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  • Publication Date: 07-2014
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: Transparency International
  • Abstract: Protecting Climate Finance: An Anti-Corruption Assessment of the Forest Carbon Partnership Facility is the last in a series of reports by Transparency International aimed at analysing the policies and practices that seven multilateral climate funds have in place to prevent corruption and enable accountability. The purpose of this study was to contribute to the positive development and strengthening of the FCPF's Readiness Fund to support the effective achievement of its objectives. Established in 2008, the FCPF aims to assist developing countries in their efforts to reduce emissions from deforestation and forest degradation, and foster conservation, sustainable management of forests, and enhancement of forest carbon stocks (REDD+) by providing value to standing forests. It aims to do this through two funds: the Readiness Fund and the Carbon Fund. As of December 2013, the Readiness Fund has approved grants of over US$45 million1, whereas the Carbon Fund has not yet disbursed any funds. Although both Funds are described in this document, only the former is assessed. Transparency International's assessment of the Readiness Fund reviewed both its governance arrangements and its transparency, accountability, and integrity policies and practices against a set of 12 indicators. The study involved preliminary desk research and a subsequent interview with the Facility Management Team. Peer reviews were further engaged to validate or question the findings.2 As a result, Transparency International has identified both best practices and some areas where the Fund's policies should be strengthened. Overall, the Fund has made a commitment to operate with transparency and to provide open access to the information produced through its work. It has put in place guidance clearly listing the information to be made available, together with responsible parties and timelines. In practice, it further ensures the regular publication of information on its executive functions and activities. However, there is still much room for improvement. It should ensure that information regarding the anti-corruption rules and safeguards of downstream actors, such as Delivery Partners and REDD+ Country Participants, is disclosed and made easily accessible on its website. In addition, the transparency of the FCPF's Participants Committee can be bolstered by making provision for webcasting of meetings. Finally, it could further improve its performance by making its financial information available according to International Aid Transparency Initiative (IATI) standards. In terms of accountability at the Fund level, clear and comprehensive processes defined by World Bank policies are in place to ensure the investigation and sanctioning of the Facility Management Team (the Fund's Secretariat) and its Trustee. However, further rules and procedures regarding the Participants Committee are required to ensure full accountability at the Fund's executive level. This means gaining sufficient assurances that honest, independent and impartial processes are in place to investigate, review and sanction the behaviour of the Committee and its individual Members. Accountability at the national level is delegated to the Fund's Delivery Partners. The effectiveness of this arrangement is important but difficult to assess given the scant availability of easily accessible information regarding which specific anti-corruption rules are applied by Delivery Partners. For example, clarity is lacking regarding which whistleblowing procedures and complaints mechanisms are in place. Therefore, downstream accountability needs to be demonstrated in much clearer and more consistent ways. Citizens have a key role to play in advancing the anti-corruption agenda. As watchdogs and/or independent consultants, they can help to ensure the integrity and effectiveness of decision-making processes. Fund policies and processes are in place regarding civil society participation, both as Observers at Participants Committee meetings and as consulted stakeholders in-country. However, putting these into practice at the national level has been challenging and the Fund faced criticism for its failures in ensuring consultation in its early years. Its recent improvements have however also been 4 recognised. The Fund must continue to strengthen its performance in this area to ensure more open, meaningful engagement and better uptake of citizens' concerns. Finally, the Fund cannot be said to have a comprehensive corruption prevention approach in place for all of the actors falling within its remit. The FCPF can draw on the anti-corruption policies and procedures of the World Bank for many of its actors such as the Facilty Management Team, Trustee and World Bank as Delivery Partner, and through its Common Approach has put in place minimum standards expected of its newer Delivery Partners. However gaps remain, including the absence of a Fund-wide zero-tolerance of corruption policy. Furthermore, standards of conduct required from Fund actors and sanctions for falling short of those standards are not clearly set out at the Fund level. As an international mechanism entrusted with public money, the FCPF will need to take on a Facility-wide zero-tolerance of corruption policy and improve access to information on key anti-corruption assurances. This information is essential to ensure both downstream and upstream accountability for the prevention and deterrence of corruption. As set out above, the Fund has already made some important advances in this direction. Transparency International welcomes and supports the Fund's ongoing efforts to strengthen and evolve a clear, comprehensive and consistent set of policies to demonstrate its overall global accountability.
  • Author: Christian Ickler
  • Publication Date: 11-2014
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: Research Center (SFB) 700
  • Abstract: Territorial control by violent (non-)state actors (VNSA) in sub-state war features prominently in many fundamental concepts in conflict studies. Though there have been attempts to measure this phenomenon or at least delimit it from a spatiotemporal perspective, these have so far been based either primarily on qualitative expert assessments or rely on dyadic event data to determine contested areas. In this methodological research paper, I present three approaches that can be used to estimate actor presence on basis of spatiotemporal approximation. In doing so, I focus on challenges and obstacles that can be encountered when measuring territorial control via the proxy of territorial contestation. Spatiotemporally disaggregated violent incidence data is used to analyze a small subsample of countries in sub- Saharan Africa in order to determine various ways of visualizing territorial contest. Further points of discussion include the impact of data aggregation, the availability of context data and analytical methods used for these evaluations.
  • Topic: War
  • Political Geography: Africa
  • Author: Anna van der Vleuten
  • Publication Date: 03-2014
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: Research Center (SFB) 700
  • Abstract: As early as 1992, the Treaty of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) already included a commitment to human rights, democracy, and the rule of law as governance standards in its member states, but it was in 2001 that SADC significantly broadened its efforts at governance transfer. SADC focuses in particular on standards related to gender, (socioeconomic) human rights, and (electoral) democracy, which are promoted and protected through various instruments including military interventions and sanctions in the framework of security cooperation. While the rule of law and good governance have also gained a more prominent place on the agenda since 2001, standards and instruments are less developed. Overall, there is a significant gap between the prescription of standards and policies on the one hand and the implementation of measures on the other. The suspension of the SADC Tribunal in 2010 following its rulings on human rights issues clearly shows the limits of SADC as an active promoter vis-à-vis its member states.
  • Topic: Security, Development, Governance
  • Political Geography: Africa
  • Author: Mathis Lohaus
  • Publication Date: 03-2014
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: Research Center (SFB) 700
  • Abstract: This case study examines to which extent the Organization of American States (OAS) engages in governance transfer to its member states. Both the standards and policies prescribed in regional documents as well as their application are analyzed. Historically, the organization has emphasized two areas. Human rights are protected through multiple treaties and a strong regional legal regime. Democracy is protected by strong incentives to avoid coups and supported via different types of assistance, including a long-standing system of election observation. The OAS addresses good governance since the 1990s, particularly with regard to combating corruption and modernizing public management. Provisions concerning the rule of law are addressed in connection with the other standards. After analyzing the framework and measures of governance transfer, this report explores how the observed patterns can be explained and briefly discusses the future prospects for the OAS.
  • Topic: Human Rights, Governance
  • Political Geography: America
  • Author: Mathis Lohaus
  • Publication Date: 02-2014
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: Research Center (SFB) 700
  • Abstract: This case study examines to which extent the Organization of American States (OAS) engages in governance transfer to its member states. Both the standards and policies prescribed in regional documents as well as their application are analyzed. Historically, the organization has emphasized two areas. Human rights are protected through multiple treaties and a strong regional legal regime. Democracy is protected by strong incentives to avoid coups and supported via different types of assistance, including a long-standing system of election observation. The OAS addresses good governance since the 1990s, particularly with regard to combating corruption and modernizing public management. Provisions concerning the rule of law are addressed in connection with the other standards. After analyzing the framework and measures of governance transfer, this report explores how the observed patterns can be explained and briefly discusses the future prospects for the OAS.
  • Topic: Human Rights, Law
  • Political Geography: America
  • Author: Hatem Elliesie
  • Publication Date: 04-2014
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: Research Center (SFB) 700
  • Abstract: The recent developments in predominantly Muslim regions of the world reveal that the question of the constitution and legalization of statehood with reference to Islam presents greater challenges to local authorities than originally expected by many. The dichotomy of law as “divine statute” or “human statute” is only seemingly useful because the “divine statute” of Islamic law has always been standardized and applied within the framework of human order. The prominent position between a supratemporal norm and an unpredictable variety of everyday life reveals the legal cultural diversity of contemporary Islam. In a governancetheoretical analysis, the pluralism of Islamic authorities and institutional actors who interpret the law, especially the law schools (maḏhab, Pl. maḏāhib), therefore need to be taken into account. Their choice of methods and special dogmatic doctrines have since been taken over by the local, national, and state authorities in the finding of justice and application of the law. Their terms, methodology and regulatory structures are presented, explained and shall thereby be made available to a wider readership.
  • Topic: Islam, Law
  • Author: Ron Duncan, Hilarian Codippily, Emele Duituturaga, Raijieli Bulatale
  • Publication Date: 11-2014
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: East-West Center
  • Abstract: The emergence of a large number of small states over the past four decades or so (there are presently around 50 states with populations with less than 1.5 million) has led to considerable interest amongst researchers, member governments, and international agencies in their economic and environmental viability. The literature generated in the process has focused on the special problems and development challenges faced by such states, including their prospects for integration with the changing global environment. The study presented here builds upon this literature in examining the binding constraints to development. It is our hope that this study will benefit policy makers, researchers, and the donor community.
  • Topic: Economics
  • Political Geography: Island
  • Author: May Darwich
  • Publication Date: 12-2014
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: German Institute of Global and Area Studies
  • Abstract: It has long been argued that identity matters in international relations. Yet, how identity impacts enmity and conflict among states remains the subject of debate. The existing literature asserts that differences in identity can be a source of conflict, whereas convergence and similarity lead to cooperation. Nevertheless, empirical evidence from the Middle East has long defied this hypothesis. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which prides itself on being an Islamic model and claims Islamic leadership, has opposed the rise to power of Islamist movements in the Middle East. To address this paradox, this article builds on the growing literature on ontological security to propose a theoretical framework explaining how similarity can generate anxiety and identity risks. This framework, I argue, moves beyond traditional regime‐security approaches to reveal that security is not only physical but also ontological. I then illustrate the argument through a comparison of Saudi identity risks in the wake of the Iranian revolution (1979) and the ascendance of the Muslim Brotherhood to power in Egypt (2012). Ultimately, these cases provide intriguing insights into foreign policy behaviour during critical situations.
  • Topic: International Relations, Foreign Policy, Islam
  • Political Geography: Saudi Arabia
  • Author: Birte Pfeiffer, Holger Görg, Lucia Perez-Villar
  • Publication Date: 12-2014
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: German Institute of Global and Area Studies
  • Abstract: It is generally accepted by policymakers that outward foreign direct investment (FDI) can contribute to economic development in host countries via knowledge spillovers to the domestic economy. Given that multinational corporations (MNCs) possess technological or managerial advantages, they can generate positive externalities through the diffusion of knowledge to domestic firms. This knowledge transfer can occur horizontally, if firms in the same sector benefit from the presence of multinationals, or vertically, if upstream or downstream domestic sectors gain from the presence of foreign investors. Yet, whereas the FDI literature has reached a certain level of agreement that vertical relationships with local suppliers generate positive productivity spillovers, the evidence on horizontal spillovers is still mixed and inconclusive, and estimates differ in terms of statistical significance and magnitude (Havranek and Irsova 2013).1 These inconsistencies derive largely from differences in the measurement of foreign presence and the type of data used – cross‐sectional versus panel – across studies (Görg and Strobl 2001). Further, there are determining factors at the firm and country level that enhance the realization of spillovers and need to be taken into account. Görg and Greenaway (2004) show that studies accounting for the heterogeneity of domestic firms, and especially their absorptive capacity, tend to report positive results.
  • Political Geography: Africa, Europe
  • Author: Philip Kitzberger
  • Publication Date: 11-2014
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: German Institute of Global and Area Studies
  • Abstract: This paper examines the determinants of government strategies vis-à-vis dominant media actors in the Latin American context, where the media's role in democratic politics is increasingly being questioned. It compares the first two Kirchnerist presidencies in Argentina with the first two Workers' Party-led governments in Brazil. While these governments initially adopted accommodation strategies towards media organisations, political crises subsequently disturbed the fragile coexistence of media and government, triggering divergent strategic responses that require explanation. Using accounts relying on ideological preferences, the study establishes the importance of environmental factors and critical junctures as determinants of governments' strategic options. Significant differences in the institutional configurations and articulations of media interests in the two countries are found to be relevant. However, the study shows that such constraints do not tell the whole story. Consequently, the analysis also focuses on how certain junctures affect government perceptions of media power and, in turn, inform governments' strategic stances.
  • Topic: Government
  • Political Geography: Brazil, Argentina, Latin America