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3961. Lawful Interception of Telecommunications in Kosovo: Security Implications

Author:
Shpend Kursani
Publication Date:
10-2011
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Abstract:
Building upon the current multitude security actor environment and legislative set-up, this paper assesses the interception of telecommunications in Kosovo as a sensitive, yet very effective measure of investigation. It elaborates in detail the current problems pertaining to interception of telecommunications which include the legislative gaps, the overlap created by poorly defined authority over the execution of orders of interception of telecommunications and the lack of cooperation not only between the domestic and international security institutions present in Kosovo but within the domestic security institutions as well. The analysis is not limited to the security institutions per se; the paper further extends on to the procedures and cooperation that exist between the security institutions and the telecommunications operators as well as their capabilities and infrastructural set-up which are important in preventing misuse of private data throughout the process of lawful interception of telecommunications. Based on the policy objectives that this paper draws, policy recommendations are provided which in general and among other things include the enhancement of the current legislation, the establishment of a central system that would boost cooperation between all the security actors, the introduction of new and advancement of current inspection and monitoring mechanisms. The implementation of the recommendations would ensure an effective lawful interception of telecommunications on the one hand and protection of privacy as a fundamental human right on the other hand.
Topic:
Security, Human Rights, Privacy, Institutions, and Telecommunications
Political Geography:
Europe, Kosovo, and Balkans

3962. Strengthening Fragile Partnerships: An Agenda for the Future of U.S.-Central Asia Relations

Author:
Evan A. Feigenbaum
Publication Date:
02-2011
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Project 2049 Institute
Abstract:
A comprehensive new report from the Central Asia Study Group and the Project 2049 Institute calls on American and Central Asian leaders to rise to the challenges and opportunities in the region. The report proposes an action agenda on economics, energy, governance, security, social development, and regional cooperation, and places particular emphasis on the importance of reconnecting Central Asian countries to the global economy. The United States needs to reassess its strategies and policies and reaffirm its commitment to remain engaged with the nations of Central Asia even as the U.S. draws down forces from Afghanistan.
Topic:
International Relations, Security, Development, Partnerships, Economy, and Energy
Political Geography:
Central Asia, North America, and United States of America

3963. China and Pakistan: Emerging Strains in the Entente Cordiale

Author:
Isaac B. Kardon
Publication Date:
03-2011
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Project 2049 Institute
Abstract:
Despite perceptions in Washington and New Delhi that China enjoys unique privileges and exercises inordinate influence in Pakistan, Beijing has shown little inclination to directly shape Pakistani behavior. As China’s global portfolio of economic and security interests expands, it is increasingly sensitive to new opportunity costs entailed in sustaining the Sino-Pakistani partnership.
Topic:
International Relations, Security, Partnerships, and Economy
Political Geography:
Pakistan, China, South Asia, and Asia

3964. Taiwan, the People’s Liberation Army, and the Struggle with Nature

Author:
Mark Stokes and Tiffany Ma
Publication Date:
05-2011
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Project 2049 Institute
Abstract:
Taiwan must manage some of the world’s most severe and complex security challenges. A vision for national security preparedness beyond military contingencies will help address critical non-traditional security threats, such as natural disasters. Both natural and manmade challenges share commonalities that would benefit from an integrated “all hazards” approach to threat mitigation.
Topic:
Security, Military Affairs, Nature, Non-Traditional Threats, and People's Liberation Army (PLA)
Political Geography:
Taiwan and Asia

3965. Japan’s National Defense Program Guidelines 2010 and Its Implication to South Korean Security Policies

Author:
Young-June Park
Publication Date:
01-2011
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
East Asia Institute (EAI)
Abstract:
On December 17, 2010, the government of Japan updated its most strategically important document entitled “National Defense Program Guidelines (NDPG), FY 2011-” following confirmation from both the Security Council and the Cabinet. The new defense plan released along with the “Mid-Term Defense Program for FY2011-2015” addresses the objectives and the methods of the Japanese Self Defense Forces. Moreover, the plan also outlines Japan’s future military strategies as well as the fundamental tenets of its defense policy. Whereas in the United States, the White House, Pentagon, and Joint Chiefs all release new guidelines each time a new administration comes to power, Japan does not have such a regular format for its defense plan. This makes the National Defense Program Guidelines a comprehensive strategic document that covers every aspect of Japan’s military defense. First introduced in 1976, the Guidelines has only been updated twice in 1995 and 2004. The NDPG in 1976 reflected Japan’s security and military strategy during the Cold War, while the 1995 and the 2004 guidelines reflected strategies for the post-Cold War era and the beginning of 21st century after 9/11, respectively. What then do these updated guidelines in 2010 signify? And in what context should this defense plan be seen? Firstly, the structural changes that have occurred in the security environment of East Asia should be taken into consideration. North Korea conducted nuclear tests twice in 2006 and 2009. In 2010, it displayed new levels of provocation by sinking the South Korean naval vessel Cheonan and shelling Yeonpyeong Island. These actions not only threaten the Korean Peninsula but also the entire region. Added to that, China surpassed Japan as the second largest economy after the United States and has become more assertive over maritime disputes with Japan. How all these military and economic changes are projected in the document deserves close analysis. Secondly, unlike previous NDPGs that were written during the long years under the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), the 2010 Guidelines are part of the first strategic document that reflects the strategic outlook and security approach of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ). Since the DPJ assumed power, it has long tried to differentiate itself from LDP in its decision making procedures and actual policies. Such tendencies are naturally reflected in its security policies as well. How do these guidelines differ from the NDPGs issued under the LDP? In short, the National Defense Program Guidelines 2010 is the best resource with which to understand how Japan perceives the changed security environment, and what strategic concepts and military capability it is preparing for in face of future security challenges.
Topic:
Security, Defense Policy, Military Strategy, and Missile Defense
Political Geography:
Japan and Asia

3966. Troubled Waters? Seeking a New Maritime Order in East Asia

Author:
Min Gyo Koo
Publication Date:
08-2011
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
East Asia Institute (EAI)
Abstract:
Without a doubt, the most heated and persistent maritime disputes in the world are in the East Asia region. The vast bodies of water included in this region are the Northwest Pacific, the East Sea, the West Sea, the East China Sea, and the South China Sea. The diplomatic spat in the fall of 2010 between China and Japan over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands in the East China Sea was a strong indication that any mishandling of maritime issues can disrupt the subtle balance of power and interests in the region. Equally problematic are the disputes in the South China Sea, where China’s growing assertiveness has provoked concern among not only its Southeast Asian neighbors but also with the United States. Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has been the main provider of maritime security in the East Asia region but now faces the challenge of a rising China. In May 2011, a Chinese patrol boat cut the cable of a Vietnamese petroleum and gas probe vessel in the South China Sea. From this incident, tensions escalated to the brink of armed conflict. As countries in the region participate in tit-for-tat military exercises, the atmosphere has become worse. Under such conditions, many considered that the South China Sea issue, tangled with conflicts between China and ASEAN and the United States could flare up significantly. However at the 18th ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) held from July 22-23 2011 a new perspective developed as China stated that “the importance of the freedom of navigation in the South China Sea is clear and all countries should be beneficiaries of such freedom.” Furthermore, during the China-ASEAN ministerial of the 2011 ARF Beijing stepped back by adopting the guidelines for the implementation of the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea, which was agreed upon in 2002. Washington welcomed this move as it suggested an effort to decrease tensions with respect to the South China Sea. This is in stark contrast to the 2010 ARF meeting where confrontations arose between the United States and China with U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton stating “a peaceful resolution of the South China Sea conflict directly relates to U.S. national interest.” From such developments, one can assess that the ARF has made important progress with respect to the South China Sea issue. However, the 2002 Declaration of Conduct that establishes the principle for peaceful resolution of maritime disputes in line with the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) lacks binding capacities and the newly adopted guidelines are mostly declaratory and lack specific details. Thus it would be too soon to consider the 2011 ARF meeting as a success with respect to the South China Sea dispute. Considering that China tends to use such multilateral channels as a ground for making peace but then is more forceful in its bilateral relations, the outcome of the recent ARF meeting could come to have less significance than expected.
Topic:
Security, International Law, Maritime Commerce, and Maritime
Political Geography:
China, Asia, South China Sea, and ASEAN

3967. Japan’s National Defense Program Guidelines 2010 and Its Implication to South Korean Security Policies

Author:
Young-June Park
Publication Date:
01-2011
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
East Asia Institute (EAI)
Abstract:
On December 17, 2010, the government of Japan updated its most strategically important document entitled “National Defense Program Guidelines (NDPG), FY 2011-” following confirmation from both the Security Council and the Cabinet. The new defense plan released along with the “Mid-Term Defense Program for FY2011-2015” addresses the objectives and the methods of the Japanese Self Defense Forces. Moreover, the plan also outlines Japan’s future military strategies as well as the fundamental tenets of its defense policy. Whereas in the United States, the White House, Pentagon, and Joint Chiefs all release new guidelines each time a new administration comes to power, Japan does not have such a regular format for its defense plan. This makes the National Defense Program Guidelines a comprehensive strategic document that covers every aspect of Japan’s military defense. First introduced in 1976, the Guidelines has only been updated twice in 1995 and 2004. The NDPG in 1976 reflected Japan’s security and military strategy during the Cold War, while the 1995 and the 2004 guidelines reflected strategies for the post-Cold War era and the beginning of 21st century after 9/11, respectively. What then do these updated guidelines in 2010 signify? And in what context should this defense plan be seen? Firstly, the structural changes that have occurred in the security environment of East Asia should be taken into consideration. North Korea conducted nuclear tests twice in 2006 and 2009. In 2010, it displayed new levels of provocation by sinking the South Korean naval vessel Cheonan and shelling Yeonpyeong Island. These actions not only threaten the Korean Peninsula but also the entire region. Added to that, China surpassed Japan as the second largest economy after the United States and has become more assertive over maritime disputes with Japan. How all these military and economic changes are projected in the document deserves close analysis. Secondly, unlike previous NDPGs that were written during the long years under the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), the 2010 Guidelines are part of the first strategic document that reflects the strategic outlook and security approach of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ). Since the DPJ assumed power, it has long tried to differentiate itself from LDP in its decision making procedures and actual policies. Such tendencies are naturally reflected in its security policies as well. How do these guidelines differ from the NDPGs issued under the LDP? In short, the National Defense Program Guidelines 2010 is the best resource with which to understand how Japan perceives the changed security environment, and what strategic concepts and military capability it is preparing for in face of future security challenges.
Topic:
Security, Defense Policy, Regional Cooperation, Military Strategy, Military Spending, and Missile Defense
Political Geography:
Japan, China, Asia, South Korea, and North Korea

3968. The Contribution of Turkish-Serbian Relations Towards Improving Security in the Western Balkans

Author:
Athina Tesfa-Yohannes
Publication Date:
09-2011
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
BILGESAM (Wise Men Center for Strategic Studies)
Abstract:
In recent years, economic relations between the two countries have been on the rise with renewed Turkish investment in Serbia, free trade agreement, and a visa-free regime. Turkey’s relations with Serbia have gained momentum and will have likely positive effects on three particular integration issues that pose significant security risks within the Western Balkans, given the fragility of the region. These issues are the integration of ethnic Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina’s Republika Srpska, the integration of ethnic Serbs in northern Kosovo, and integration of ethnic Bosniaks and Albanians in southwestern Serbia. Turkey and Serbia’s strengthening relations will mitigate security risks which may arise as a result of these integration-related issues.
Topic:
Security, Bilateral Relations, Free Trade, and Integration
Political Geography:
Turkey, Middle East, Eastern Europe, Serbia, and Balkans

3969. Middle East Policy of Russia Under President Medvedev: Strategies, Institutes, Faces

Author:
Oleg A. Kolobov and Alexander A. Kornilov
Publication Date:
03-2011
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
BILGESAM (Wise Men Center for Strategic Studies)
Abstract:
This article is devoted to President Medvedev and the Russian Middle East Policy. The authors discuss strategic aspects of Russian policy in the area. They pay special attention to the Russian National Security Strategy of 2009 and Foreign Policy Concept of 2008. Analysis of main institutes of Russia contributing to Middle East policy formulation and implementation is made. The article considers the visits of President Medvedev on May 2010 to Syria and Turkey as events with far-reaching consequences and strategic perspectives. Russian policy under President Medvedev is evaluated in the frame of ambitious political aim, namely, a step-by-step Russia’s return to the Middle East.
Topic:
Security, Foreign Policy, and Dmitri Medvedev
Political Geography:
Russia, Eurasia, Turkey, and Middle East

3970. Energy Supply Security of the European Union and the Role of Turkey as a Potential Energy Hub

Author:
Arzu Yorkan
Publication Date:
09-2011
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
BILGESAM (Wise Men Center for Strategic Studies)
Abstract:
As a major consumer in the global energy market, the European Union has serious supply security challenges such as high dependence on oil and natural gas; incomplete integrated electricity and gas sectors of Member States, and disintegration with neighbor countries (achieving trans-European energy networks); insecurity and instability in most of its suppliers; and lack of energy dialogue with its producers. As a potential ‘energy hub’ in its region, how Turkey can contribute to the European Union to overcome those challenges and thus secure its energy supplies. The aim of this study is an attempt to answer this question.
Topic:
Security, Energy Policy, European Union, Gas, Regional Integration, and Electricity
Political Geography:
Europe, Turkey, and Middle East