884 and could start work in a small laboratory.

The dyestuff industry developed very quickly at that time and Duisberg actively took part in this process. Numerous synthesises and patents originated from the small laboratory of Duisberg. He got more and more coworkers and his research and development department was very successfully. From 1883 to 1887 Duisberg and his coworkers found 21 new dyestuffs and intermediate products which went into production. 17 applications for patents were made. But, of course, also a lot of substances were found which could not be produced profitably. In 1888 he married Johanna Seebohm, the niece of Rumpff, who at that time was board member of the Farbenfabriken Bayer. The marraige was a very happy one and lasted their whole life.

In June 1888 Duisberg was granted procuration. He worked together very closely with Friedrich Bayer and Henry Th. Böttinger. Rumpff died 1889. Duisberg took over the research and to a far extent the patent department.

The industrial manger Carl Duisberg as well as the scientist Emil Fischer had now risen to high ranks in the chemical world and also in German society. From this time onward their influence in scientific and economic life grew remarkably. Their ways crossed more and more often and they almost became private friends.

4. Emil Fischer and the Farbenfabriken Bayer

Until the early years of the twentieth century Emil Fischer and Carl Duisberg were not closely connected. They met each other at special occasions in Berlin e. g. in committees for the organisation of education and changing examination standards of chemists. This will be reported later.

Fischer did not have many intimate relations and Carl Duisberg experienced that it was difficult to build up a closer contact. Most of their correspondence concentrated on business relations of the Farbenfabriken Bayer with Emil Fischer and discussions about chemical problems with the members of the scientific laboratory. Some of Fischer's scholars, like Dr. Lehmann, and a lot of Adolf von Baeyer's, like Heymann, Lorenzen, Berle and Bamman, went to the Farbenfabriken. Fischer knew some of them when he stayed in Munich. Therefore he very often asked them directly when he wanted to get some special chemicals or instruments for his work. Duisberg, being member of the board and confronted with a lot of more important problems and also being away meeting other people in Germany or in foreign countries was not able to trouble himself with such minor affairs.

There was another reason why Duisberg and Fischer did not meet or correspond very often at that time. Duisberg was a dyestuff chemist and all his scientific work was centered on this field of chemistry. Fischer had worked about dyestuffs in Strassburg and Munich. But after he went to Berlin he very seldom worked on this class of substances. His most important field of research in the first years in Berlin was to continue his work about the purines he already started in Erlangen. Fischer published a summary of this research work in 1907 ₂₃ . One part of it was the synthesis of trimethylxanthine or coffein with his coworker L. Ach ₂₄ , who later went to the C. F. Boehringer company and tried to introduce the synthetic coffein. Also the Farbenfabriken Bayer were interested. But the intensive efforts by Fischer and Ach were not very successful as the synthetic coffein remained to be more expensive than the extracted product from coffee.

A very profitable engagement of Fischer was the work on derivatives of malonic and barbituric esters. In 1902 the Professor of medicine Freiherr J. von Mering, whom Fischer met already in his Strassburg time, and who was working in Halle/Saale visited Fischer in Berlin. He showed him a crystaline substance he had synthesized by the reaction of phosphorous oxichloride, urea and diethylmalonicacid. It seemed to be the diethylester of barbituric acid and he asked Fischer to confirm the constitution of this substance. Fischer found that the structure was different. He started to find other ways to produce it and with his nephew Dilthey he found two ways to obtain it ₂₅ . Mering tested the diethylbarbituricacid and he found that it was a very active soforic substance. Fischer himself used it successfully ₂₆ . Also other derivates of the barbituric acid showed hypnotic properties. Fischer and Mering published their results in January 1903 ₂₇ .

To secure their rights they applied for patents which were granted in the same year ₂₈ . These were licensed to the E. Merck company to produce and sell the newly found drug ₂₉ . But Merck had difficulties with the synthesis. Therefore Fischer got into contact with different companies like Kahlbaum in Berlin ₃₀ and he approached also the Farbenfabriken Bayer. Bayer started scientific work to improve the production conditions ₃₁ , and a so called convention was agreed upon for a joint use of the patents of Fischer, Mering, Merck and the Farbenfabriken Bayer ₃₂ . In March 1904 a contract was made between Fischer, Mering, Merck and Bayer ₃₃ . In this contract it was stated that Fischer and Mering would get 20 % of the profit from the sales of Veronal. This developed to a very profitable business for Fischer. He for instance earned in the years 1907 and 1908 176000 marks and in the years 1909 and 1910 340000 marks, together the equivalence of nearly 7 million dollars at todays exchange rate ₃₄ . Veronal became one of the most important sedatives and hypnotics and was sold all over the world also with different names as Barbital, Barbitone, Malonal, Sedeval and others ₃₅ . Later the Sodium salt was introduced also by Fischer to obtain a water soluble Veronal. Again the patents were sold to the Farbenfabriken Bayer and Merck. Several hundred investigations were published about the properties of Veronal which describe the sedative, toxic and antodotic effects. It is still one of the most used soforic drugs..

A few years after the introduction of the diethylbarbituric acid as a medicine Fischer and Mering worked about another curative substance. They thought about a way to improve the medical use of iodide. At that time the only drugs containing iodine were their alkali- and earthalkali salts curing amongst other deseases lues, arterioscleroses and bronchitis. But they caused awful side-effects which were called iodisms and had a very bitter taste. Other workers had already combined the iodine with sesamoil. The resulting substances had a much better resorbance but the taste could not be improved.

Fischer and Mering obtained during the work on iodine containing fatty acids a water insoluble calciumsalt of a monoiodide of the behenic acid ₃₆ , the acid being prepared from the erucicacid. They both called it "Sajodin". Furthermore they also made a bromine derivative and called it "Sabromin". Both substances could be produced very easily and the therapeutic effect was a significant improvement compared with the inorganic sodium and potassium salts. They were resorbed at a much higher level and therefore the amount of iodine was reduced considerably. The taste was improved to such a level that the patients were much more willing to use them.

Again the Farbenfabriken Bayer were interested to produce and sell these medicines and therefore bought the patent rights together with the Farbwerke Meister, Lucius & Brüning (later Farbwerke Höchst) ₃₇ . They developed also to very important and successful pharmaceuticals and Fischer and Mering made again high profits together with the companies during the following years.

The cooperation of Fischer, Mering and the Farbenfabriken Bayer intensified during this time. The scientific laboratory built in Elberfeld in 1896, initiated by Carl Duisberg and led by Arthur Eichengrün was especially active in the pharmaceutical field. Until 1914 38 different pharmaceuticals were developed and produced, mainly, narkoticas, and sedatives ₃₈ . From this list one can see how Fischer's work influenced the research and development program of the pharmaceutical department of the Farbenfabriken Bayer.

This cooperation which was formalised in an agreement and for which Bayer had to to make annual payments resulted in further development of drugs. Later Fischer worked also together with the medical professor Georg Klemperer in Berlin. They were both interested to find new methods to improve the chemo-therapy of cancer. Klemperer worked together with different hospitals in Berlin and was a specialist in cancer deseases.

When heating behenic acid with arsenotrichloride Fischer got a compound which when treated with water or diluted solutions of alkalines resulted in a mixture of arsinic and chlorine containing preparations. The strontium salt was later identified as strontium chloroarsenosobehenate. This arsenic containing drug was tested by Klemperer to fight cancer deseases by chemo-therapeutical methods ₃₉ and Fischer called it "Elarson". They applied for a patent ₄₀ which included also phosphorous containing analogues. End of March 1912 the Farbenfabriken Bayer, Fischer and Klemperer signed a contract leaving the practical use of the invention and the patent rights to the Bayer company ₄₁ . Bayer had to pay 19 % of the net profit to Fischer and 16 % to Klemperer. This amounted for Emil Fischer and later his son Hermann to 60000 Marks each year until 1930 ₄₂ including also other arsenic and phosphorous containing preparations like iron-elarson and solarson, a heptinochloroarsinosoacidious ammonium.

There were other substances synthezised by Fischer and his coworkers and tested for medical use by Mering, Klemperer and others which will be mentioned later.

As can be seen from these examples the Farbenfabriken Bayer and Emil Fischer had a more and more closer connection. But Fischer always kept independent and had also good contact with other companies like the BASF at Ludwigshafen and Agfa and Schering in Berlin. Such profitable links with a scientist were of high importance to the companies and therefore their managements were very interested in keeping a close contact with Emil Fischer. The most important was Carl Duisberg. The relation between Fischer and Duisberg became much closer in the next years than between any other manager in the industry.

5. Building up a friendship. The time before World War I.

Since 1904 Emil Fischer and Carl Duisberg saw each other more often and their correspondence started slowly to be more intimate. At first it still concentrated on chemical and business problems. At that time the introduction of Veronal and Sajodin was of high interest to both of them. But also general industrial problems were discussed. In a letter dated November 1904 Duisberg reported to Fischer about his efforts to found an "Interessengemeinschaft" of the bigger German chemical companies. He had visited the USA in 1902 and was very highly impressed by the industrial and commercial development also of the chemical companies. He wrote a memorandum about his experiences and sent it to the management of the five biggest dye producing companies in Germany. In a letter to Fischer he described how his activities after two years of tough negotiations resulted in a partnership between the Farbenfabriken Bayer, the Badische Anilin & Soda Fabrik and the Berliner Aktiengesellschaft (later Agfa) ₄₃ .

Later he was appointed general manager of the association and mentioned it in a letter to Fischer in April 23, 1905 ₄₄ . He therefore went quite often to Berlin to visit official or commercial meetings and had the opportunity to meet Fischer. They talked about different problems, especially the area of new drugs, the patent applications of substances which interested the Bayer company and how to negotiate with companies who had also interest in the pharmaceutical market, like Farbwerke Hoechst or Merck.

Fischer often wrote directly to the scientific laboratory at Elberfeld. He also got into close contact with the patent division and discussed special wordings to improve and secure the patent rights. Sometimes even discussion on marketing and advertising problems took place ₄₅ . When important problems like prices and Fischer's interests had to be decided Fischer and Duisberg talked about them personally. Sometimes Fischer also visited Elberfeld and later Leverkusen. Duisberg was very keen that Fischer got to know the new plant directly situated directly on the Rhine river. Since about 1900 the planning, construction and completion of this plant was a "Lieblingsidee" of Duisberg. Fischer hesitated to leave Berlin as he was scared about his health and saw it not until the main offices of the company and Duisberg together with his family moved to Leverkusen.

After von Mering died in 1908 his former asssistant Dr. Winternitz, who also worked in Halle on the properties of new medical substances, was proposed by Fischer to Duisberg as the new "protector of sojadin and sabromin". He also asked Duisberg to change the contracts to participate Winternitz with 5 % of the profits ₄₆ . This was necessary as at that time both drugs were critisized and had to be defended ₄₇ .

In 1911 Fischer sent different arsenic and phosphoric compounds to the scientific laboratory at Elberfeld and G. Klemperer started to test them as chemotherapeutical substances to fight cancer. Fischer's work in this area lasted until the war nearly stopped all research work. Other organic compounds were also tested like Piaselenol and Oxypiaselenol, which contained Selenium. These aroused high interests by other competent researchers e. g. A. von Wassermann who developed seradiagnostic tests and Paul Ehrlich, who was the founder of the chemotherapy and asked for a "Fusion" of this research ₄₈ . When writing to Fischer in May 1912 Duisberg remarked:

"It would be desirable for the poor patients who suffer from cancer that the hour of rescue would soon strike" ₄₉ .

But Klemperer was more pessimistic. Later Professor Witzel from Düsseldorf, who was an expert in treating cancer with X-rays, proposed to combine radiation with chemotherapy ₅₀ . Although this would eventually detrimental negative for the contracts of Fischer and Bayer Fischer wrote to Duisberg:

"The contract must not be a hinderance for the general progress and the problem of cancer is of such a versatility that several sides could be engaged" ₅₁ .

Duisberg had contacts with other medical doctors who were experts in treating patients who suffered from different types of cancer. Dr. Krönig from Freiburg expressed his opinion with the remark:

"The future of cancer certainly is not the knife" ₅₂ .

At this literal discourse Fischer expressed his opinion as follows:

"I think that the advance in this area will be very gradually as the success is dependent on the nature of the medical treatment" ₅₃ .

In his Fischer memorial lecture Duisberg expressed his conviction that if anybody could have fought successfully this scourge of mankind it would have been Emil Fischer. He continued.

"It must be the duty of numerous chemists who work in science and technique to take over this last heritage of our grand master to carry on searching for means to fight the malicious sarcomes" ₅₄ .

The fight against the different types of cancer is still going on. Other chemotherapeutic drugs have been introduced like hormones, antibiotics, alkaloids and antimetabolites. Fischer was right when he said that success in this fight would very gradually achieved.

It is astonishing that research work to find new pharmaceutical drugs was only a very small part of Fischer's whole scientific work. Since he went to Berlin his research concentrated mostly on the structure and synthesis of natural products. As already mentioned the first group he started to work about were the purines ₅₅ . Soon afterwards he took up his research on the constitution and synthesis of carbohydrates and ferments and this work lasted until his death 1919 ₅₆ . One of his most prominent area were his investigations about aminoacids, polypeptides and proteins ₅₇ . The last impprtant research area of Fischer were the depsides and tannins. ₅₈ . Today people call Fischer one of the first biochemists. He himself mentioned in a lecture about organic chemistry:

"For the development of experimental methods and the theories it was necessary in the last (19th) century to disengage (chemistry) from biology. But with her analytical and synthetical means of today she again can without concern renew the union not only for the benefit of biology but also to her own honour." ₅₉ .

The chemical industry took part in this development and therefore their research and development departments intensified their contact to universities and other research institutes. The close connection of the Farbenfabriken Bayer and Carl Duisberg with the Berlin university and Emil Fischer was only one example of this phenomena of growing scientific and industrial society. Part of this social change was the institutionalization of the academic and industrial life. Several societies were founded to defend and further the different interests of managers, their employees, the teaching and researching professors and their assistants students.

Both Fischer and Duisberg played a major role in this process. They were presidents of different organisations and influenced the life and development of the societies. The most important organisations of chemists were the Deutsche Chemische Gesellschaft with most members being chemists in state universities and institutions, founded by A. W. Hofmann 1867. (editing the Berichte Deutscher Chemiker) and the Verein Deutscher Chemiker founded 1887 which was mainly an association of the chemists who were engaged in industry or the polytechnic state institutions, the Technische Hochschulen (editing the Zeitschrift für angewandte Chemie).

Of course, Fischer was allied with the "Gesellschaft", several times its president and member of different commissions, and Duisberg with the "Verein" and also its long years president. Later both were also honourable members of the sister societies and Duisberg and the "Verein"introdruced the "Emil-Fischer-Medaille" which was bequested to Fischer in 1912 ₆₀ .

The problems which were discussed and had to be solved were manifold and Fischer and Duisberg had often their own opinion. One of the first dicussions they both took part was the introduction of a state examination which Duisberg and the Verein Deutscher Chemiker applied for. The main dispute was a standardisation of the chemical education of the students and their examination at the universities and Technische Hochschulen (TH). Also the latter should get the right to grant the degree of a doctor of natural science (Dr. rer. nat). Main opponent to these changes was Wilhelm Ostwald. Also Adolf von Baeyer and Fischer did not approve. Duisberg tried to convince Baeyer to support these intentions ₆₁ . But Baeyer was against such plans ₆₂ . Some years later the standard of studying chemistry at the TH was almost the same as that at the universities but included also courses and examinations in technical chemistry. They were permitted to grant the Dr. rer. nat. degree. This dispute shows that both Baeyer and Fischer were quite conservative and opposed changes in the university life. Another example of this attitude of Fischer is his opposition to allow women to enter his chemical institute until they were permitted to study at universities in 1908.

Another question which turned up was the teaching of chemistry and physics in the schools. Fischer and Duisberg took part in a general discussion of the best way to train the teachers. Both Fischer and Duisberg expressed their view that it should be much more practical and based on experiments. The theory should only be trained on the basis of these experiments. The same should apply to lessons at schools. Especially Duisberg expressed his opinion that the pupils should not be overloaded with theory and it would be much easier for them to learn chemistry by experiments ₆₃ . Duisburg was always a representative of the experimental chemistry. He was an organic chemist and not very fond of the growing importance of physical chemistry. To Fischer he wrote in 1911:

"The experiment and not calculations forms the chemist to the true natural scientist" ₆₄ .

When after the death of Fischer the physical chemist Fritz Haber was proposed to take the chair of Fischer as head of the chemical institute at the Berlin unversity Duisberg really fought against it. In a letter to Adolf von Harnack, the president of the Kaiser-Wilhelm-Gesellschaft, he stated:

"If this first chemical position now would be taken out of the hand of an organical chemist into the hand of an inorganic or even a physical chemist...it will mean...the ruin of the great chemical industry of Germany" ₆₅ .

Another question Fischer and Duisberg discussed was the salary of chemists being assistants at universities and those of employees in the industry. Duisberg made up a table of the average yearly income of chemists at the Farbenfabriken Bayer. It mostly depended on the years of service and started in the first five years with a salary of 5800 Marks and increased after 20 years to 16000 Marks ₆₆ . The salaries of assistants and assistant professors in Fischers institute and other institutes of natural science at the university started with about 3000 Marks and increased to about 10000 Marks and only full professors had an income of 11000 to 18000 Marks. Therefore Fischer commented on the statistical data of Duisberg with the following remark:

"I am satisfied that the carreer of chemists (in industry) is not as bad as often stated" ₆₇ .

He wished that an overall statistic should be made in the industry which would clear up the situation especially in Berlin. This would counteract the cautious behaviour of chemists to enter industrial companies.

Also in another activity of Fischer to promote chemical science Duisberg played a part. This was the initiative of mainly Fischer but also Ostwald, Nernst and other prominent scientists to found the "Chemische Reichsanstalt", a research institute for scientists to do their research work without the general duty of the German professors at the universities to teach students.

The history of this initiative, the early stages until the foundation of the Kaiser-Wilhelm-Gesellschaft and the inauguration of the Chemical institute of this society has often been described, especially by J. A. Johnson, who examined very particularly these important events of the history of natural science in Germany in the last hundred years ₆₈ . Duisberg's main part was to find promoters in industry and to convince them to spend considerable amounts of money. In a letter to Fischer he defined his task:

"It is important to drum together as much money as possible" ₆₉ .

He was certain to break the resistance of his collegue Friedrich Bayer and the board members of the Farbwerke Hoechst Lucius and Meister. He was successful and also convinced Haereus and Merck to give money ₇₀ . But at this time there was a high economic depression in Germany and it was not easy to raise money for the Reichsanstalt. But even foreign manufacturers, like Solvay and L. Mond engaged themselves. Duisberg and Fischer tried to make sure that they kept their promises by eventually intruduce a honorable membership of a society aiming at the foundation of the "Chemische Reichsanstalt" ₇₁ . Of course, Duisberg was an active member of the society and took sometimes part in board meetings. Fischer continiously reported to Duisberg about the different actions and results during the way to found the institute ₇₂ as part of the Kaiser-Wilhelm-Gesellschaft.

Duisberg was member of the institutes' board and Fischer tried that he would also be a senator of the Kaiser- Wilhelm-Gesellschaft. As Henry Böttinger was chosen Duisberg became senator not till 1917 and remained in this position unitl his death 1935. He also was the second "Schatzmeister" (treasurer) of the KWG from 1920 to 1933 and the third "Schatzmeister" until 1935. Emil Fischer was vicepresident from 1913 until his death 1919.

The last meeting of Fischer and Duisberg before the war was at the inaugeration of the Kaiser-Wilhelm-Institut für Kohlenforschung (coal research) 29th July 1914. During Fischer's activity to found this institute ₇₃ Duisberg again was looking for new sponsors especially at the Ruhr area.

While Fischer and Duisberg had these different contacts and worked together in such various fields the exchange of matters of general affairs and about their private life grew steadily.

Several times Duisberg visited foreign countries and he reported also to Fischer about the experiences he made during these journeys. In a letter in 1907 he mentioned a round trip to England and Scotland in order to find a place for production plants. He described his impressions about the manufacturing systems and the social situation in the different companies and wrote:

"We Germans are now also better human beings" ₇₄ .

In autumn of 1908 Duisberg again visited America. He wrote to Fischer about his new impressions and noted that his enthusiasm has been reduced compared with his former visits. This had more commercial reasons and he got the opinion that in

"transferring goods from the factories to the consumer...America is behind the standard of other countries and many things should be improved and changed".

In another passage of this letter he referred to difficulties in the pharmaceutical market as several medical doctors initiated a movement against "proprietary medicines" and different sects as the Christian Societies had grown so much that they are pressing on the market. Furthermore he expressed:

"Politically we (the Germans) are in foreign countries the besthated nation....(but) it is our own fault as we are politically immature and in these matters we act more with emotions than with the brain." ₇₅ .

This shows that Duisberg and also Fischer were sceptical about the German policy and both were of the opinion that it would lead to war.

By other experiences made in 1912 Duisberg was convinced that his initiative to unite the big German chemical companies was important and should be continued and he reached a further and deeper union in 1916 called "the small IG-Farben". Later in 1925 he finally founded the "big IG-Farben" ₇₆ .

In 1908 Duisberg and later also Fischer changed the tone of their letters. It became more privately and friendly. In most letters they reported about the family, journeys to the Italien Riviera or to other recreation areas ₇₇ . Duisberg sent a picture of himself and Fischer wrote about it:

"It is very characteristic and marks much move the disposing director of a company as the scientist and the jovial companion." ₇₈ .

The family life was more often mentioned. They wrote about their sons and Duisberg complained that they had no talents for chemistry.

"They have more phantasy and less talent for observations and manual skill. Two of them would like to be merchants and the older one will end up at the theater" ₇₉ .

Fischer answered that he would have liked that one of his sons would be a merchant to take up the old profession of his forefathers ₈₀ . When Fischer had his 60th birthday and he referred to Duisberg's kindness also by handing over the Fischer-Medaille he called him his

"personal friend, showing so many attentions and often supporting him in public matters concerning our science" ₈₁ .

This friendship developed during world war I considerably and lasted until Fischer's death in 1919.

6. A steady friendship in times of need.

During the time of Fischer und Duisberg the formation of a friendship could be followed by how people adressed each other. initiative to unite the big German chemical co

At the beginning of their correspondence they started their letters with "Sehr geehrter Herr Geheimrat", later it changed to "Sehr verehrter lieber Herr Geheimrat". In the later years of their friendship they adressed each other with "Verehrter lieber Freund". Duisberg expressed in one of his letters ₈₂ how glad he was about this sign of friendship from Fischer. And Fischer responded:

"It is an old experience that in times of need like-minded people are more bound together than in times of happiness" ₈₃ .

But they never used the German "Du" by which close relatives and friends adressed each other.

The time of need was the time of the most cruel war in Europe since the "thirty years war" three hundred years earlier. Patriotic feelings gave way to hate and relatives and friends became enemies. Towns and landscapes were destroyed. It changed the life of everyone and the whole society as well. The same applied to the political and commercial organisations. Although world war I ended in 1919 actually the post war situation and the next real war lasted until 1945.

No one is proof against taking part one way or the other in war activities. This was also the case with Fischer and Duisberg. Fischer as a university scientist could restrict himself to areas called the homefront, but Duisberg being one of the most important chemical industrialists engaged himself in producing explosives, filling grenades and even in developing chemical weapons.

After the war started in August 1914 Duisberg remembered that Fischer, while they met at the inauguration of the coal research institute in Mühlheim was scared about a coming war and he himself could not believe it, especially a war with England. Now this catastrophy had started. Duisberg was very pessimistic about the future. In a letter he expressed this as follows:

"Even if we will be victorious the economy will not recover from wounds blown to her after 10 years, and it is dubious if it will ever reach the height of the time before the war" ₈₄ .

Fischer saw the war definitely coming. He expected hard times for the people and vast sacrifices to feed the population during wartime ₈₅ .

He then did not know that his biggest task during the war would be to secure food supplies and find new ways to feed the population.

His first engagement was to increase the production of saltpetre as Germany was cut off from the most important supplier Chile. In the first months of the war he worked closely together with Fritz Haber, the inventor of the new synthesis of ammonia using nitrogen from air and hydrogene. The Badische Anilin & Soda Fabrik developed this process and in 1913 they built up the first plant in Oppau near Ludwigshafen. Ammonia could also be produced by other methods and Wilhelm Ostwald with his assistent Brauer found a process to oxidise ammonia to nitrates. A factory was built at the Zeche Lothringen. This was very important for producing artificial fertilizers and also ammunition.

Also other goods could not be imported and agriculture, industry and the military forces had to find new ways to supply the civilian population and the soldiers.

Very soon after the beginning of the war it became evident that neither the government nor the general Staff of the army had thought about ways to tackle such problems.

There were others who saw the danger of the English blockade. Amongst them was the general director of the AEG (Allgemeine Elektrizitätswerke), Walther Rathenau. He was board member of several German and foreign companies and had edited books on political economy. Rathenau went to the ministry of war and told them about his opinion, that the general Staff was only prepared for a short war and that no plans existed for supplies in a longer war. Also no ideas about the role of the industry had been developed. He proposed various possibilities to adjust the situation by building up controls to rationalise and distribute the raw materials which could not be imported because of the British blockade. He also made up a program to develop and produce synthetical alternatives.

He convinced General von Falckenhain, the chief of the general Staff, and he had the authority to realise Rathenau's ideas. He ordered to found a "Kriegsrohstoffabteilung" being part of the ministery of war and Rathenau was appointed to manage this office. This was the start of establishing different other controlling offices ₈₆ .

Fischer was member and sometimes even head of the boards of some of these organisations like the saltpetre commission of the war ministery, the war commission for food substitutes (Ersatzfutter), the commission for the suppliance of coke products, the war leather Aktiengesellschaft (limited company) or the war company for lubricating oil.

The same applied to Carl Duisberg. He was member of some of the above mentioned organisations but also active in different industrial associations which had sometimes differences with the state commissions.

In the scope of building up and later operating these organisations it was important that Fischer and Duisberg met each other regularly, exchanged their views and acted as mediators between industry and the state planning authorities ₈₇ .

Coming back to the first months of the war and Duisbergs and Fischers experiences at that time there are different reports of the situations in Berlin and Leverkusen.

Duisberg stated that Berlin is in a sort of "Siegesrausch" (flush of victory) while in the west of Germany people were much more seriously and not even glad about the victories in Belgium and France. And he was sceptical if they would bear a defeat ₈₈ . He got news from England and the difficulties of the dye industry because of lacking imports from Germany and how to overcome them by using natural products. In this context he expressed a sort of hate against the English being "Krämerseelen" and they should be fought with high energy. The production in Leverkusen had to be reduced to half of that in peace time and parts of the plants were used as hospitals.

While working in the Nitrogen Commission Fischer had several contacts with many companies including BASF, Höchst and Bayer to convince them to increase the production of saltpetre. At that time Bayer and the BASF had already been very close in the "small IG". BASF had developed a new process to oxidise ammonia using cheaper catalysts than the Ostwald-Process. BASF presented a so called "nitrate promise" to the "Kriegsrohstoffabteilung" to produce higher quantities of nitrates.

At that time Duisberg hesitated to engage the Farbenfabriken Bayer in the production of war materials. He still saw the war as an interruption or even an end of the marvellous development of the German chemical industry. The company had not produced a single article for war until 1914 and there were no negotiations with the government about the company's capability to producing war material. Even after the beginning of the war Duisberg did not want to produce explosives "even if we are paid millions". He explained that he did not want to risk the Bayer factories by producing explosives.

"Our laborers are not used to handle such things" ₈₉ .

But later Duisberg had to give in because he could otherwise not save the company. Only those who worked for the war could get raw material. Therefore Duisberg had to take up contacts with the military administrations. He had to do it because paradoxically he wanted to get a guarantee for a civilian production. Therefore with deliberation he entered with his company the Kriegschemikalien AG, managed by Fritz Haber. In late September he stated that the need for saltpetre was so great "that we have to cooperate and cannot stand aside" ₉₀ .

Bayer took up the BASF process and also promised to build a new plant. The state financed these plants. When Bayer presented a cost estimate it was considerable higher than those from other companies and Fischer had to convince Duisberg to reduce costs ₉₁ . Already one month later Duisberg reported about the start of the building of this plant. He also generally described the increase of production again. The change to war materials was going on very rapidly and the aniline factory was now a plant for delivery of war products. He told Fischer that 400 tons of Trinitrotoluene and 250 tons of Trinitroanisole would be produced monthly ₉₂ .

The companies of the "bigger IG", founded in the year 1916 (BASF, Bayer and Agfa, Farbwerke Hoechst, Casella & Co und Kalle & Co as well as the Chemische Fabrik Griesheim-Elekron und Chemische Fabrik vorm, Weiler-ter Meer) produced in 1917 about 77 % of the explosives. And Bayer was with 39 % the biggest one. The turnover of the companies belonging to the IG increased from 559 million marks in 1913 to 1616 million marks in 1918 and for war material from 2 % of the turnover to 46 % in 1917 ₉₃ .

In May 1915 Duisberg invited Fischer to see the new saltpetre factory ₉₄ . At that time Fischer was still member of the commission for saltpetre in the war ministry. Rathenau left in April and Haber, still being head of the war chemical department, had mostly other interests. The discussions and negotiations about the increase of the saltpetre production lasted the whole of 1915 and into the first months of 1916. At the end of 1915 the construction of a big plant of ammonia at Merseburg was decided and building was started in May 1916. The first tank waggon with liquid ammonia left Leuna in April 1917. With the production capacity of this plant and all the other ammonia producing factories as well as the newly built oxidation plants for nitrates the problem to supply the army with sufficient ammunition was solved. The reason why this could be achieved was the reduction of delivering artificial fertilizers to the farmers resulting in a very bad provision of food to the civilian population.

This was the time when Fischer started to engage himself in the commission of "Ersatzfutter" and other commissions e.g. the one for fat and oils. One of the most important projects was the production of food by heating straw with caustic soda liquid. At May 1916 about 100 000 tons of straw was used for this process. By-products were methanole and acetone and Fischer offered them to the Bayer company ₉₅ . However he knew that the production of acetone from acethylene had started at that time ₉₆ . Another problem Fischer tried to solve was a substition of coffee. He offered to use synthetic coffein and mix it with sliced turnips. He made different trials and offered the result to Bayer ₉₇ . In 1918 he reported to the Bayer company about the production of sugar from wood. Richard Willstätter had tried to develop this process, which the Holzspiritusfabrik in Mannheim transferred into production scale. But Fischer was not convinced of the efficiency of this company and actually it did not run well ₉₈ . In the 1920ties the noble-prize winner Friedrich Bergius improved this process and built up a new factory which was running until after world war II.

A lot of other activities of Fischer in organising a better supply of different substitutes could be mentioned. An example how Fischer's basic research work could be applied to use substitutes was in the production of leather. He had worked about tannines and when the supply of this natural product decreased one of his synthezised substances could be used.

In December 1914 the head of the physiccal chemical Institute of the Berlin university, Walther Nernst, asked Fischer if he could supply him with hydrocyanic acid ₉₉ . Nernst had been at the western front. He had seen that the German armies had been thrown back at the Battle of the Marne. The German "Blitzkrieg" of the "Schlieffen-Plan" had been stopped and the triumphical march of the troops sank down in the mud of the trenches in Flanders and in front of the fortifications of Verdun. When he returned to Berlin he did not believe any more in victory. But he still thought it would be his duty to help defending Germany ₁₀₀ . He contacted officers at the ministry of war how he could be of any help. At that time people at the general Staff thought about the problem how to give the attack of the infantry again enough force to get through the lines and what techniques could be used to achieve this ₁₀₁ . Also General Erich von Falckenhayn thought in this direction and the expert for artillery, Lieutenant Colonel Max Bauer met Nernst ₁₀₂ . He asked him if it would be possible to construct shells

"which develop much less or not at all their force by their splinters, as those who are filled with explosives ...but by molecules of the inclosed solid, liquid or gaseous chemicals to hurt or make the opponent inable to fight any more".

Nernst answered positively and was ready to take part in testing such material. Falckenhain appointed a commission with members of science (Nernst), of the supreme command, a representative of the commander of the military administration in Cologne and a representative from the industry, being Carl Duisberg ₁₀₃ .

The question why Duisberg was chosen cannot be answered by the until now known sources but can be explained that he was the general manager of the biggest chemical company in Prussia. A military commander was in Cologne who had the authority to overcome bureaucratical hindrances and there was a shooting ground in Wahn near Cologne not very far from Leverkusen.

Duisberg accepted this order with the hope for shortening the war by this new weapon and explained it because of "the need of the front" and also, to quote an example from Duisbergs comments at that time

"to show what the chemical industry is able to do" ₁₀₄ .

He was summoned to the General Headquarter to discuss all the different possibilities of chemical war ₁₀₅ .

Different trials were carried out at the shell ground in Wahn with shells filled at the Farbenfariken Bayer. The first chemical used was a raw material from the dye industry Dianisidinchlorhydratesulfate. The so called N-J-shells were tested in frontline by the end of 1914 at Neuve Chapelle. Later Xylylbromide and other chemicals to fill the shells were used at the Eastern front. The result was different but Duisberg was quite content and reported to General Falckenhain about these and other trials ₁₀₆ .

The general was not satisfied with the actions of Nernst and Duisberg and wanted to have a weapon which was perillious to the health and life of the enemy and expressed this to Fischer. Fischer reported Falkenhain's opinion to Duisberg ₁₀₇ . Fischer had explained Falkenhain how difficult it is to find substances which are of fatal effectivity in such extreme high dilution. Duisberg answered Fischer that Falkenhain's wish to solve the problem by chemistry would surpass its limits. Ironically he remarked that to get the enemy out of their fortresses and exterminate the soldier inside

"we have to ask him to order the firebrigades of Berlin and instead of water to shoot chemicals by their vapor fire engine into the trenches" ₁₀₈ ).

But the very cruel chemical war later showed that Duisberg was wrong with his comment and it was Fritz Haber who was responsible for this development.

He became the main representative of the chemical war in Germany. His Kaiser-Wilhelm-Institute of Physical Chemistry and Electrochemistry in Berlin-Dahlem later was the main research and development center of finding and testing chemicals for this kind of war ₁₀₉ . His first important action was to use chlorine for a poisonous attack in Flanders. The presuppostion in Germany was favourable because in the years before the war the industrial use of chlorine had been extended by the possibility to fill steel cylinders by compression.

Fischer did not trust Habers plan ₁₁₀ . He wrote Duisberg that he

"wishes (Haber) from the basic of my patriotic heart ill success, because if it would occur the other way round the French would very soon find out what is behind it and then turn the table which will be easy for them".

Duisberg answered that he was asked about this plan and possible counteractions from the enemy ₁₁₁ . He answered that no compression plants for chlorine existed in England and France. In America there were two of them. But it may be possible to build such plants in France and England within 5 to 6 months. This statement of Duisberg was enough to decide positively for Habers idea. In the same letter Duisberg told Fischer that he had proposed to mix phosgene with chlorine.

He also wrote to Fischer that he was actually of the same opinion especially as the winds which carry the clouds of chlorine drove mostly eastwards and this would be much more favourable to the French. Some month later the French made their first attack with chlorine and there were not enough "Patronen" (filters) to protect the German troops. ₁₁₂ .

Haber made trials at the shooting ground in Wahn and prepared the attack in Flanders near Ypern. But it took several weeks until the attack could be carried out because of the wind conditions. The attack was successfull and the English and French troops retreated in panic. The General Staff was very much surprised and had not enough reserve troops at his disposal to utilize this success.

While Fischer did not take part in the chemical war Duisberg cooperated with Haber. He and his company produced gaseous shells (mines, granades and shrapnels). Together they developed the chemical war (see Lit. ₁₀₉ ).

Plants of the Farbenfabriken Bayer were especially suited for production of them because some of the vessels were protected against aggressive chemicals like chlorine or bromine. Intermediate products came from BASF and other companies of the later "bigger IG". They all took part in producing war chemicals. Duisberg with his coworkers coordinated these activities ₁₁₃ .

One example of the close cooperation between the Farbenfabriken Bayer and Haber's institute was the development of a process for mustard gas (bis-2-chloroethylthioether). Later it was called in Germany "LOST". This is a abbreviation of the names LOmmel and STeinkopf. W. Lommel worked at Bayer in Leverkusen. He asked the pharmacological laboratory at Elberfeld to verify the toxicological property of the thioether and sent it to Haber's institute. There W. Steinkopf tested its property again and introduced it as a substance for the chemical war ₁₁₄ . This was the most dangerous chemical used in world war I and later by the Spanish army in Marocco, the Italians in Abessinia and in the war between Iraq and Iran. The IG produced it again during the second world war.

When the war went on Fischer became more pessimistic. He lost his two sons. Walter committed suicide in a fit depression in November 1916 and Alfred died of spotted typhus in March 1917 while working as a doctor's assistant in a hospital in Romania. In a letter to Natalie Leube, a family friend, he wrote of the consequences of this

"insane war, which brings Germany and all Europe sorrow and misery. The result for me, as for millions of other fathers and mothers, is a dreadful bitterness toward the mad circumstances and persons responsible for this great misfortune" ₁₁₅ .

And he expressed his pessimism and loathing at the war in a letter to the German chemist Otto Diels:

"Aside from some professional officers, armaments industrialists, and political fools, no one can have an interest in the continuation of this insane war" ₁₁₆ .

He cared very much about his son Hermann and secured him a position in the "Kriegsrohstoffamt".

From the end of 1917 Fischer gave up most of his presidencies of the boards of the different war companies and even did not attend their meetings. He told Duisberg that he would retreat from the war business ₁₁₇ . His activities did not very much improve the food situation as everything was used for the conduct of war.

He tried to concentrate again on his research work. He did not feel well and the attacks of gastritis and bronchitis came back again. Duisberg cared about Fischer. He sent to him parcels with food, a real necessity in the "Hungerwinter" 1917/1918. And when Fischer thanked him he told him that he would continue with it as he had to do it

"for our most important heavy worker we have in our science and industry." ₁₁₈ .

While the cooperation of Fischer and Duisberg concerning the war extinuated it grew on other topics. When in 1918 they saw, together with others, that Germany would lose the war they cared about the problem how in in the near future it would be possible to finance the education of students and assistants.

Already in March 1916 the German Bunsen society (for physical chemistry) together with other societies suggested to take up precautions for the expected shortage of assistants at the universities and other high schools. Mainly

"subsidies to esteemed applicants for positions of assistants"

should be given to ease the care about an adequate income ₁₁₉ . The German Chemical Society agreed with this suggestion and asked Hermann Wichelhaus, former member of the Verein Chemische Reichsanstalt, to take part in the preparations for the foundation of an association. In December 1916 the "Liebig-Stipendien-Verein" was founded to

"make it possible for German chemists after they had finished their education and especially those with a doctor degree to widen their knowledge by granting a stipendium." ₁₂₀ .

Duisberg was able to find enough contributors. He told Fischer on January 2, 1917 that 34 companies had given a million marks ₁₂₁ . Both were active to find stipendiates. In one case Fischer in his typical aversion against women chemists voted against giving a stipendium to a woman assistant because

"to study is a luxury for women who will later marry. They have to finance their education alone." ₁₂₂ .

Another organisation to promote the education of chemists was the "Deutsche Gesellschaft für den chemischen Unterricht" (German society for the chemical education). In March 1918 Duisberg expressed his concern to Fischer

"what will become of the German chemistry after an inevitable loss of the war, as you have seen it already some time ago. Without the assistance of the industry the German highschool chemistry will break down" ₁₂₃ .

Duisberg furthermore talked with Fischer, Wilhelm Wislicenius - at that time president of the union of the heads of laboraties (Verband der Laboratoriumsvorstände) - and Hans Bunte - director of the Institute for Tchnical Chemistry at the Technical University Karlsruhe - and as the union met in Berlin on April 7, 1918 this problem "of the entirely decay of the university institutes" was discussed ₁₂₄ . And afterwards the directors together with representatives of the industry including Duisberg met with the Kultusministe Friedrich Schmidt-Ott. October 24, 1918, just before the end of the war, the German society for chemical instruction - Deutsche Gesellschaft für den chemischen Unterricht - was founded.

Duisberg had elaborated the statutes. In a letter to Fischer he gave reasons for the two societies (Liebig-Verein and the Gesellschaft) as this would be much better to draw money and reported that already 30 representatives of the industry were found as sponsors ₁₂₅ . Later he described in detail who and with how much money the industry supports the "Gesellschaft". ₁₂₆ . It was necessary to collect 15 million marks as this was the supposition to found it. He used all his influence to accomplish this goal.

This is a real example of the cooperation of Duisberg and Fischer. Fischer had to convince the scientists at universities and government as well and Duisberg had to find the sponsors in industry. It is astonishing that all these activities to educate and promote young chemists happened in the late period and even until the final days of the war.

7. End of the war time and to Fischer's death in July 1919.

Early November 1918 the whole political situation drastically changed in Germany. The Kaiser abdicated, a republic was proclaimed and soldiers and civilian fought in Berlin and other towns. Fischer wrote to Duisberg that in front of his institute shooting was going on and the windows were smashed ₁₂₇ . He also told Duisberg that he was not surprised of the sorrowful events.

"I am not depressed as many other people because I was always afraid of a bad end of the war" ₁₂₈ .

Together with Duisberg he was of the opinion that nothing could be done now

"but only to give our strength to the country and act for an early summoning of a national assembly" (see Lit. ₁₂₇ ).

Duisberg was much more depressed. He explained the situation at Leverkusen to Fischer.

"We all have our hands full to satisfy the demands of the workers. Despite Bolshewism is spreading the front soldiers make soon an end to this...I have set myself to zero and I will be glad if we can save our naked life. But I will keep on duty what ever will happen" ₁₂₉ .

Fischer answered that he would also stay in his position. On the one side he was glad that students were filling the institute but was also scared that fighting was still going on between Spartakus (the picket troops of the communist party) and the government. Terrorism spreading it was a catastroph that no food and heating material could be supplied. This was not good for him as he had again signs of sickness. He added that

"if everything breaks down here we chemists could go somewhere else to earn our bread" ₁₃₀ .

At Christmas time Fischer had a spell of hope. He wrote:

"If we are not worried too much and give us the chance to continue experimenting the devil must be in it if the inventive power of the German spirit would not get through and overcome all difficulties." ₁₃₁ .

In order to confirm his attitude he described the prospering life in the institute and about his work.

Both, Fischer and Duisberg, did not forget their promoting work for the "Degun", (an abbreviation for the "Deutsche Gesellschaft zur Förderung des Chemischen Unterrichts (see par. 6) which had been founded in December 1918. They "walked" around to collect more money. Their arguments were solely chemical and scientifical to prevent any interference by political groups. Duisberg asked Fischer to use all his influence to find new sponsors ₁₃₂ . He mentioned the Kaiser-Wilhelm-Gesellschaft KWG). Fischer was one of the members of the senate and he had great influence in this society. But the financial situation of the KWG worsened ₁₃₃ . and the only way to get money was to convince members of the society who came from industry and also were members of industrial associations or commercial institutes like the senators Gustav Krupp, Franz von Mendelssohn, a prominant Berlin banker, or Walther vom Rath, board member of the Hoechst company. Others had higher positions in the different institutes and relation with the industry as for instance Carl Neuberg who was member of the board of Oetker, one of the bigger food companies (see Lit. ₁₃₂ ).

It should be mentioned that about one year after Emil Fischer's death the Justus Liebig-Stipendien-Verein and the Degun were united to the Justus-Liebig Gesellschaft zur Förderung des chemischen Unterrichts (association to promote chemical education). Duisberg was president of the board until his death 1935.

As described above Fischer always kept independent and did not have any direct association with industrial companies. This was known also in the Farbenfabriken Bayer. Nevertheless Henry Böttinger asked Fischer in February 1919 that they would very much like to elect him as a board member. But Fischer reacted negative. He wrote to Duisberg ₁₃₄ ):

"According to the law of Prussian jurisdiction it is prohibited to be a memmber of a profit orientated enterprise while being still in office. There are some exceptions but it would be better that I still would be considered as a sort of confidant between administrative authorities and industry."

He was glad that he had enough influence to support justifiable wishes of the industry witin the administration. And in his present independence he would be of much more use.

Actually Duisberg had asked Böttinger to talk to Fischer. In his letter dated March 4, 1919 ₁₃₅ he expressed his depth of gratitude to Fischer for the love and friendship he had experienced and for his trust at all times of emergency. It was this adoration which was the reason that he wished him in the board of the Farbenfabriken Bayer. He mentioned Carl Engler who was member of the board of the BASF still wanted to talk to him about this matter together with Henry Böttinger.

Duisberg saw Fischer early July when they met in the Hotel Adlon in Berlin. When he came home he wrote a long letter, dated July 12, with a lot of proposals how to get on with different projects ₁₃₆ . We do not know if Fischer ever received this letter before his death on July 15, 1919.

Just one day before his death Fischer added the following to his last will:

"I establish a foundation which will carry the name "Emil-Fischer-Stiftung. It will be provided with a capital of 750 000 Mark. My heirs will take this sum from the better shares of my heritage.....and dedicate it (to the foundation).

The profit of this capital will be used to support young chemists who work in the organic, inorganic or physical chemistry; in case of doubt members of the chemical institute in Berlin which I was in charge of with equivalent qualifications as other applicants will be preferred.

This foundation will be combined with the physical-chemical class of the Prussian Academy of Science." ₁₃₇ .

The foundation lasted until after the second world war and was combined with other science promoting societies. Carl Duisberg was a long time counsellor of the foundation and attended the assemblies.

To a certain extent it is typical for Fischer's character how he prepared everyting before he died. He made his last decision, settled all important matters and when he heard that he should be operated because of his sick bladder and a cancer tumor he took potassiumferrocyannide to end his life. He had told his old friend Georg Klemperer before that he would not allow to be operated and commit suicide if necessary ₁₃₈ .

In his memorial lecture Duisberg pointed out the importance of Fischer as mediator between science and industry ₁₃₉ . In one passage (see Lit. 138 p. 973) he looked back and into the future:

"We who are working in the technical field hope that Fischer will be a symbol ...for the young generation. ...The whole development of the ...... flowering chemical industry could be traced back to the fructifying exchange between these two disciplines (science and industry). Therefore who, as Emil Fischer, works in such an extraordinary way to promote the efficiency of this exchange deserves bigger merits than anyone who made an excellent technical piece of work.

8. Epilogue

The influence of Fischer's scholars and Duisberg's industrial initiatives on the rise of the American chemical science and industry

The era of Fischer and Duisberg was the high tide of German natural science. Waves of this flood of increasing knowledge were still evident in the second decade of our century. But slowly the energy of the big tide diminished. America took the lead. There was a high transfer of knowledge which already started in the first decade. Scholars of A. von Baeyer, Emil Fischer and other well known chemists were Americans ₁₄₀ . Modern organic chemistry was introduced in the United States by a few outstanding men like John Ulrich Nef who received his Dr. phil. for research with Baeyer. Nef like Fischer worked on the chemistry of sugars. Nef brought to America the Scotsman Alexander Smith who also received his Dr. phil. in Munich. Also William Albert Noyes worked with Baeyer and as head of the chemistry department at the university of Illinois in Urbana he had the opportunity to bring to a major American university what he had learned in Munich. The very able Roger Adams succeeded Noyes. Few chemical research groups in the world matched that of Adams. The influence of Baeyer's institute was also felt in Ann Arbor, where Moses Gomberg created another great school of organic chemistry in the United States and many of his doctoral students (most notably Van Slyke and Werner Bachmann) later achieved great distinction.

The influence of Fischer's scientifical progeny in other nations was particularly evident in the twentieth century development of biochemistry in the United States. The first of notworthy Americans to work in Fischer's Berlin institute was Phoebus A. T. Levene. He later worked at the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research created in 1905 where he studied proteins, phosphatides and cerebrosides of sugar. His greatest impact together with W. A. Jacobs was to demonstrate that yeast nucleic acid is composed of ribonucleotides. Jacobs also worked with Fischer. He was a modest person of excepional chemical insight and had an outstanding team of junior associates, among them Michael Heidelberger, Robert C. Elderfeld and Lyman C. Craig.

Also Donald Dexter van Slyke worked with Fischer. He became the chief chemist of the hospital of the Rockefeller Institute and ended his days at the Brookhaven National Laboratory.

One of the most important participants in the development of the biochemical science in the United States was the Englishman Hans Thatcher Clarke who spent two years in Fischer's laboratory before coming to the United States in 1914, when he joined the staff of the Eastman Kodak Company in Rochester.

Fourteen years later Clarke became head of the department of biological chemistry at the College of Physicians and Surgeons of the Columbia University. They all influenced the growing importance of the chemical, food, biotechnical and polymer industry and there was a close contact between industrial and university research.

Another positive influence of the rise of the American chemical industry was the industrial engagement and the achievement of German industry. Carl Duisberg had visited the United States several times. The Farbenfabriken Bayer and later the IG Farben built up several plants ₁₄₁ . During and after the first world war the dye industry grew because of the decrease of German import. The permission to buy the patent rights of the German companies accelerated this development. In the nineteentwenties Carl Duisberg favoured contacts with US companies. One area was the synthetic mineral oil, another the development of polymers. In the fourties the shortage of natural rubber stimulated the design of factories for the production of synthetic rubber, which already existed in Germany.

After the death of Duisberg in 1935 and the breakdown of the German industry after 1945 the chemical industry of the United States took a leading role in the industrial and commercial world of chemistry.

Notes

Note 1: Jacob Volhard, Justus von Liebig, Verlag von Johannes Ambrosius, Leipzig, 1909, 1. Volume, p. 126 - 128 Back.

Note 2: J. Liebig, Die organische Chemie in ihrer Anwendung auf Agrikultur und Physiologie, 8th edition, volume I, p. 84 Back.

Note 3: J. Liebig, Die organische Chemie in ihrer Anwendung auf Physiologie and Pathologie, Vieweg & Sohn, Braunschweig, 1842. Back.

Note 4: amongst others: W. H. Brock, Justus von Liebig und August W. Hofmann in ihren Briefen (1841 bis 1873), Verlag Chemie, Weinheim, 1984, Jacob Volhard, Emil Fischer, August Wilhelm von Hofmann, ein Lebensbild, Friedländer & Sohn, Berlin, 1902 Back.

Note 5: G. K. Roberts, The Royal College of Chemistry (1845 - 1853). A social history of chemistry in early Vitorian-Britain. Not published thesis, University of John Hopkins, 1973. Also: The establishment of the RCC: An introduction of the Social Context of Early-Historian Chemistry. Historical studies Physical Science, 7, (1976) 43 - 85 Back.

Note 6: A. W. Hofmann, Chemische Untersuchungen der organischen Basen im Steinkohlentheer, Annalen 47 (1843) 17 - 87 Back.

Note 7: Die Allianz von Wissenschaft und Industrie, August Wilhelm von Hofmann (1818 - 1892), Zeit, Werk, Wirkung. edited by Christoph Meinel and Hartmut Scholz, VCH, Weinheim, 1992 Back.

Note 8: Constituierende Versammlung vom 1. November 1867, Ber, Dtsch. Chem Ges. 1 (1868) 3 Back.

Note 9: C. Engler, Das Erdöl, 5 volumes, 1913 - 1919, S. Hirzel, Leipzig Back.

Note 10: K. Hoesch, Emil Fischer, sein Leben und sein Werk, edited bei Verlag Chemie, Berlin, 1921, page 41 Back.

Note 11: Ber. Dtsch. Chem. Ges., 8 (1877), 589 Back.

Note 12: E. Fischer, Aus meinem Leben, edited by Julius Springer, Berlin, 1922, page 77 Back.

Note 13: Annalen, 190 (1878) 67 and Ber. Dtsch. Chem. Ges. 17 (1884), 2841 Back.

Note 14: see Annalen, 236 (1886) 116 Back.

Note 15: Ber. Dtsch. Chem. Ges. 17 (1884) 2846 and 21 (1888) 261 Back.

Note 16: Ber. Dtsch. Chem. Ges. 13 (1880) 679 Back.

Note 17: Ber. Dtsch. Chem. Ges. 23 (1890) 2114 Back.

Note 18: Lit. 12, page 125 Back.

Note 19: M. Becker Goehring, Freunde in der Zeit des Aufbruchs in der Chemie. Der Briefwechsel zwischen Theoder Curtius und Carl Duisberg. Springer-Verlag, Berlin, 1990 Back.

Note 20: Carl Duisberg, Meine Lebenserinnerungen, Phillip Reclam jun. Verlagsbuchhandlung, Leipzig, 1933, page 24 Back.

Note 21: H. von Pechmann, C. Duisberg, Über die Verbindungen der Phenole mit Acetessigäther, Ber. Dtsch. Chem. Ges., 1893 Back.

Note 22: H. J. Flechtner, Carl Duisberg, Vom Chemiker zum Wirtschaftsführer Econ-Verlag Gmbh, Düsseldorf, 1959, page 47. Back.

Note 23: E. Fischer, Untersuchungen in der Puringruppe, Verlag von Julius Springer, 1907. Back.

Note 24: L. Ach, E. Fischer, Ber. Dtsch. Chem. Ges. 28 (1895) 3135 Back.

Note 25: E. Fischer und Dilthey, Annalen, 335 (1904) 334 Back.

Note 26: Letter E. Fischer to J. Mering, 13. May 1903, Fischer papers, Bancroft Library, UC Berkeley (Fischer papers) Back.

Note 27: E. Fischer, J. v. Mering, Über eine neue Klasse von Schlafmitteln Therapie der Gegenwart, Heft 3, 1903 Back.

Note 28: German patent Nr. 196 496, 1903 Back.

Note 29: Contract of the company E. Merck with Emil Fischer and Mering, August 1904, Archive of E. Merck, Darmstadt. Back.

Note 30: Letter E. Fischer to E. Merck, 28. July 1903, Bayer Archiv, Leverkusen (BAL) Back.

Note 31: Letter E. Fischer to Farbenfabriken Bayer, 4. July 1904, Fischer papers, Back.

Note 32: Contract of E. Merck and Farbenfabriken Bayer, 21.12.1903, Archive of E. Marck, Darmstadt Back.

Note 33: Contract from 31. March 1904 between E. Fischer, E. Merck and Farbenfabriken, BAL Back.

Note 34: Note of Hauptzollamt, Zollsekretär Krause, 17. April 1909, BAL Back.

Note 35: see Merck Index, 7th edition 1960 Back.

Note 36: Med. Klinik, Nr. 7, 1906 Back.

Note 37: Contract 24. July, 1905 between Farbenfabriken Bayer, Farbwerke Meister, Lucius und Brüning, E. Fischer und J. von Mering, BAL Back.

Note 38: 100 Jahre CWL in Wuppertal, Nachrichten aus Chemie, Technik und Laboratorium, VCH Verlag, Dezember 1996, 1195 Back.

Note 39: Therapie der Gegenwart, Januar 1913 Back.

Note 40: Verfahren zur Darstellung von arsen-und phosphorhaltigen Fettsäuren, Patentanmeldung vom 29.11.1911 Back.

Note 41: Contract between Friedrich Bayer & Co in Elberfeld/Leverkusen, Prof. Dr. Emil Fischer, Berlin and Prof. Dr. Georg Klemperer, 28. March 1912 BAL Back.

Note 42: Note referring Dr. H. Fischer, in Leverkusen 18. August 1930 BAL Back.

Note 43: Letter Duisberg to Fischer, 22.1.1904 Fischer papers, Bancroft Library, UC Berkeley (Fischer papers) Back.

Note 44: Letter Duisberg to Fischer, 23.4.1905, Fischer papers Back.

Note 45: Letter Fischer to Farbenfabriken Bayer Elberfeld, later also Leverkusen (Bayer) 2.7.1906, (Fischer papers) Back.

Note 46: Letter Fischer to Bayer, 8.3.1906 Fischer papers Back.

Note 47: Letter Fischer to Bayer, 1.8.1907 Fischer papers Back.

Note 48: Letter Fischer to Duisberg, 21.5.1912 Fischer papers Back.

Note 49: Letter Duisberg to Fischer, 8.5.1912 Fischer papers Back.

Note 50: Letter Duisberg to Fischer 2.3.1913 Fischer papers Back.

Note 51: Letter Fischer to Duisberg, 25.7.1913 Fischer papers Back.

Note 52: Letter Duisberg to Fischer, 26.7.1913 Fischer papers Back.

Note 53: Letter Fischer to Duisberg, 30.7.1913 Fischer papers Back.

Note 54: Carl Duisberg, Abhandlungen, Vorträge und Reden aus den Jahren 1892-1921 edited to his 60. birthday Verlag Julius Springer, Berlin, 1923 Back.

Note 55: E. Fischer, Untersuchungen in der Puringruppe (1882-1906) Verlag Julius Springer, Berlin, 1907 Back.

Note 56: E. Fischer, Untersuchungen über Kohlenhydrate und Fermente I (1884-1906) and II (1908 - 1919) Verlag Julius Springer, Berlin, 1909 and 1922. Back.

Note 57: E. Fischer, Untersuchungen über Aminosäuren, Polypeptide und Proteine (1899-1906) Verlag Julius Springer, Berlin, 1906 Back.

Note 58: E. Fischer, Untersuchungen über Depside und Gerbstoffe (1909-1919) Verlag Julius Springer, 1919 Back.

Note 59: E. Fischer, Organische Synthese und Biologie Verlag Julis Springer, Berlin, 1912 Back.

Note 60: Letter Duisberg to Fischer, 14.8.1911, Fischer papers Back.

Note 61: Letter C. Duisberg to A. von Baeyer, 19.7..1897, Bayer Archiv, Leverkusen (BAL) Back.

Note 62: Letter A. von Baeyer to Duisberg, 24.7.1897, (BAL) Back.

Note 63: Letter Fischer to Duisberg, 7.5.1906 Fischer papers Back.

Note 64: Letter Duisberg to Fischer, 19.7.1911, Fischer papers Back.

Note 65: Letter Duisberg to A. von Harnack, 26.2.1920, cited by H. J. Fechter in Carl Duisberg, Vom Chemiker zum Wirtschaftsführer, Econ, Düsseldorf, 1959. Back.

Note 66: Letter Duisberg to Fischer, 2.4.1907, Fischer papers Back.

Note 67: Letter Fischer to Duisberg, 6.4.1907 Fischer papers Back.

Note 68: J.A. Johnson, The Chemical Reichsanstalt Association, Dissertation presented to the Faculty of Princeton University, Department of History, January 1980. and J.A. Johnson, The Kaiser's Chemists, Science and Modernisation in Imperial Germany, The University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill and London. Back.

Note 69: Letter Duisberg to Fischer, 25.6.1905, Fischer papers Back.

Note 70: Letter Duisberg to Fischer, 25.6.1905 Fischer papers Back.

Note 71: Letter Duisberg to Fischer 25.6.1908 Fischer papers Back.

Note 72: Letters Fischer to Duisberg, 6.11.1909, 11.11.1909 and 21.11.1910 Fischer papers Back.

Note 73: M. Rasch, Vorgeschichte und Gründung des KWI für Kohleforschung in Mühlheim, a. d. Ruhr Hagen, 1987, M. Rasch, Geschichte des KWI für Kohleforschung 1913 - 1943, VCH-Verlag, Weinheim, 1989 Back.

Note 74: Letter Duisberg to Fischer, 12.12.1907, Fischer papers Back.

Note 75: Letter Duisberg to Fischer, 23.12.1908, Fischer papers Back.

Note 76: see a.o. G. D. Feldman, Industrie und und Wissenschaft in Deutschland in Forschung im Spannungfeld von Politik und Gesellschaft Geschichte und Struktur der Kaiser-Wilhelm-/Max Planck-Gesellschaft Hrg. R. Vierhaus und B. vom Brocke Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, Stuttgart, 1990 Back.

Note 77: Letters Duisberg to Fischer, 12.2.1908 or Fischer to Duisberg 4.3.1914 Fischer papers Back.

Note 78: Letter Fischer to Duisberg, 22.4.1908 Fischer papers Back.

Note 79: Letter Duisberg to Fischer, 19.5.1912, Fischer papers Back.

Note 80: Letter Fischer to Duisberg, 21.5.1912 Fischer papers Back.

Note 81: Letter Fischer to Duisberg 4.10.1912, Fischer papers Back.

Note 82: Letter Duisberg to Fischer March, 4, 1919 Fischer papers, Bancroft Library, UC Berkeley (Fischer papers) Back.

Note 83: Letter Fischer to Duisberg March 26, 1919 Fischer papers Back.

Note 84: Letter Duisberg to Fischer August 12, 1914 Fischer papers Back.

Note 85: Letter Fischer to Duisberg Sept. 21, 1914 Fischer papers Back.

Note 86: Gerald D. Feldman, Armee, Industrie und Arbeiterschaft in Deutschland 1914-1918. Verlag J.H.W. Dietz Nachf., Berlin/Bonn Back.

Note 87: Thomothy D. Moy, Emil Fischer as Chemical Mediator, Science, industry and Government in world war one Ambix, Vol. 36, part 3, November 1989 Back.

Note 88: Letter Duisberg to Fischer Sept. 10, 1914 Fischer papers Back.

Note 89: Letter Duisberg to Henty Böttinger Aug. 21, 1914 Bayer Archiv, Leverkusen (BAL) Back.

Note 90: Letter Duisberg to Haeuser, (Hoechst) Febr. 19, 1914 (BAL) Back.

Note 91: Letter Fischer to Duisberg Sept. 10, 1914 Fischer papers Back.

Note 92: Letter Duisberg to Fischer Dec. 12, 1914 Fischer papers Back.

Note 93: see Walter Teltschick, Geschichte der deutschen Groβchemie, Verlag VCH, Weinheim, 1994 Back.

Note 94: Letter Duisberg to Fischer May 13, 1916 Back.

Note 95: Letter Fischer to Farbenfarbriken Bayer (Bayer), May 25, 1917 Fischer papers Back.

Note 96: Letter Fischer to Bayer Sept. 23, 1916 Fischer papers Back.

Note 97: Letter Fischer to Bayer May 25, 191917 Fischer papers Back.

Note 98: Letter Fischer to Bayer June 3, 1918 Back.

Note 99: Letter Fioscher to Duisberg Dec. 20, 1914 Fischer papers Back.

Note 100: K. Mendelsohn, Walther Nernst and his time, German edition, Physik-Verlag, p. 113 Back.

Note 101: Peter Kielmannsegg, Deutschland und erste Weltkrieg, p. 45. Back.

Note 102: Ein Stabsoffizier, das alte Heer, das Groβe Hauptquartier in Die Weltbühne XVI, Nr. 7, Dec. 12 1920 pp. 207-212 and esp. p. 208 Back.

Note 103: Gastätigkeitsbericht, Febr. 1915 BAL, 201,513 Back.

Note 104: Letter Duisberg to von Braun Nov. 19, 1914 BAL, 270/0 Back.

Note 105: Max Bauer, Denkschrift betreffend den Gaskampf und Gasschutz Bundesarchiv, Koblenz, Nachlass Bauer IV, 35 Back.

Note 106: Letter Duisberg to Falkenhayn March 1, 1915 Fischer papers Back.

Note 107: Letter Fischer to Duisberg, Dec. 20, 1914 Fischer papers Back.

Note 108: Letter Duisberg to Fischer Dec. 23, 1914 Fischer papers Back.

Note 109: Dietrich Stoltzenberg, Fritz Haber; Chemiker, Nobelpreisträger, Deutscher, Jude, VCH Verlag, Weinheim, 1994 Back.

Note 110: Letter Fischer to Duisberg March 4, 1915 Fischer papers Back.

Note 111: Letter Duisberg to Fischer March 9, 1915 Fischer papers Back.

Note 112: Letter Duisberg to Fischer Sept. 26, 1915 Fischer papers Back.

Note 113: Carl Duisberg, Die Reizstoffe für den Gaskampf und die Mittel zu seiner Abwehr May 1916, BAL Back.

Note 114: see Lit 34, p. 266 Back.

Note 115: K. Hoesch, Emil Fischer, Sein Leben und sein Werk. Verlag Chemie, Berlin 1921 Back.

Note 116: Letter Fischer to Diels Dec. 31, 1917 cited in Lit 11, p. 99 Back.

Note 117: Letter Fischer to Duisberg Nov. 24, 1917 Fischer papers Back.

Note 118: Letter Duisberg to Fischer Nov. 28, 1917 Fischer papers Back.

Note 119: Ber. Dtsch. Chem. Ges. 49, 1835 (1916) Back.

Note 120: Ber. Dtsch. Chem. Ges. 49, 2751 (1916) Back.

Note 121: Letter Duisberg to Fischer Jan. 2, 1917 Back.

Note 122: Letter Fischer to Duisberg June 4, 1917 Back.

Note 123: A. Stock, Ber. Dtsch. Chem. 68 A III (1935) 137 -138 Back.

Note 124: W. Ruske, 100 Jahre Deutsche Chemische Gesellschaft, Verlag Chemie, 1967, p. 112 Back.

Note 125: Letter Duisberg to Fischer Sept. 11, 1918 Fischer papers Back.

Note 126: Letter Duisberg to Fischer Oct. 10, 1918 Back.

Note 127: Letter from Fischer to Duisberg Nov. 14, 1918 Fischer papers Back.

Note 128: Letter Fischer to Duisberg Nov. 6, 1918 Fischer papers Back.

Note 129: Letter Duisberg to Fischer Nov. 25, 1918 Fischer papers Back.

Note 130: Letter Fischer to Duisberg Nov. 29, 1918 Fischer papers Back.

Note 131: Letter Fischer to Duisberg Dec. 24, 1918 Fischer papers Back.

Note 132: Letters Duisberg to Fischer Jan. 25, 1919 and Fischer to Duisberg, Feb. 10, 1919 Fischer papers Back.

Note 133: B. vom Brocke, Die Kaiser-Wilhelm-Gesell schaft und die Weimarer Republik in Forschung im Spannungsfeld der Politik und Gesellschaft, Geschichte und Struktur der Kaiser- Wilhelm/Max-Planck Gesellschaft edited by R. Vierhaus, B. vom Brocke, Deutsche Verlags Anstalt, Stuttgart, 1990 Back.

Note 134: Letter Fischer to Duisberg Feb. 22, 1919 Fischer papers Back.

Note 135: Letter Duisberg to Fischer March 4, 1919, p. 2 Fischer papers Back.

Note 136: Letter Duisberg to Fischer July 12, 1919 Bayer Archiv, Leverkusen Back.

Note 137: Archive of the Berlin-Brandenburger Akademie der Wisenschaften, II-XI, 26,27 Back.

Note 138: Letter Georg Klemperer to Duisberg Jan. 28, 1920 Bayer Archiv, Leverkusen Back.

Note 139: Abhandlungen, Vorträge und Reden von Carl Duisberg, edited for his 60th birthday, Verlag Chemie, Berlin, 1926 Fischer und die Industrie, pp. 970-983 Back.

Note 140: Joseph F. Fruton, Contrasts in scientific style, American Philosphical Society, Philadelphia, 1990 Back.

Note 141: see Walter Teltschick, Geschichte der deutschen Groβchemie VCH Verlag, Weinheim, 1994 Back.