The Relationship of IG Farben's AGFA Filmfabrik Wolfen to its Jewish Scientists and to the Scientists married to Jews between 1933 and 1939

Abstract

This paper examines the relationships of AGFA, a company owned by Jews, with IG Farben, both before and after their merger. It argues that despite the widespread persecution of Jews in the Nazi regime, the Jewish employees of AGFA Filmfabrik Wolfen found security and protection in the larger company. But in 1938, due to the growing pressure and tightening of Nazi laws, the I.G. Farben dismissed Jewish employees, members of the board of directors and scientists. Nonetheless, in contradiction to the Parteidisziplin, the manager Dr. Gajewski found ways and means for all of the Jewish employees to emigrate from Germany. Those non-Jewish employees married to Jews were permitted to remain with Filmfabrik Wolfen and continued to work until 1945.

Peter Löhnert and Manfred Gill, Filmfabrik Wolfen GmbH i.L., Germany

Contents

1. Jewish Family Connections in the Agfa
2. Research and Progress in the Filmfabrik Wolfen
3. The Betriebsführer of the Filmfabrik Wolfen and Head of the Sparte III
4. The Change beginning in 1933
5. 1938 - The increasing pressure against the Jews
6. Summary

Acknowledgements

We thank the Moses-Mendelssohn-Gesellschaft Dessau e. V., which supported our studies in various ways and with strong commitment.

Many thanks to Dr. Reiner Karlsch, Berlin. Together we discussed some interesting topics of our work, which had stimulated writing down this article.

1 Jewish Family Connections in the Agfa

The Berliner Actien-Gesellschaft für Anilin-Fabrikation (Agfa) was founded in 1873. From the beginning it was one of the most important aniline manufacturing companies in Germany. The company's history and development has been considerably influenced by Jewish scientists and businessmen for some decades. The Jewish families of Mendelssohn Bartholdy, Oppenheim and von Simson have strongly influenced not only the growing up of Agfa but also of I. G. Farben Konzern. ₁ , ₂

The chemist Dr. Paul Mendelsohn Bartholdy (1841 - 1880) was one of the founders of the Agfa at Berlin. He is the great-grandson of the famous philosopher Moses Mendelssohn and the son of the composer Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy. The other founder was the chemist Carl Alexander Martius. ₃

By the end of the 19th century the company's area at Berlin at the river Spree proved to be to small for any extension, and so they were seeking new locations for manufacturing. ₄ , ₅ The Farbenfabrik at Wolfen was founded in 1894. 15 years later, they started building the Filmfabrik initiated by Dr. Franz Oppenheim (1853 - 1929), Generaldirektor of Agfa. ₆ , ₇

August von Simson (1837 - 1927) was stellvertretender Aufsichtsratsvorsitzender of the Agfa. His son, Ernst von Simson (1876 - 1941), was a member of the Aufsichtsrat from 1927 to 1938. ₈

Otto von Mendelssohn Bartholdy (1868 - 1949), son of the Agfa founder Paul Mendelssohn Bartholdy, became a member of the Agfa Aufsichtsrat in 1908. From 1926 to 1938 he was also a member of the I. G. Farben Aufsichtsrat until he was dismissed from his business due to the Rassegesetze.

The chemist Dr. Paul Mendelssohn Bartholdy (1879 - 1956), another son of Paul Mendelssohn Bartholdy, headed the production of photographic plates at the Berlin plant. ₉ To start the manufacturing of films in Wolfen the Agfa management has sent him to the new plant for a longer time.

The families Mendelssohn Bartholdy, Oppenheim and von Simson were bounded to each other by marriages.

2 Research and Progress in the Filmfabrik Wolfen

Other authors have only briefly mentioned the history of the Filmfabrik Wolfen in their fundamental articles to the I. G. Farben ₁₀ , mainly based on material of archives in Western Germany. One reason for this might be the fact that it was very difficult for foreigners to get material from the Zentralarchiv der DDR (formerly at Potsdam, today Bundesarchiv at Berlin-Lichterfelde). But files of the I. G. Farben could also be found in the Zentralarchiv der DDR and other archives belonging to chemical plants of the former GDR. For example, nearly the complete files of Dr. Gajewski's (leader of Sparte III) office are kept in the archives of the Filmfabrik Wolfen.

To introduce our main topic we'll start with some basic facts concerning the scientific and technological situation of the Filmfabrik Wolfen during the twenties and thirties. ₁₁ , ₁₂

During the twenties the Filmfabrik Wolfen became the second in the world behind Kodak in film manufacturing and production of other photographic materials. In 1929 6,682 employees worked at the Filmfabrik. Due to the strong competition in this market an increasing level of research was essential. Founded in 1919 the Wissenschaftliches Foto-Laboratorium of the Agfa-Werk in Berlin was the base for any scientific progress in this field. From the 15th May 1921 the laboratory was headed by Dr. John Eggert, who initiated some essential research to the photochemical process. New series of X-ray films, negative and cinematographic films and films for the printing industry consolidated the Filmfabrik's position in the world market.

In 1928 the Berliner Forschungslaboratorien were moved to Wolfen and Prof. Eggert (Professor of physical chemistry at the Friedrich-Wilhelm-University at Berlin since 1924) became the director of research anddevelopment for films and and photographic products. ₁₃

However it is sometimes difficult to make scientific results practicable. To combine the scientific work with the demands of the manufacturing process the Technisch-Wissenschaftliche Laboratorien headed by Dr. Wilmanns were founded in 1929. ₁₄ The competitive situation between Prof. Eggert's and Dr. Willmanns' laboratories was inspiring for the scientific work.

In the middle of the thirties it was time for some fundamental invention in manufacturing a three-color film continuously based on chemical reaction (The screen-procedure and the Technicolor ® method were still used, however several difficult physical and technical aid is necessary for these procedures). In 1935 Kodak marketed the Kodachrom ® film, a multilayered color film based on chemical procedures. ₁₅ At the Filmfabrik the scientific efforts in developing a new color film were crowned with success too. A new multilayered color film, invented by the team of Dr. Wilmanns - the Agfacolorfilm-Neu ® - was presented to the world in 1936. ₁₆ The Agfacolor-procedure was developed further to a the Negativ/Positiv process presented in 1939. The world's first full evening's film "Frauen sind doch bessere Diplomaten" was shot in 1941.

The color-photografic paper, developed in 1941, was only at the army's (Wehrmacht) disposal. To protect the Agfacolor procedure 268 patents were applied by the teams of Dr. Wilmanns and Prof. Eggert until the end of the World War II. The methods of manufacturing color films of both, Agfa and Kodak, have been asserted oneself throughout the world. ₁₇

Two other pioneer results dated 1935 were fundamental for the acceptance of the miniature photography and, finally, the color-film photography:

• Discovery of the Goldeffekt by R. Koslowsky: The adding of tiny gold salt quantities will raise the film's speed to twice till fourth. This invention became top-secret and was not applied for patent.
• Procedure of adding stabilizers in the emulsion's formula by E. J. Birr, which will keep the films for a longer time (increasing warranty). The application for a patent was canceled to keep the method secret. ₁₈

Both, the Agfa-Color-Verfahren and the last-mentioned inventions were cleared up by the Allies after the war. The publishing in the BIOS, CIOS and FIAT reports had made known the procedures all over the world. ₁₉ , ₂₀ , ₂₁ , ₂₂ , ₂₃

43 scientists and managers were taken with the American forces by the end of July 1945, or they moved with them due to voluntary decision. ₂₄

By the end of the World War I Agfa tried intensively to enter the American market of photographic products. In 1922 the total sales of cinematographic films reached 200 million meters. But this trend could not be kept up due to Kodak's strong price competition in the American market.

To make the sale of photographic materials easier the Agfa Products Inc. was founded in 1923. However, Agfa shared of less than 1% of the 100 million $ American market in photographic products. ₂₅

The idea of a separate photographic plant in America - maybe in co-operation to an American manufacturer - has been growing up since 1925. A share in the Ansco Photo Products Inc. New York has been preparated since 1927 and carried out in 1928. Here are some crucial factors for this decision:

• an Ansco plant for manufacturing amateur, cinematographic and X-ray films was still existing.
• some "Goodwill" of Ansco due to former public relation
• the plants for manufacturing photographical paper and cameras were suitable for extension.
• constant possibility for delivery without any duty or the danger of dumping
• a network of sale and merchandising organisations
• adaption to American mentality to buy mainly home-made goods.

The new plant was planned and built up speedily and the new factory at Binghampton started manufacturing in 1930. Until then large capacities of cinema-tographic and X-ray films were delivered from Wolfen to Agfa-Ansco for sale on the American market. Due to the urgent need the distribution of the available products between Export and the market at home was discussed at nearly every conference of the Photo-Direktion. ₂₆

The equipment for the new Filmfabrik at Binghampton was constructed in workshops at Wolfen in a splendid manner. The production units for base casting manufacturing and coating were completely delivered from Wolfen. ₂₇ For the photographic industry it was usual to construct the special machines for the demanding film manufacturing process by oneself so that the special know-how of the production procedure and the formulas could be used effectively. During the twenties the workshops at Wolfen were enlarged and became important pillars of technical progress so that they also speeded up the new plants for synthetic fibres at Wolfen. Both, the Filmfabrik at Wolfen and the new one at Binghampton gained by this modernisation.

In 1933 Ernst Schwarz, manager of the I. G. Zentrale at Frankfurt (Main) was appointed to the Betriebsleiter (director) of the Agfa-Ansco. Ernst Schwarz was a Jew.

The Agfa-Ansco mergered with the General Anilin Works to the American I. G. Chemical Company and later to the General Anilin and Film Corporation (G. A. F.). This strange case has occupied the American public as a "commercial crime story" till 1978. ₂₈

In parallel with the progress in film manufacturing the Filmfabrik Wolfen became an important producer of synthetic fibers due to AGFA's research in development of an inflammable underlay based on acetyl-cellulose which should replace the explosive nitro-cellulose in the process of film manufacturing. ₂₉ The studies were focused on cellulose and its compounds followed by the idea of spinning acetyl-cellulose to rayon. In 1905 they started preparing the experimental equipment for manufacturing artificial silk.

However, the improvement of film manufacturing was of utmost importance owing to the hard competition with Kodak. The preparations for the new Filmfabrik at Wolfen were running at top and therefore the plan for a rayon manufacturing plant was reversed - also during the First World War.

In 1917 the chemist F. Dietler-Jaeger started preparing the rayon manufacturing based on Viscose. First experiments on a pilot plant (Versuchsanlage) in 1918 were accompanied by success. However, it was not until the October 1922 that the artificial silk production started officially in Wolfen. The pilot plant was extended rapidly and became a supporting pillar of research in the field of synthetic fibers. Thus AGFA extended its position as an important fiber manufacturer in a very competitive market during the following 20 years.

The development of the scientific laboratory in headwords:

1923

pilot plant of cellulose production

1925

foundation of a new laboratory ARTIFICIAL SILK

1925

Aceta GmbH, founded by AGFA and Vereinigte Glanzstoff-Fabrik AG, starts production of acetate-artificial silk on the factory site of the former AGFA-Zwischenprodukte Fabrik at Berlin. In 1930 the Glanzstoff-Fabrik AG sold its shares to the I. G. Farben. The Aceta GmbH remained technically independent until 1937. ₃₀

1927

Based on the scientific results of the laboratory in Wolfen the manufacturing of Acetate-artificial silk started in Berlin

1928

Foundation of the Kunstseidentechnischen Zentrale in Berlin which moved to Wolfen in 1931.

1928

Foundation of the Zellulosetechnikum. Extended research in the field of sulfite break down and nitric acid break down by wood.

1931

efforts to concentrate the research on synthetic fibers in Wolfen

1932

division of the scientific laboratory in two independent units

Laboratory I (director: Dr. Huber)

Laboratory II (director: Dr. Fink)

The competitive situation between the two laboratories stepped up the scientific work. The search for new fiber-shaping materials went off sucessfully.

In 1934 the world's first synthetic fiber produced at Wolfen joined the market: PECE-FIBER and PECE SILK based on special PVC

1934

The Naziregierung proclaimed the "Nationales Faserstoffprogramm" to reduce the cotton import rapidly. This program was considerably influenced by the I.G. management. ₃₁ The current scientific program at Wolfen perfectly met the requests of the Faserstoffprogramm ₃₂ , ₃₃ In October 1934 the I.G. management decided to extend large capacity for fiber production. The location at Wolfen should be a good choice because of the reasonable energy supply in Middle Germany.

1936

The Vistrafabrik started manufacturing. The raw material was cellulose from Norway and Schweden. capacity: 28,000 t/year

1937

The production of cellulose made of beechwood (procedure: sulfite break down) started at Wolfen. The new Druckkocher had a content of 250 m³ and was made of V 4 A steel.

1937

Start of the cellulose production by the procedure nitric acid break down. Bringing into service these two facilities proved to be Germany's largest built-up production unit for viscose fiber manufacturing until then.

1938

Extended scientific work in synthetic fibers and foundation of the Laboratory III, headed by W. Voss. Search for new fibers (1937 : W. H. Carothers - Du Pont - applied for a patent on manufacturing of fiber shaping polymer-Nylon 66).

1938

P. Schlack (Aceta Berlin) discovered the possibility of polymerization of caprolactam. Together with the results of E. Huber's work this was fundamental for further research on polyamide fibers (Perlon/Nylon 6). The scientists working in this field were pledged to top-secrecy. Based on these results Europe's first polyamide-silk manufacturing plant was brought into service (1943 at Landsberg/Warthe, now-Gorzow/Poland). DuPont offered the license for polyamide fiber manufacturing to I.G. Farben. The world market in polyamide fibers was shared out among I. G. Farben and DuPont. ₃₄

1942

H. Rein invented a procedure of spinning Polyacrylnitril to Dimethylformamid. Although it was very important, this method could not be brought into practice during the war. 1944 DuPont applied some patents for these procedures (Orlon fibers).

1943

Beginning of magnetic tape production in Wolfen based on research of the Wissenschaftliches Photolaboratorium headed by Prof. Eggert and the results of the laboratory in the I.G. Werk at Ludwigshafen. Due to the bombardments of the Rhineland the tape production was moved to Wolfen. ₃₅

From 1. January 1925 the Agfa was a part of the I. G. Farbenindustrie AG.

Now the Filmfabrik traded:

I. G. Farbenindustrie AG

Filmfabrik Wolfen (Kreis Bitterfeld)

Only the trademark Agfa in the letter heading indicated the historical roots if Anilin manufacturing.

Soon the products of the Filmfabrik Wolfen were known all over the world. The high level of research and production was attractive for many scientists who applied for a job in the laboratories and factories. Some Jewish scientists and scientists of other confession but married to Jewish wives were among them. They were able to work successfully in an open-minded atmosphere until 1933. Tendencies of discrimination and boycott were covered at the most.

3 The Betriebsführer of the Filmfabrik Wolfen and Head of the Sparte III

During the years 1933 - 1938 weal and woe of the Jewish employees of a company depended on the behavior of the Betriebsführer, until there was no further possibility to resist the pressure of the NSDAP and the National Socialist state. Since 1930 Dr. Fritz Gajewski, head of the Sparte III of the I. G. Farben Konzern, had been the Betriebsführer of the Filmfabrik Wolfen. ₃₆

In March 1933 Dr. Gajewski became a member of the Zentralausschuβ of the I. G. Farben, the real circle of power in the concern. So he was one of the leading people in the I. G. Farben and the whole German industry. Seven weeks later, by the end of April 1933, he joined the NSDAP. At this moment he was 47 years old and it seems he was old and mature enough to know the meaning of this step. Was it an instruction of the I. G. Farben management or did he join the party voluntarily? ₃₇ Looking at the Verhörprotokolle (1947 - 1948) of the I. G. Farben Trial the reasons for his membership could not be clarified. ₃₈ We studied the documents of Gajewski's personal bequest at Wolfen, 36 meters of files belonging to his working time. We could not find any hint that Dr. Gajewski was a convinced and active Nazi.

36a) Von Werk zu Werk, Monatsschrift der Werkgemeinschaft der I. G. Farbenindustrie AG, Ausgabe Berlin 28. Jahrgang, Okt. 1937

36b) Direktor Dr. Fritz Gajewski zum 70. Geburtstag, Nobel Rundschau, Werkzeitschrift der Dynamit AG, 1955, S. 1. Im Bestand der Abt. Zentrale öffentlichkeitsarbeit der Dynamit Nobel AG, Troisdorf

36c) Quellen und Dokumente aus dem Bestand der I. G. Farbenindustrie AG, Sekretariat Dr. Gajewski, im Betriebsarchiv VEB Filmfabrik Wolfen, 1971

36d) J. U. Heine..., p. 159

Which was the function and position of Dr. Gajewski?

Dr. Gajewski was Betriebsführer of the Filmfabrik Wolfen and head of 11,000 employees. As the head of the Sparte III he was the leader of other 28,000 employees manufacturing photographic products, synthetic fibers and plastics. He was stellvertretender Vorsitzender of the Technischer Ausschuβ, member of the Vorstand and member of the Zentralausschuβ of the I. G. Farben Konzern and responsible for ten thousands of people working at the trust. In addition he was a member of several business organizations and Fachkommissionen. Due to this concentration of posts in his person, Dr. Gajewski worked only about 100 days in his office at Wolfen, as he stated it during the Nuremberg Trial. ₃₉ Hundred days for leading one of the world's most important plant in the field of photographic and fiber production. Although his days were full of work, he stated the destiny of the Jewish scientists and the scientists married with Jewish wives to "chiefmatter". He neither delegated these personnel decisions to the human resource department nor to the Fachdirektoren.

If he was a real Nazi, Dr. Gajewski would have had to fire some scientists immediately. As about 100 excellent scientists were working at the Filmfabrik at this time they seemed to be replaceable, maybe with one exception: Prof. Eggert. Neither Dr. Gajewski encouraged the NSDAP members nor he managed the Filmfabrik like a "nationalsozialistischer Musterbetrieb". He protected the Jewish employees, till the Reichsgesetze prohibited a further employment of those people without disadvantages for the company.

In 1936 Dr. Gajewski organized the Jewish scientist Dr. Bincer an employment at the Agfa-dependance at Vienna. He intervented to the Reichs- und Preuβischen Minister of science and peoples education regarding the withdrawal of the lectureship of Prof. Eggert, Forschungsdirektor of the Filmfabrik and married to a Jewish wife.

Dr. Gajewski just changed his clearly Jewish friendly position after Dr. Goldacker, director of the photographic plates production of the Filmfabrik and also married to a Jewish wife, had emigrated to Palestine in 1938. Now the Gestapo at Halle called in Gajewski and Dr. Goldacker's emigration was blown up into the "Case Goldacker".

Jewish wife, had emigrated to Palestine in 1938. Now the Gestapo at Halle called in Gajewski and Dr. Goldacker's emigration was blown up into the "Case Goldacker". Dr. Gajewski and his friendly Jewish policy became the focus of the Gestapo's attention and he needed to be more careful, even he won't endanger his own position. Nevertheless he often expressed conflicting opinions on political questions with the NSDAP and the governmental agencies.

For example, in 1939 Dr. Gajewski had to apologize at the "kleinen" Kreisleiter, Karasek, of the NSDAP in Bitterfeld, at the Gestapo in Halle and at the Gauleiter of the NSDAP of Sachsen-Anhalt due to the suspicion of "disarrangement of the Führer!" Dr. Gajewski had doubted whether Hitler has enough special knowledge to propose the manu-facturing of cellulose starting from potatoe haulms. ₄₀ In 1944 the just as insignificant mayor of Jeβnitz, a small town near Wolfen where a lot of the Filmfabrik workers lived, laid a charge against Dr. Gajewski, because - to his opinion - Gajewski declared to many people "u. k." taking away them from the front line and a certain death. ₄₁

There were also strong differences to Dr. Schieber, Vorstand of the Thüringische Zellwolle AG Schwarza, who was a convinced Nazi, which not only resulted from the competitive situation concerning cellulose manufacturing between the companies.

The changes in the position of the Filmfabrik Wolfen's administration represented by the Betriebsführer Dr. Gajewski, from respect and encouraging Jewish scientists to their decision was a several years development, strongly depending on the political situation in Germany.

In the following chapter we will put the statements about the situation of the Jewish scientists and the scientists married to Jewish wives in concrete terms. With it we can further confirm the results of Peter Hayes concerning the Filmfabrik Wolfen. ₄₂

4 The changes since 1933

In 1933, when the National Socialists came into the power fanatic fascistic forces had appeared in public. The Ortsgruppenleiter of the NSDAP and head of the construction bureaus of the Filmfabrik, Dr. Lautz, demanded "die Agfa zu entjüdeln" and to incorporate the NSDAP in the management. The management rejected those demands on principle. The stellvertretende Betriebsführer of the Filmfabrik, Dr. Kleine, stated against Dr. Lautz: "Wenn der Parlamentarismus im Reiche abgeschafft sei, könne es nicht Zweck des Nationalsozialismus sein, diesen im Fabrikbetrieb zur Einführung zu bringen....Sie können überzeugt sein, daβ wir mit allen Mitteln auch Eingriffe in die Wirtschaft zu verhindern wissen." ₄₃

Strong words at this time - but sometimes later also the I. G. Farben needed to arrange with the Nazis in economic questions. ₄₄ On 31th March 1933 a company meeting of the factory Agfa-Treptow had already demanded "the immediate dismission of all Jewish employees (also babticed Jews, half-Jews and married to Jews) as well as all foreign employees." ₄₅

The head of the Sparte III still rejected to follow these demands in 1933, but the attacks especially started by the Nationalsozialistische Betriebsorganisation (NSBO) didn't come to an end. So the Jewish director of the Farbenfabrik at Wolfen Dr. May was a main topic of the NSBO-Führerschule at Werlsee on 28 November 1933. He was accused to have abused his leading position for "asiatische Politik." The I. G. directors at Wolfen and Bitterfeld were accused by the NSBO "Ausländer- und Wirtschaftsspionage zu dulden." ₄₆

The leaders of the Filmfabrik Wolfen and the Jewish employees were subjected to political disput right from the beginning of the national socialist era. It was only a question of time, how long the directors of the Filmfabrik were able to protect or at least to tolerate their Jewish scientists.

Maybe warned due to the persecution of Jews especially at Berlin, the Vorstandsmitglied of the I. G. Farbenindustrie, Willhelm Otto ₄₇ , acted more carefully. In a top-secret letter to Dr. Gajewski, dated 2th August 1933, Otto stated his opinion concerning the Filmfabrik's Sozialdirektor Prof. Curschmann who was suspected to be a Jew. ₄₈ The name "Prof. C." was inserted by hand when Otto signed the letter at least. In this letter Otto regarded not to support the keeping of Curschmann in his position, but to preserve forces to support other, more valuable (Jewish) employees. ₄₉

As it can be concluded from this letter, Otto expected further disputes. Obviously he was ready to sacrifice the 54 years old Curschmann, who was indeed not a friend of all I. G. Farben board members and Nationalsocialists due to his liberal political position the dispute calmed within the following years, but Prof. Curschmann was caused to early retirement in 1938. Curschmann left Wolfen and disappeared in the anonymity of a big city, Munich. ₅₀ , ₅₁

Obviously the attacks of the NSDAP and its organizations against Jewish employees could be defended successfully by the management of the Filmfabrik in 1933. Nobody was dismissed although this had been possible without any legal consequences at this time. The scientists were only temporarily employed. Shortly before the end of the working period of a scientist the Fachdirektor got a "memo" about this fact, and he had to decide whether the person would be employed for a another period or dismissed. No Jewish scientist was been given his notice and no one left the Filmfabrik because he was defamed of the possibility of beeing a Jew.

There are no disputes documented in files of the year 1934 concerning the further employment of Jewish scientists at the Filmfabrik. Evidently the atmosphere was peaceful.

On 15. September 1935 the notorious Reichsbürgergesetz was enacted followed by the Erste Verordnung zum Reichsbürgergesetz on 14th November 1935. Nevertheless the situation for the Jewish scientists of the Filmfabrik had changed not yet. The Verordnung declared not only per law who was a Jew by descent but it also declared those persons of beeing Jewish if they were married to a person of Jewish descent. It was stated in paragraph 5, section 2b: "Also those persons are regarded as Jews who are married to Jews by the time of enactment of this law." The fact of beeing married to a Jewish wife applied to at least three scientists of the Filmfabrik. Their children were stated "Mischlinge" (half-castes).

For the moment the declaration to be Jewish did not change the working situation of the persons affected. The living conditions at their home towns had detiorated but the stayed respected scientists of the company who could not be dismissed or retired by law. However, soon continuosly increasing pressure on the Jewish people especially in their home towns, showed effect.

One of the first who approached the leaders of the Filmfabrik, was Dr. Paul Goldacker, an honourable and successful scientist. ₅₂ He was "Aryan" by descent, but he was married for the second time to a Jewish wife. In a letter dated 10th August 1935 ₅₃ , to the Filmfabrik management he described his living situation ₅₄ and asked for working abroad in the I. G. Farben's employ.

The Betriebsführer Dr. Gajewski invited Dr. Goldacker to cancel his decission to leave Germany. But the potitical situation became more complicated. Five weeks after Dr. Goldacker had sent his letter, the notorious Nürnberger Rassegesetze were declared on 15th September 1935 which deprived the German Jewish people completely from their human rights. We cannot prove the circumstances under which Dr. Goldacker and his wife had to live during the following years.

In summer 1937 Dr. Goldacker and his wife travelled for four weeks holidays to Palestina, where they also checked the the possibility of emigration. Like Dr. Goldacker some other Jewish scientists spent their holidays abroad in 1937. Free move was still possible and their passports were still valid. Dr. Ollendorff started on world tour, Dr. Luft went to Belgium and Dr. Biltz was in Norway and Czecheslovakia. All they returned to Germany. Maybe they did not feel strong discrimination, or they had a sense of security. Was it professional ethics which made them to stay at their responsibilities? The answers could only replied by the persons affected.

The next scientist involved in anti-Jewish clashes was Dr. Hans Bincer. He was Austrian citizen and started working at the research department of the Filmfabrik in 1928. Refering to his letter of application he was of catholic religion. However due to the Rassegesetze he was declared of beeing Jewish because his mother was a Jew. ₅₅

In September 1935 Dr. Bincer was arrested because of the flinsy accusation "Werksspionage" (company esspionage). He was released after one week., because they could not prove anything against him. ₅₆ Bincer's superior, Prof Dr. Eggert, proposed in a letter to Dr. Gajewski, dated 6th October 1935, a kind of rehabilitation by Gajewski himself and the representatives of the company. Dr. Bincer should be given back the authority wich was neccessary for his further work. ₅₇

It was nearly unthinkable in the National socialist Germany, that the Jewish married Eggert could recommend the Betriebsführer and member of the NSDAP Gajewski the rehabilitation of a Jewish employee. Prof. Eggert must have been very sure, that Dr. Gajewski respected the excellent Jewish scientists and tried to give them help and employment. Dr. Bincer got rehabilitated. However, due to the increasing public terror against Jewish people he felt, that it would be better to move from Dessau to a bigger city, Leipzig, but his hopes were dashed. In a letter to his "Abteilungsleiter" Dr. Wilmanns, dated 10. January 1936, he described his degrading living conditions and asked for the possibility of working abroad ₅₈ . Dr. Gajewski forwarded this letter to Mr. Otto, Vorstandsmitglied of the I. G. Farben and asked for help. Otto already answered this letter by the very next week (17th January 1936) and offered Dr. Bincer a vacancy as X-ray and photoprahic technician responsible for Jugoslavia, Romania and Bulgaria, stationed at Vienna. For preparation Dr. Bincer should join a training course at the phototechnical centre at Berlin SO36. The centre was headed by the Jewish chemist Dr. Herz who should be dismissed on 30th June 1938.

Dr. Gajewski decided to inform the Gestapo at Halle about this plan. Besides this the Wirtschaftspolitische Abteilung of the I. G. Farben and the Gestapo-Zentrale at Berlin called in. The deputy of the Wirtschaftspolitische Abteilung informed Dr. Gajewski about the position of the stellvertretender Leiter of the Gestapo, Dr. Best, "daβ es nicht zweckmäβig sei, die I. G. Farbenindustrie im Ausland durch Juden vertreten zu lassen." ₅₉

In February 1936 Dr. Gajewski consultated the Reichswirtschaftsministerium to get the approval for Dr. Bincer's move to Vienna. On 15th March 1936 Dr. Bincer was requested to declare, "daβ ich sowohl in Deutschland wie im Ausland über meine Verhaftung und die damit zusammenhängenden Vorgange nicht sprechen und mich auch sonst jeder abfälligen Äuβerung über Deutschland und seine Einrichtungen enthalten werde." ₆₀

On 18th March 1936 a deputy of the Gestapo Halle visited Dr. Gajewski and declared the approval of the Gestapo for Dr. Bincer's work abroad. Some days later the Gestapo Berlin approved the employment at Vienna too. ₆₁ Dr. Bincer and his family left Germany on 31th March 1936 and he started working at the Agfa Photo GmbH Vienna, but he left the office by the end of December 1936. We do not know how long he was able to work and live in peace and quiet because the persecution of the Jews started there with the Anschluβ of Austria.

In 1942 the Geman Vice-consul of Savona, Italy, asked the Filmfabrik management about Dr. Bincer's person. After that there was no trace left.

From 1936 following the pressure of state and party forces Dr. Gajewski became more carefully. The problems connected with Dr. Bincer's move to Austria and the Gestapo's hint that the I. G. Farben should not be represented by Jews abroad, had effect. On 22th January, just during the difficult discussion about Dr. Bincer' case another Jewish scientist, Dr. Walter Frankenburger working at the I. G. plant at Oppau, visited Dr. Gajewski. His field of research was was colour photography and therefore he was regarded as an ,,outsider". Dr. Frankenburger asked for the possibility of beeing moved to the American Agfa company Ansco at Binghampton. Dr. Gajewski discussed the problem with the head of the Agfa-Ansco, Dr. Ernst Schwarz. He wanted to help but on the other hand he was afraid about the foreseeable difficulties. In a letter, adressed to Dr. Schwarz, Gajewski supported Frankenburger's transfer to the Agfa-Ansco. But he stated too, that it would be impossible to transfer the non-Aryan scientists simply abroad because members of the NSDAP, working at foreign I. G. plants, had complained about this procedure. ₆₂

For the moment Dr. Frankenburger was not allowed to move to Binghampton despite all efforts especially made by his superior Prof. Dr. Grimm from Ludwigshafen. He was able to emigrate to the USA not earlier than 1938 followed by his wife and his son in January 1939. ₆₃

5 1938 - The increasing pressure against the Jews

From 1938 the government and the party increased their anti-Semitic measures against Jews in commerce and industry. In a letter, dated 22th January 1938, the leader of the Wirtschaftsgruppe Chemische Industrie informed the leaders of the plants about a decree of the Reichswirtschaftsministerium. This decree, dated 4th January 1938 identified, which company has to be declared as a Jewish one:

,,Der Gewerbebetrieb einer juristischen Person gilt als jüdisch

1. wenn sich unter den gesetzlich zur Vertretung berufenen Personen Juden befinden.
2. wenn von den Mitgliedern des Aufsichtsrates mehr als ein Viertel Juden sind."

On 14th June 1938 the decree was strictly formulated and published as the Dritte Verordnung zum Reichsbürgergesetz which has been backdated to 1st January 1938. According to this decree the I. G. Farbenindustrie was a Jewish company, because five persons of the Aufsichtsrat were Jewish: Otto Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Dr. Merton, Staatssekretär a. D. Dr. von Simson, Dr. Arthur von Weinberg and Dr. Carl von Weinberg.

If the I. G. Farbenindustrie did not want to be declared to be a Jewish company, which would have resulted in an strong reduction of raw material supply and foreign exchange contingent, the management needed to do something. The company had been holded on to their Jewish employees for a longer time than it has been stated in the literature about the I. G. Farbenindustrie until now.

On 25th April 1938 the members of the Zentralausschuβ: Geheimrat Dr. Schmitz, Dr. Gajewski, Prof. Dr. Hörlein, Direktor von Knieriem, Dr. Krauch Dr. ter Meer, Dr. Schneider and Dr. von Schnitzler met the Aufsichtsratsvorsitzenden, Prof Dr. Bosch in his private house at Heidelberg, Schloβ Wolfsbrunnenweg 33. They decided to dismiss all non-Aryan employees of the company. ₆₄

One day later Dr. Gajewski wrote a very personal letter to the mother of a Jewish employee of the Vertriebszentrale Photographica at Berlin SO36 about this decission: ,,Ich muβte etwas warten, weil die ganze Nichtarierfrage bei uns noch nicht entschieden war. Nunmehr ist die Entscheidung gestern in Heidelberg gefallen und Ieider an dem Geschick nichts mehr zu ändern. Wir müssen alle Nichtarier aus sämtlichen Bertrieben sowie Auslandsvertretungen entfernen. Aus diesem Grunde müssen auch die nichtarischen Mitglieder in unserem Aufsichtsrat ihre Posten aufgeben darunter die hochverdienten Herrn von Weinberg." ₆₅

The Zentralausschuβ was the leading agency of the group and the orders were obligatory for all parts (Sparten, Verkaufsgemeinschaften etc.) of the I. G. Farben.

The members of the Zentralausschuβ were obviously conscious of the consequences of this decision. In contrast to the usual procedure the Zentralausschuβ did not meet at one of the I. G. plants, but at the private home of Prof. Bosch. Besides this the meeting of the Zentralausschuβ was not followed by a meeting of the I. G. Vorstand, as it had been usual. Checking the incomming mail of Dr. Gajewski we found, that no protocol about the conference at Heidelberg had been distributed. Maybe some of the leading persons of the I. G. Farben did not make light of their decision to dismiss the Jewish employees, thinking of the fact, that the scientists had been there teachers some times ago and that it would be very difficult to replace them.

During the following weeks the Jewish Aufsichtsratsmitglieder were suggested to resign from their posts. Four weeks later, at the meeting of the I. G. Vorstand at Frankfurt/Main, the Vorstandsvorsitzende Geheimrat Schmitz, announced tersely that the Messrs Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Merton, von Simson, and the brothers von Weinberg had resigned from their seats. ₆₆ It is not mentioned at the protocol that all Jewish employees would be dismissed.

The pressure still remained on the management after the five Aufsichtsratsmitglieder had resigned. Especially the NSDAP and National Socialist trade associations demanded the dismission of all Jewish employees and checked the execution. For example, the Reichsapothekenführer stated in a letter to the I. G. Farbenindustrie, dated 30th April 1938, that their still must be some Jewish members in the Aufsichtsrat. Generalkonsul Mann, responsible for the pharmaceutical marketing in the I. G. Vorstand answered the Reichsapothekenführer that all Jewish members had resigned from their seats. This fact was contentedly confirmed by the Reichsapothekenführer: ,,Ich werde nicht verfehlen, diese Tatsache meiner Führerschaft bekannt zu machen." ₆₇ The selling of pharmaceutical products from the ,,non-Jewish company" to the ,,non-Jewish drugstores" stayed safely.

During this difficult days in April 1938 the news about Dr. Goldacker's escape abroad deteriorated the situation. Since Dr. Gajewski had persuated Dr. Goldacker to stay in Germany the living conditions for Jewish people got worse and Goldacker decided to escape.

Dr. Goldacker and his wife started for a holiday trip on 11th April 1938. They alighted as tourists at Jaffa harbour some days later. It was really a clear decission: The Goldackers did not want to live longer in Germany.

The I. G. management tried to induce Dr. Goldacker to return. In a letter, dated 18th May 1938, they offered an employment as technical adviser at South America. Conditions should be discussed during a meeting at Mailand, provided Dr. Goldacker

• would have a valid Geman Citizenship
• would not be converted to the Jewish religion.

In a letter, dated 25th May 1938, Dr. Goldacker refused this offer. Although the Filmfabrik had lost an excellent specialist the management tried to give him further support. On 27th May they offered him by wire an employment as head of the laboratory at Kairo remitting the usual waiting period. ₆₈

We know his further tragic destiny from his stepdaughter Ms. Rachel Salinger. ₆₉ Because of the war, in summer 1940 all Germans living in Palestina (which was under British administration at this time) were interned at Temple-villages founded by German immigrants. The people living in this villages strongly declared their believe in National Socialism. Dr. Goldacker, who had escaped from the National Socialism and broken with his sons from his first marriage, because they were members of the NSDAP and SS, was arrested there. He had to live among his enemies for several hard months till he died under mysterious circumstances on 8th October 1940.

Dr. Goldacker's escape was not without consequences. On 31. May 1938 the ,,Fall Goldacker" was handed over the Sicherheitsdienst beim Reichsführer SS. This fact was followed by strong contention between the government and the NSDAP on one side and Dr. Gajewski on the other side. Offering Dr. Goldacker a meeting at Mailand and a job at Kairo was more than the political situation and Dr. Gajewski's membership in the NSDAP would have permitted. So Gajewski's Jewish-friendly policy and the ,,Fall Goldacker" were picked up by the NSDAP and used against him.

Due to conflicts relating to labour law ₇₀ the Oberingenieur Hugo Klingenberg from the I. G. Werk at Ludwigshafen and member of the Vertrauensrat took sides against Dr. Gajewski. In a letter adressed to the Ortsgruppenleiter of the NSDAP Wolfen, Lautz, he made disparaging remarks about Gajewski's National Socialist position and stated that he ,,diesen Maβstab noch in den letzen Wochen auf Grund des Falles Dr. Goldacker erheblich reduzieren muβ. Was sollen wir und was sollen die maβgebenden Parteistellen dazu sagen, daβ die führenden Leute von der Agfa erst eines solchen, Gott sei Dank, vor Parteistellen nicht zu verheimlichenden Hereinfalles bedürfen, um auch sich zu der von uns alten Nationalsozialisten doch oft genug betonten Auffassung bequemen zu können, daβ die Beschäftigung von Juden und jüdisch versippten... eine auβerordentliche Gefahr für die deutsche Wirtschaft und meistens auch für die deutsche Wehrbereitschaft darstellt....Wenn die Agfa nun, nachdem sie mit ihrer Toleranz gründlich hereingefallen ist, plötzlich ein halbes Dutzend Juden entläβt, so geschieht das viel zu spät, um damit uns und die maβgeblichen Parteistellen davon berzeugen zu können, daβ die führenden Leute der I. G. mit dem Eintritt in die Partei absolut zuverlässige Nationalsozialisten geworden seien." ₇₁

Also the Gestapo was suspicious of the mamagement of the Filmfabrik. On the occasion of the issue of a passport to Prof Eggert, both, Dr. Gajewski and Prof. Eggert were commited that there would be no second ,,Fall Goldacker". When they issued Prof. Eggert the passport he had to assure that he would never leave Germany in secret. The emigration of Dr. Goldacker was followed by strong political discussions and it became more difficult for Jewish scientists to emigrate abroad.

In May the last two Jewish scientists working at the Filmfabrik lost their jobs. Dr. Luft was able to emigrate to Argentinia on 11th November 1938, and Dr. Biltz succeeded in emigrating to Japan at the beginning of the year 1940. ₇₂

On 23th May Dr. Frankenburger visited the Filmfabrik again to get more information about the colour film procedure. While Dr. Gajewski was ready to familiarize Dr. Frankenburger with the new Agfa-Color procedure in 1936, now he denied Frankenburger's request. In a secret letter to Frankenburger's superior at Ludwigshafen, Prof. Dr. Grimm, Gajewski stated at the same day: ,,Wir haben in unseren Werken keine Juden mehr, und ich darf auch in Zukunft keine Juden mehr in unser Werk hineinlassen, da wir sofort der Gestapo gemeldet werden, was wir bereits mehrmals eβrlebt haben. Auβerdem möchte ich Sie bitten, zu bedenken, daβ Herr Dr. Frankenburger doch auch von Ihnen ausscheiden wird, und ich es deshalb nicht für richtig halte, daβ Herr Dr. Frankenburger sich an den verschiedensten Stellen immer noch Unterlagen holt, die er ganz zweifellos später bei der Konkurrenz verwerten wird, was ich ihm gar nicht einmal übelnehmen kann. Wir sollten deshalb unser möglichstes tun, Herrn Dr. Frankenburger jetzt praktisch auf Eis zu legen." ₇₃

The same treatment he proposed Prof. Dr. Grimm in this letter, Dr. Gajewski later practised on his predecessor as head of the Filmfabrik, Dr. Gerhard Ollendorff. Although he was in an exposed posiotion as a former director Dr. Ollendorf was subjected to the persecution of the Jewish people. Like a lot of Jewish citizen, who had acquitted great merits during World War I, he thought to be spared of anti-Semitic persecution. In 1936 Dr. Ollendorff asked Hitler personally to be declared as a Geman despite his Jewish descent. ₇₄ Ollendorff's request was denied an he stayed a Jew.

At the same year Dr. Ollendorff informed Dr. Gajewski about his plans to go on world journey together with his wife. He asked for the possibility of visiting the Agfa-Ansco at Binghampton. Dr. Gajewski informed the head of the Agfa-Ansco about the Ollendorff's visit and disposed: ,,daβ er nichts davon erfahren darf, daβ wir in der Farbenphotographie auf einem anderem Weg als Kodak zu einem vollen Erfolg kommen werden." ₇₅

Dr. Ollendorff and his wife went on world journey and the returned to Germany! Why that? Did they still hope to escape the anti-Semitic persecution?

The political situation got worse also for Dr. Ollendorff and so he decided to leave Germany in 1938. On 25th November 1938 Ollendorff placed his trust in Gajewski and informed him about his plans to leave Germany. ₇₆ At the same day Dr. Gajewski informed the Geheime Staatspolizei Halle about Ollendorff's intent and asked for a house search.

Although Dr. Gajewski got kept all scientific results from Dr. Ollendorff and although the horror of the Reichskristallnacht was kept in fresh mind to all people Gajewski denunciated his predecessor at the Gestapo. The Gestapo reacted promptly to the denunciation. Dr. Ollendorff was arrested immediately and his house was searched. One week later the Werkschutzbeamte Hendrich reported to Dr. Gajewski on the early results of the house search, which Gajewski captured in a memo. The Gestapo had found out that both Dr. Ollendorff and his wife were of Jewish descent, a fact, which Ms. Ollendorff had tried to keep secret. No office documents were found at Ollendorff's house, except some congratulation letters of former colleagues and superiors at Ollendorff's 60th birthday on 12th October 1938. After looking at the mail Gajewski decided to burn the letter of the Vorstandsvorsitzende of the I. G. Farben, Geheimrat Schmitz, obviously to protect Schmitz from the suspicion of too much Judenfreundlichkeit. ₇₇ After a fortnight's time for reflection, when Dr. Gajewski was sure (or had been made sure by the Gestapo) that there were no office documents in Ollendorff's possession and he wrote a letter to the Staatspolizeistelle Halle.

Although Dr. Gajewski had stated in his letter, that he has no longer interest in arresting him, Dr. Ollendorff stayed in prison. On 7th February Ms. Ollendorff turned to Dr. Gajewski with a desparate letter and asked him to do everything for the release of her husband. ₇₈ Dr. Ollendorff was released from prison in spring of the year 1939.

On 14th June 1939 Dr. Ollendorff and Dr. Gajewski met at Gaejwski's office. One day later Gajewski informed the Vorstandsvorsitzenden Dr. Schmitz about this meeting. He told him, that he had informed Ollendorff about the reasons of his imprisonment (this was a lie, as it was stated at the Nuremberg I. G. Farben Trial ₇₉ ) and that they had found an agreement about Dr. Ollendorff's future. ₈₀

In a letter, dated 29th June 1939, Dr. Ollendorff thanked Dr. Gajewski effusively that he had endevoured his release. He did not have the faintest idea, that it was on Gajewski's order that he had been arrested. In the same year he emigrated to Brazil. He died at Rio de Janeiro on 1st December 1949 at the age of 71 years. ₈₁ .

Dr. Gajewski was accused at the Nuremberg I. G. Farben Trial together with other members of the I. G. Farben Aufsichtsrat and Vorstand. By the example of Gajewski's behaviour in the Fall Ollendorff, supposedly he had caused Ollendorff's release, the defence wanted to show the Jewish-friendly policy of the accused. Dr. Ollendorff stated the sense of honour of Gajewski's behaviour. In Ollendorff's opinion Dr. Gajewski had obtained his release. Basides this Ollendorff described Gajewski's helpfulness against Jewish colleagues and gave examples for his reservation against the official National Socialist policy.

However, as it was stated during the trial Gajewski had abused Dr. Ollendorff's reliance, when Ollendorff told him confientially his plan to escape abroad.

Another dramatic case was the emigration of Dr. Martin Biltz. He was a highly talented scientist, who had studied at the institute of the Nobel prize-winner Prof. Otto Hahn. Dr. Biltz worked successfully at the Photowissenschaftliches Laboratorium headed by Prof. John Eggert. His mother was a Jew and his father was regarded as an Aryan. Dr. Biltz himself was a member of the Protestant Church.

According to the Nürnberger Rassegesetze he was declared to be a Jew, and so he was subjected to rassist persecution.

Dr. Biltz was one of the last Jewish employees who were dismissed by the management of the Filmfabrik. He was dismissed on 6th May 1938 with a waiting time till 30th September 1938. He lived at Dessau. During the night from 9th to 10th November 1938 a Jewish teenager was shot dead nearby Dr. Biltz' house. ₈₂ Nevertheless Dr. Biltz still stayed at Dessau.

In January 1939 Dr. Biltz sent two letters to the private address of Dr. Gajewski in Leipzig. ₈₃ In his first letter, dated 3th January 1939, Dr. Biltz described his difficult situation. Until then he did not succed in finding an employment abroad. Jewish organizations ₈₄ would not help him, because himself, his wife and his parrents were members of the Protestant Church. Dr. Biltz informed Dr. Gajewski about the fact, that he had applied for an employment for a Japanese company. But the decission of this company would be delaid. An observatory at Pasadena had offered Dr. Biltz an employment, but to get an American work permit, it would be neccessary to be temporarily employed at the Agfa-Ansco.

In his second letter, dated 6th January 1939, Dr. Biltz asked for a positive reference about his person, because he had applied for an interim citizenship at the Anhaltisches Staatsministerium. If the application was granted, Dr. Biltz could return to the Deutsche Arbeitsfront (DAF), which would allow him to get an employment at Germany.

The police officer who dealed with his application told Dr. Biltz that an exception from the Nuremberg law could be made only in a very special case. Therefore it was neccessary to present a reference about his psychological and character attitudes, which would justify the exception due to public interest.

In the letter Dr. Biltz had enclosed a draft of the reference. Dr. Gajewski signed the very positive reference only with some small corrections. ₈₅

However a temporary employment at the Agfa-Ansco was not possible. The waiting time was prolonged till 30th March 1940 although the I. G. Farben was afraid to get problems with this prolongation.

Dr. Biltz succeded - we do not know how - to prepare his emigration. In a letter he asked for reducing his waiting time till 31th January 1940. He turned to Dr. Gajewski personally: ,,Ihnen selbst, sehr geehrter Herr Doktor, möchte ich bei dieser Gelegenheit für das groβe Wohlwollen danken, das Sie mir in den letzten Jahren erwiesen haben." ₈₆

The World War II had already begun. Poland was occupied by the Germans. Germany and the Soviet Union faced each other at a common border. Throughout the occupied Poland, accross the front line and througout Sibiria Dr. Biltz and his wife reached the Japanese capital Tokyo on 20th February 1940. Dr. Biltz started working for the Fuji Shashin Film at Ashigara.

Starting his work there, some information arrived at Agfa Photo übersee at Berlin, which co-ordinated all foreign activities of the Agfa. There, Dr. Biltz was suspected to transfer know-how about colour film production to Fuji. Reacting to this suspicions was really tiresome for the I. G. management at Wolfen. In a letter, dated 19th June 1940, Dr. Miller, head of the film manufaturing department, aswered to Photo übersee: ,,Wir sind an weiteren Orientierungen in dieser Hinsicht vollständig desinteressiert, da Herr Dr. Biltz in keiner Weise Farbfilm-Fachmann ist und die Gestapo ihn auf unser diesbezügliches Gutachten ausreisen lieβ. Wir bitten Sie die Vertretung in Tokyo entsprechend orientieren zu wollen. Wir glauben, daβ damit die Korrespondenz ihren Abschluβ gefunden hat." ₈₇

The letter was a complete lie or, correctly spoken, an assertion for Dr. Biltz. Because Dr. Biltz had done research on colour photography at the laboratory of Prof. Eggert, he was indeed an expert in the field of the Agfa-Color procedure and he was able to transfer the know-how to the competitors.

We know his destiny from an obituary of Dr. Biltz due to his death. ₈₈ There Prof. Eggert reported about his contact by letters to Dr. Biltz even in terrible times.

Due to the state of war the Japanese government had withdrawn the working licences of all foreigners and Dr. Biltz lost his job in 1943. Sometimes the Fuji company employed Dr. Biltz as a translator. After the occupation of Japan by American troops Dr. Biltz became a civil officer of the headquarter of the 8th US-Army. In 1946 Dr. Biltz and his wife were permitted to entry into the USA. He got an employment at the Filmfabrik's strongest competitor the Eastman Kodak Company. However, Dr. Biltz was not able to enjoy his freedom for a long time. He died on 21th February 1952 after short but heavy illness.

Besides the Jewish employees the attention of the National Socialists was focused on the Aryan-but-married-to-Jewish-wife employees. To the opinion of the management of the Filmfabrik, those employees were not subjected to the Nürnberger Rassegesetze. Nobody was dismissed, although he was -as Jewish married - regarded as a Jew per law. A very concise example for this situation is the above mentioned Prof. Dr. Eggert.

Prof. Dr. Eggert was pupil of the well-known Prof. Emil Fischer, Max Planck, Walter Nernst and Max von Wartenberg and started working at the Agfa Berlin in 1921. In 1928 he took on the leadership of the scientific department of the Filmfabrik Wolfen. Between 1921 and February 1945 Prof. Eggert was involved in 240 patents and published a lot of scientific articles. In July 1937 the Prof. Eggert's teaching authority was withdrawn due to § 18 of the Reichshabilitationsordnung. He lost his right to use his title "Professor". ₈₉ The reason they gave was that Prof. Eggert was married to the Jewish scientist Dr. Margarethe Ettisch. Besides this he had adopted his Jewish nephew Peter Ettisch after his mother died.

Although he was himself in a complicate personal sitiuation he patronized his Jewish employees Dr. Bincer, Dr. Biltz and Dr. Luft to gave them the possibility to do their scientific work at the Filmfabrik as long as possible.

As he stated it in a letter to the Aufsichtsratsvorsitzenden of the I. G. Farben Konzern Prof. Dr. Bosch, Dr. Gajewski did not agree with the withdrawal of the teaching authority: "Der Fall Eggert ist natürlich menschlich sehr traurig und in der Art völlig unverständlich. Wie Sie wissen, ist Herr Prof. Eggert nichtarisch verheiratet, aber dies dürfte doch kein Grund sein, in dieser Weise gegen eine verdiente und so international bekannte Lehrkraft wie Herrn Eggert vorzugehen... Es ist selbstverständlich, daβ ich mich für Herrn Eggert in jeder Weise einsetzen werde." ₉₀

Some days later Dr. Gajewski discussed the case of Prof Eggert with the Preuβischen Ministerium für Wissenschaft, Erziehung und Volksbildung. There are no documents about this discussion could be found. Maybe, Dr. Gajewski had patronized Prof. Eggert also due to economic reasons. But both Prof. Bosch and Dr. Gajewski were satisfied with the results.

Prof. Eggert was not allowed to hold lectures at the university Berlin, but he stayed Forschungsdirektor of the Filmfabrik and his international scientific reputation stayed maintained. In internal usage he was called "Herr Professor". But due to the increasing reprisals of the Fascist government by applicating the Nürnberger Rassegesetze Prof Eggerts appearance in public became rare. The I. G. Farben obviously took him back from the public scene. The I. G. Farben concern and especially Dr. Gajewski protected Prof Eggert and his family, probably because of Eggert's scientific reputation. Nervertheless Prof Eggert was observed suspiciously by the government.

The Reichskristallnacht in November 1938 had also effects on Prof. Eggert and his family. They considered to move abroad. The concern tried to mediate. Gajewski's deputy, Dr. Kleine, visited the Agfa-Ansco and met Ernst Schwarz, head of the Agfa-Ansco. They discussed the possibility of emigration of Eggert and his family to the USA. Later Dr. Kleine informed by telegram that Agfa-Ansco had agreed, and - without stating a name - that the surnames, place and day of birth of all family members as well as their scientific merits have to be announced. ₉₁ In June 1939 Agfa-Ansco informed by telegram that the case "head of the laboratory" had been approved.

Prof Eggert visited the Agfa-Ansco in July 1939. Prof. Eggert's position at the Filmfabrik was advertised by the I. G. Farben. ₉₂ On 1st September 1939 the World War II begun and everything had changed. Eggert's family was not permitted to leave Germany.

New activities of Prof. Eggert to emigrate to the USA are documented in spring 1941. Prof. Eggert informed Dr. Gajewski about his dilemma. The officer of the American consulate demanded to see the contract of employment, before permitting the visa. However, under the circumstances of the war it was impossible to sent the contract by mail from USA to Germany. It was agreed, that Prof Eggert would sign the contract when arriving America. ₉₃

On 11th December 1941 Germany and Italy declared the war against the United States. Therefore this path of escape was closed for Prof. Eggert. We do not know, which problems Prof. Eggert and his family were faced to during the following years at Leipzig. Dreadful actions against the Jewish citizens are especially known from Leipzig. ₉₄ , ₉₅

Prof Eggert stayed in a dangerous position. In letters, dated 13th November 1944 - the Allies had still arrived the Rheinland and the Soviet troops Eastern Prussia - Dr. Gajewski asked the Arbeitsamt Leipzig, the Gestapo Leipzig, the Reichsamt für Wirtschaftsausbau and Prof. Krauch to prevent the draft of Prof. Eggert to the Organisation Todt. The Reichssicherheitshauptamt Berlin declared a temporary extemption of Prof Eggert, obviously due to the intervention of Dr. Gajewski. As it is noted the "Case Eggert" was decided by the Reichsführer SS, Heinrich Himmler, himself. ₉₆

Prof Eggert had never forget Gajewski's advocacy during the war. In a very personal eulogy according to the 70th birthday of Dr. Gajewski on 13th October 1955, Prof. Eggert appreciated Gajewski's behavior. ₉₇ Referring to the Nuremberg Trial he stated: "Die lange Dauer des Prozesses in Nürnberg bereitete lhnen die bittere Lehre, daβ die Zeit auch teilen kann. Aber mit gutem Gewissen konnten Sie ihre aufrechte und korrekte Handlungsweise und nicht zuletzt ihren selbstlos hilfs-bereiten Einsatz für sich sprechen lassen, so daβ das Gericht auf Freispruch erkannte. Seitdem ist in sieben besseren Jahren die Erinnerung an jene für Sie unverdient harten dreiunddreiβig Monate im Verblassen - die Regierung hat lhnen ihre höchste Auszeichnung, das Groβe Verdienstkreuz des Verdienstordens der Bundesrepublik verliehen - die Zeit hat geheilt."

In the middle of April 1945 American troops took over Leipzig and some days later, on 19th April 1945, the Filmfabrik Wolfen. During the withdrawal of their troops by the end of June 1945 the Americans took away large parts of the scientific library and the patent archive as well as some scientists. Prof. Eggert was moved to Munich to the American Zone.

In 1946 Prof. Eggert moved to Switzerland. He got a lectureship of photography at the Eidgenössische Technische Hochschule Zürich and became the head of the Photographical Institute. The Swiss magazine "Camera" stated in January 1947: "Für die Schweizer Photofachkreise darf es wohl als eine Art Kriegsgewinn bezeichnet werden, daβ das Photographische Institut der ETH den bedeutenden Fachmann in wissenschaftlichen Fragen, Dr. John Eggert, als Dozenten gewinnen konnte." ₉₈ Prof. Eggert had been working successfully at this institute for more than 25 years. ₉₉

Dr. Margarethe Eggert-Ettisch died on 27th October 1972, followed by her husband Prof. Dr. John Eggert 11 months later on 23th September 1973.

There were quite other decisions made in the year 1938. This will be shown by another "exiting" case.

In a letter, dated 29th June 1938, the Adjudant of Adolf Hitler, hauptmann Wiedemann a. D. asked the I. G. Vorstandsmitglied Dr. von Schnitzler, to arrange an employment abroad for the physisist Dr. Hermann Hoerlin, who was working at the Filmfabrik. Dr. Hoerlin wanted to marry the non-Aryan Dr. Schmid, which was normally only possible abroad ₁₀₀ . Dr. von Schnitzler handed over the delicate matter to Dr. Gajewski.

Due to the Nürnberger Rassegesetze Mischehen were not allowed. Why the Reichskanzler protected such a marriage? What were the reasons for this fact? Dr. Schmid was the widdow of the the music critic Dr. Walter Schmid, who had been inadvertently (!) shot death due to a name confusion on 30th June 1934 during the Röhm-Putsch. Ms. Schmid had kept silence, obviously under National Socialist pressure. The Reichskanzlei wanted to keep Ms. Schmid quiet, but without taking an active rule in the employment acquirement of Dr. Hoerlin.

In a personal meeting with Dr. Hoerlin Dr. Gajewski promised to help. Within the following months the director of the Agfa-Ansco at Binghampton was asked to employ Dr. Hoerlin. Dr. Hoerlin was invited to work for the Afga-Ansco on 13th April 1938. He was received with open arms, as he described it in a letter to Dr. Gajewski. Also the Adjudant des Führers thanked Dr. Gajewski after he "bei einem zufälligen Besuch von Frau Dr. Schmid erfahren hat, in welch liebenswürdiger Weise Sie sich des Falls Dr. Hoerlin angenommen haben."

At the same time some bureaucratic problems were solved. In June 1938 the Reichsinnenminister und Stellvertreter des Führers declared the permission for marriage. In July 1938 Dr. Hoerlin returned to Germany and married Ms. Schmid at Berlin. On 9th August 1938 Dr. Hoerlin and his family moved by ship to New York. In a letter Dr. Hoerlin thanked Dr. Gajewski for his assistance and stated that all officials and the Reichsführung SS had been very co-operative in his case. That's why he though, that they could return to Germany without any difficulties if they wanted it. ₁₀₁

6 Summary

The Actien-Gesellschaft für Anilin-Fabrikation (Agfa) was founded at Berlin in 1873 initiated by the chemists Dr. Carl Alexander Martius and Dr. Paul Mendelssohn Bartholdy, son of the composer Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy and great-grandson of the Jewish philosopher Moses Mendelssohn. Several Jewish banking houses guaranteed the share capital of the company.

During the following decades the company was managed successfully by Jewish members of the Vorstand and the Aufsichtsrat. Agfa built up large plants at Wolfen, which became very important for the industrial development in middle Germany. The Farbenfabrik Wolfen was founded in 1894. In 1909 the Filmfabrik Wolfen was established and within the following 20 years it became Europe's largest film manufacturing company. Due to the supposedly Jewish influence in the management the Agfa was regarded as a Jewish company even after the merger into the I. G. Farben. This fact should have annoyed the National socialists intensely when they kept the power in 1933. But the NSDAP activists demanded the expellation of jewish managers (Entjüdelung) at first without success. The I. G. head of the Filmfabrik Wolfen behaved loyally to its Jewish employees and this fact was strongly influenced by Dr. Fritz Gajewski who was the Betriebsführer of the Filmfabrik Wolfen and head of the Sparte III.

However the force of political circumstances led to the dismissal of all jewish employees during the year 1938.

On the other hand everything possible was done to support the Jewish and Jewish married employees also after the decission of the I. G. Zentralausschuβ, dated 25th April 1938, to dismiss all Jews. This human attitude was cause for conflict with the NSDAP offices and the Gestapo. In April 1938, when one of the scientists who was married to a Jewish wife escaped abroad, Dr. Gajewski was compelled to explain his liberal behavior in the Judenfrage. This and other differences of opinion to the official policy increased the pressure to Dr. Gajewski.

This difficult situation might be an explanation for Gajewski's denunziation of Dr. Ollendorff in November 1938. Two weeks later he supported Ollendorff's release. During the Nuremberg Trial this case was an important argument for both the prosecution and the defence.

Until the end of the War the management of the Filmfabrik Wolfen supported the dismissed scientists until they succeeded to escape abroad. Also the Jewish married scientists who stayed in Germany were supported.

The Filmfabrik leadership's behavior in this question was a particular case in the I. G. concern and therefore it seemed to be worth to be discovered and published.

Notes

Note 1: R. Elvers, H. G. Klein: Die Mendelssohns in Berlin - eine Familie und ihre Stadt, Staatsbibliothek Preuβischer Kulturbesitz (Ausstellungskataloge 20), Berlin 1983 Back.

Note 2: J. U. Kleine: Verstand und Schicksal. Die Männer der I. G. Farben Industrie A. G. in 161 Kurzbiographien, VCH Verlagsgemeinschaft, Weinheim 1990 Back.

Note 3: A. W. Hofmann: Gedenksitzung zum Tode von Paul Mendelssohn Bartholdy, Berichte Deutsche Chemische Gesellschaft, Berlin 13 (1880), p. 297 - 301 Back.

Note 4: P. Löhnert, H. Mustroph, M. Gill: Die Gründung und der Aufbau der Filmfabrik in Wolfen (1909 - 1912), Bild und Ton 42 (1989), Heft 8, p. 297 - 301 Back.

Note 5: E. Finger: Die Filmfabrik Wolfen - Portrait eines traditionsreichen Unternehmens 1909 bis 1994, Hrsg. GöS - Gesellschaft für Sanierungsmaβnahmen Wolfen und Thalheim mbh und Filmfabrik Wolfen GmbH i. L. 1994 Back.

Note 6: R. Willstätter: Franz Oppenheim zum Gedächtnis, Berichte Deutsche Chemische Gesellschaft, 1931 A, p. 133 - 149 Back.

Note 7: F. Haber: Franz Oppenheim zum Gedächtnis am Jahrestag seines Todes, Zeitschrift angewandte Chemie 43 (1930), p. 141 - 145 Back.

Note 8: J. U. Heine..., p. 248 - 251 Back.

Note 9: J. U. Heine..., p. 217 - 219 Back.

Note 10: G. Plumpe: Die I. G. Farbenindustrie AG, Berlin 1990 Back.

Note 11: P. Löhnert, H. Mustroph: Schriftenreihe Aus der Geschichte der Filmfabrik Wolfen, Heft 61 Wolfen 1987: Von der Trockenplatte zum Schwarz/Weiβ Kinefilm (1909 - 1918) Back.

Note 12: Heft 63, Wolfen 1989: Die Filmfabrik profiliert sich (1919 - 1925) Back.

Note 13: Unternehmensarchiv (UA) Filmfabrik Wolfen no. A17903: Plan of work of the Wissenschaftliche Abteilung Back.

Note 14: UA no. A1544 Back.

Note 15: Inventors: Leopold Godowski, Leopold Mannes. see: Brian Coe: Farbfotografie und ihre Verfahren, Laterna magica, München 1979, p. 121 and 129 Back.

Note 16: UA no. A11436 and A11437 monthly reports Dr. Wilmanns, January 1936 till March 1937 Back.

Note 17: G. Koshofer: Farbfotografie, Verlag Laterna Magica, München 1981 Back.

Note 18: E. Finger: Die Filmfabrik Wolfen - Portrait eines traditionsreichen Unternehemns, Wolfen 1994 Back.

Note 19: FIAT-Final-Report no. 355 (1945) R. W. White: Interviews with technical persons from the Agfa plant at Wolfen. Back.

Note 20: FIAT-Final-Report no 976 (1945) W. Schneider: The Agfa Process Back.

Note 21: CIOS-Target no. 9/133 (1945) P. M. Chancellar: Film Production and Methods Agfa Filmfabrik Plant Wolfen Back.

Note 22: BIOS Overall Report no. 19 (1949) W. H. Dunsdale (Ilford Ltd Essex): The Photographic Industry in Germany during the period 1939 - 1945) Back.

Note 23: How to make Agfa Color Film, British J. Phot. Vol. 114, p. 339 Back.

Note 24: UA, Sekretariat Werkleitung no. 206, Schreiben der Kaderabteilung vom 13.06.1946 Back.

Note 25: Bundesarchiv Berlin-Lichterfelde, Bestand I. G. Farben, Berlin SO36, Nr. AW897, p. 154 - 169, Memorandum über die Entwicklung des Agfa-Ansco-Komplexes 1928 - 1938, Dr. Deissmann, 28. Feb. 1939 Back.

Note 26: UA, no. A10330, protocols of the Photodirektionskonferenz Dez. 1928 - June 1929 Back.

Note 27: UA, Agfa-Jahresbericht 1928, p. 213/232 Back.

Note 28: J. Borkin: Die unheilige Allianz der I. G. Farben, Campus Verlag Frankfurt/New York 1979 Back.

Note 29: H. Bode: Schriftenreihe aus der Geschichte der Filmfabrik Wolfen: Die Entwicklung des Chemiefaserbereiches der Filmfabrik Wolfen a) Heft 56, Wolfen 1985 (Anfänge des Chemiefaserbereiches bis 1935), b) Heft 59, Wolfen 1986 (Zeitraum 1935 - 1945), c) Heft 64, Wolfen 1990 (Entwicklung nach 1945) Back.

Note 30: UA, Agfa Jahresbericht 1925 Back.

Note 31: W. Eller, Chem. Zeitung 58 (1934), p. 809 Back.

Note 32: UA, no. A1405, Denkschrift vom 28.06.1934 Back.

Note 33: UA, no. A6002, Denkschrift über die Durchführung des Nationalen Faserstoffprogrammes (Nov. 1935) Back.

Note 34: UA, no. A5701, Polyamid-Vertrag vom 23.05.1939 Back.

Note 35: E. Finger: Die Vorbereitung der Magnetbandproduktion in der Filmfabrik Wolfen, manuscript of 02.05.1994 in UA; and in: Zur Industriegeschichte der Bitterfelder Region, Heft 5 (1997) S. 96, Kreismuseum Bitterfeld Back.

Note 36: For biographic details see: Back.

Note 37: Peter Hayes: Industry and Ideology, Cambridge University Press, reprint 1995 p. 101 Back.

Note 38: Bundesarchiv Berlin-Lichterfelde, Film no. 44314, Verhöre Dr. Gajewski Back.

Note 39: ibid. Back.

Note 40: UA, no. A1463 Back.

Note 41: UA, no. A5168 Back.

Note 42: Peter Hayes,... p. 197, footnote no. 88 Back.

Note 43: UA, no. A5764 and A5237 Back.

Note 44: P. Hayes...p. 79f, p. 169f., p. 180f Back.

Note 45: see footnote 43 Back.

Note 46: UA, no. 5659, p. 178f. Back.

Note 47: Wilhelm Otto was head of the Verkaufsgemeinschaft Photographie, Kunstseide, Kunststoffe and had good contacts to Dr. Gajewski due to their work. see: J. U. Heine, p. 164 Back.

Note 48: UA, no. A1462, p. 64 Due to the Reichsbeamtengesetz Prof. Curschmann was regarded as Arian, but his great-grandfather was a Jew, who was bapticed in 1830. Back.

Note 49: UA, no A1462, p. 485 Back.

Note 50: UA, Personalkartei Prof. G. Curschmann and no. A1462 Back.

Note 51: H. F. Curschmann: Die Curschmanns. Mitteilungen des Curschmannschen Familienverbandes no 11, May 1959. Back.

Note 52: UA, Personalkartei and Personalkartei Dr. Goldacker, no. 5810 and 188 Back.

Note 53: UA, no. 1402, p. 436f Back.

Note 54: Concerning the living conditions of the Jewish people at Dessau, see: E. M. Herz-Michl, D. Mäbert: Geschichte der Juden zu Beginn der Dreiβiger Jahre, Moses-Mendelssohn-Gesellschaft Dessau e. V., 1995 Back.

Note 55: UA, Personalkartei Dr. Bincer, no. 5774, Personalakte Dr. Bincer. Back.

Note 56: UA, no 1462 Back.

Note 57: UA, no 1462 p. 217 Back.

Note 58: UA, no. A1496 Back.

Note 59: ibid. Back.

Note 60: UA, no. A1462, p. 211f. Back.

Note 61: UA, no. A1462 Back.

Note 62: UA, no. 1403, p. 109f. Back.

Note 63: Information of the BASF archives Back.

Note 64: UA, no. 1656, p. 348 Back.

Note 65: UA, no. 1496 Back.

Note 66: The Bayer-Archives, protocol about the Vorstandssitzung at 28th May 1938 Back.

Note 67: UA, no. 1456, NI 14036 Back.

Note 68: UA, no 188 and 5810, Personalakte Dr. Goldacker Back.

Note 69: During the investigation about the destiny of Dr. Goldacker we contacted the stepdaughter of Dr. Goldacker, Ms. Rachel Salinger. This contact was arranged by the Moses-Mendelssohn-Gesellschaft Dessau e. V. She kiendly put a report about the destiny of her stepfahther at our disposal. Back.

Note 70: Due to a conflict relating to labour law Dr. Gajewski had moved Dr. Hingst from the Filmkonfektionierung to another department. Dr. Hingst was Gauamtsverwalter of the NSDAP. Back.

Note 71: UA, no. A1873 Back.

Note 72: UA, Personalkartei Dr. Luft and Dr. Biltz. Back.

Note 73: UA, no. A1403 Back.

Note 74: UA, no 1464 Back.

Note 75: ibid. Back.

Note 76: ibid., NI 13522-3 Back.

Note 77: ibid. Back.

Note 78: ibid., NI 13522-6 and NI 13522-10 Back.

Note 79: J. Borkin: Die unheilige Allianz der I. G. Farben. Eine Interessengemeinschaft im Dritten Reich., Campus Verlag, Frankfurt/New York 1979, p. 133-134 Back.

Note 80: UA, no. A1464, p. 36 Back.

Note 81: UA, Personalkartei Dr. Ollendorff. Back.

Note 82: It is remarkble that all employees who had taken part in the aggressions of the Reichskristallnacht (and therefore missed some hour's working) had to catch up on what they had neglected. Back.

Note 83: UA, no. A 1496 Back.

Note 84: for Example the Reichsvertretung der Juden in Deutschland, which was founded on 17.09.1933. see: S. Adler-Rudel: Jüdische Selbshilfe 1933 - 1939 im Spiegel der Berichte der Reichsvertretung der Juden in Deutschland. Tübingen 1974 Back.

Note 85: UA, no. A1496 Back.

Note 86: ibid. Back.

Note 87: UA, no. 5773, Personalakte Dr. Biltz Back.

Note 88: J. Eggert: "Martin Biltz †" Z. wiss. Photography 47 (1952), H. 7-9, p. 184-187 Back.

Note 89: UA, no. 1402 Back.

Note 90: ibid. Back.

Note 91: UA, no 5770, Personalakte Prof Eggert Back.

Note 92: UA, no A1834, Frankfurter Zeitung 6th August 1939, p. 8 and 11. Back.

Note 93: UA, no. 1402 Back.

Note 94: M. Unger: Judaica Lipsensia: Zur Geschichte der Juden in Leipzig, Ephraim-Carlebach-Stiftung, Leipzig 1994 Back.

Note 95: R. Kralowitz: Der gelbe Stern in Leipzig, Walter-Meckauer-Kreis e. V., Köln 1992 Back.

Note 96: UA, BA no 461, Materialsammlung Eggert. Back.

Note 97: J. Eggert: Dr. phil Dr. rer. nat h. c. Gajewski - zur Vollendung seines 70. Lebensjahres, Z. Elektrochemnie 59 (1955) no. 10, p. 291 Back.

Note 98: H. P. Klauser, Camera 26 (1947) H. 1/2, p. 4 Back.

Note 99: An acknowledgement of Eggert's scientific results see: W. D. Bilke: John Eggert, Berichte Bunsengesellschaft, Phys. Chem. 96 (1992) no. 8, p 1066 - 1083 Back.

Note 100: UA, no A 1750 Back.

Note 101: ibid. Back.