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39622. Protecting climate finance: An anti-corruption assessment of the Forest Carbon Partnership Facility
- Publication Date:
- 07-2014
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Transparency International
- Abstract:
- Protecting Climate Finance: An Anti-Corruption Assessment of the Forest Carbon Partnership Facility is the last in a series of reports by Transparency International aimed at analysing the policies and practices that seven multilateral climate funds have in place to prevent corruption and enable accountability. The purpose of this study was to contribute to the positive development and strengthening of the FCPF's Readiness Fund to support the effective achievement of its objectives. Established in 2008, the FCPF aims to assist developing countries in their efforts to reduce emissions from deforestation and forest degradation, and foster conservation, sustainable management of forests, and enhancement of forest carbon stocks (REDD+) by providing value to standing forests. It aims to do this through two funds: the Readiness Fund and the Carbon Fund. As of December 2013, the Readiness Fund has approved grants of over US$45 million1, whereas the Carbon Fund has not yet disbursed any funds. Although both Funds are described in this document, only the former is assessed. Transparency International's assessment of the Readiness Fund reviewed both its governance arrangements and its transparency, accountability, and integrity policies and practices against a set of 12 indicators. The study involved preliminary desk research and a subsequent interview with the Facility Management Team. Peer reviews were further engaged to validate or question the findings.2 As a result, Transparency International has identified both best practices and some areas where the Fund's policies should be strengthened. Overall, the Fund has made a commitment to operate with transparency and to provide open access to the information produced through its work. It has put in place guidance clearly listing the information to be made available, together with responsible parties and timelines. In practice, it further ensures the regular publication of information on its executive functions and activities. However, there is still much room for improvement. It should ensure that information regarding the anti-corruption rules and safeguards of downstream actors, such as Delivery Partners and REDD+ Country Participants, is disclosed and made easily accessible on its website. In addition, the transparency of the FCPF's Participants Committee can be bolstered by making provision for webcasting of meetings. Finally, it could further improve its performance by making its financial information available according to International Aid Transparency Initiative (IATI) standards. In terms of accountability at the Fund level, clear and comprehensive processes defined by World Bank policies are in place to ensure the investigation and sanctioning of the Facility Management Team (the Fund's Secretariat) and its Trustee. However, further rules and procedures regarding the Participants Committee are required to ensure full accountability at the Fund's executive level. This means gaining sufficient assurances that honest, independent and impartial processes are in place to investigate, review and sanction the behaviour of the Committee and its individual Members. Accountability at the national level is delegated to the Fund's Delivery Partners. The effectiveness of this arrangement is important but difficult to assess given the scant availability of easily accessible information regarding which specific anti-corruption rules are applied by Delivery Partners. For example, clarity is lacking regarding which whistleblowing procedures and complaints mechanisms are in place. Therefore, downstream accountability needs to be demonstrated in much clearer and more consistent ways. Citizens have a key role to play in advancing the anti-corruption agenda. As watchdogs and/or independent consultants, they can help to ensure the integrity and effectiveness of decision-making processes. Fund policies and processes are in place regarding civil society participation, both as Observers at Participants Committee meetings and as consulted stakeholders in-country. However, putting these into practice at the national level has been challenging and the Fund faced criticism for its failures in ensuring consultation in its early years. Its recent improvements have however also been 4 recognised. The Fund must continue to strengthen its performance in this area to ensure more open, meaningful engagement and better uptake of citizens' concerns. Finally, the Fund cannot be said to have a comprehensive corruption prevention approach in place for all of the actors falling within its remit. The FCPF can draw on the anti-corruption policies and procedures of the World Bank for many of its actors such as the Facilty Management Team, Trustee and World Bank as Delivery Partner, and through its Common Approach has put in place minimum standards expected of its newer Delivery Partners. However gaps remain, including the absence of a Fund-wide zero-tolerance of corruption policy. Furthermore, standards of conduct required from Fund actors and sanctions for falling short of those standards are not clearly set out at the Fund level. As an international mechanism entrusted with public money, the FCPF will need to take on a Facility-wide zero-tolerance of corruption policy and improve access to information on key anti-corruption assurances. This information is essential to ensure both downstream and upstream accountability for the prevention and deterrence of corruption. As set out above, the Fund has already made some important advances in this direction. Transparency International welcomes and supports the Fund's ongoing efforts to strengthen and evolve a clear, comprehensive and consistent set of policies to demonstrate its overall global accountability.
39623. Limits of Control — Challenges to Spatiotemporal Analysis of Sub-State War
- Author:
- Christian Ickler
- Publication Date:
- 11-2014
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Collaborative Research Center (SFB) 700
- Abstract:
- Territorial control by violent (non-)state actors (VNSA) in sub-state war features prominently in many fundamental concepts in conflict studies. Though there have been attempts to measure this phenomenon or at least delimit it from a spatiotemporal perspective, these have so far been based either primarily on qualitative expert assessments or rely on dyadic event data to determine contested areas. In this methodological research paper, I present three approaches that can be used to estimate actor presence on basis of spatiotemporal approximation. In doing so, I focus on challenges and obstacles that can be encountered when measuring territorial control via the proxy of territorial contestation. Spatiotemporally disaggregated violent incidence data is used to analyze a small subsample of countries in sub- Saharan Africa in order to determine various ways of visualizing territorial contest. Further points of discussion include the impact of data aggregation, the availability of context data and analytical methods used for these evaluations.
- Topic:
- War
- Political Geography:
- Africa
39624. Governance Transfer by the Southern African Development Community (SADC). A B2 Case Study Report
- Author:
- Anna van der Vleuten
- Publication Date:
- 03-2014
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Collaborative Research Center (SFB) 700
- Abstract:
- As early as 1992, the Treaty of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) already included a commitment to human rights, democracy, and the rule of law as governance standards in its member states, but it was in 2001 that SADC significantly broadened its efforts at governance transfer. SADC focuses in particular on standards related to gender, (socioeconomic) human rights, and (electoral) democracy, which are promoted and protected through various instruments including military interventions and sanctions in the framework of security cooperation. While the rule of law and good governance have also gained a more prominent place on the agenda since 2001, standards and instruments are less developed. Overall, there is a significant gap between the prescription of standards and policies on the one hand and the implementation of measures on the other. The suspension of the SADC Tribunal in 2010 following its rulings on human rights issues clearly shows the limits of SADC as an active promoter vis-à-vis its member states.
- Topic:
- Security, Development, and Governance
- Political Geography:
- Africa
39625. Governance Transfer by the Organization of American States (OAS). A B2 Case Study Report
- Author:
- Mathis Lohaus
- Publication Date:
- 03-2014
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Collaborative Research Center (SFB) 700
- Abstract:
- This case study examines to which extent the Organization of American States (OAS) engages in governance transfer to its member states. Both the standards and policies prescribed in regional documents as well as their application are analyzed. Historically, the organization has emphasized two areas. Human rights are protected through multiple treaties and a strong regional legal regime. Democracy is protected by strong incentives to avoid coups and supported via different types of assistance, including a long-standing system of election observation. The OAS addresses good governance since the 1990s, particularly with regard to combating corruption and modernizing public management. Provisions concerning the rule of law are addressed in connection with the other standards. After analyzing the framework and measures of governance transfer, this report explores how the observed patterns can be explained and briefly discusses the future prospects for the OAS.
- Topic:
- Human Rights and Governance
- Political Geography:
- America
39626. Governance Transfer in the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). A B2 Case Study Report
- Author:
- Mathis Lohaus
- Publication Date:
- 02-2014
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Collaborative Research Center (SFB) 700
- Abstract:
- This case study examines to which extent the Organization of American States (OAS) engages in governance transfer to its member states. Both the standards and policies prescribed in regional documents as well as their application are analyzed. Historically, the organization has emphasized two areas. Human rights are protected through multiple treaties and a strong regional legal regime. Democracy is protected by strong incentives to avoid coups and supported via different types of assistance, including a long-standing system of election observation. The OAS addresses good governance since the 1990s, particularly with regard to combating corruption and modernizing public management. Provisions concerning the rule of law are addressed in connection with the other standards. After analyzing the framework and measures of governance transfer, this report explores how the observed patterns can be explained and briefly discusses the future prospects for the OAS.
- Topic:
- Human Rights and Law
- Political Geography:
- America
39627. European leverage and a new Israel-Palestine approach
- Author:
- Lara Friedman
- Publication Date:
- 12-2014
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Norwegian Centre for Conflict Resolution
- Abstract:
- With their own interests challenged and growing domestic constituencies pressing for action, European leaders are asking what Europe can do to reaccredit its policies in the Israeli-Palestinian arena, notwithstanding U.S. opposition. In this context the time has come for Europe to adopt a new Middle East policy paradigm in which European leverage is identified and employed as part of a coherent effort aimed not at altering the behavior of Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu, but at altering the political environment in which Netanyahu and his challengers on the right operate.
- Political Geography:
- Europe, Middle East, and Israel
39628. The United Nations and a peace process strategy for Syria
- Author:
- Leila Hilal
- Publication Date:
- 12-2014
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Norwegian Centre for Conflict Resolution
- Abstract:
- The counterterrorism effort launched by the U.S.-led anti-Islamic State coalition has sidetracked international attention away from a political resolution to the Syrian civil war. Officials, analysts and peace practitioners alike are latching on to quick fixes aimed at mitigating violence at the local level. Although stakeholders are mindful of the need to match bottom-up de-escalation efforts with top-down interventions, a comprehensive approach is as elusive as ever. The United Nations (UN) secretary-general's appointment of a new special envoy for Syria presents an opportunity for building an inclusive peacemaking strategy for the country. This policy brief provides a series of recommendations for the development of a strategy led by the UN with support from key countries.
- Political Geography:
- Syria
39629. Identifying Binding Constraints in Pacific Island Economies
- Author:
- Ron Duncan, Hilarian Codippily, Emele Duituturaga, and Raijieli Bulatale
- Publication Date:
- 11-2014
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- East-West Center
- Abstract:
- The emergence of a large number of small states over the past four decades or so (there are presently around 50 states with populations with less than 1.5 million) has led to considerable interest amongst researchers, member governments, and international agencies in their economic and environmental viability. The literature generated in the process has focused on the special problems and development challenges faced by such states, including their prospects for integration with the changing global environment. The study presented here builds upon this literature in examining the binding constraints to development. It is our hope that this study will benefit policy makers, researchers, and the donor community.
- Topic:
- Economics
- Political Geography:
- Island
39630. The Ontological (In)security of Similarity: Wahhabism versus Islamism in Saudi Foreign Policy
- Author:
- May Darwich
- Publication Date:
- 12-2014
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- German Institute of Global and Area Studies
- Abstract:
- It has long been argued that identity matters in international relations. Yet, how identity impacts enmity and conflict among states remains the subject of debate. The existing literature asserts that differences in identity can be a source of conflict, whereas convergence and similarity lead to cooperation. Nevertheless, empirical evidence from the Middle East has long defied this hypothesis. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which prides itself on being an Islamic model and claims Islamic leadership, has opposed the rise to power of Islamist movements in the Middle East. To address this paradox, this article builds on the growing literature on ontological security to propose a theoretical framework explaining how similarity can generate anxiety and identity risks. This framework, I argue, moves beyond traditional regime‐security approaches to reveal that security is not only physical but also ontological. I then illustrate the argument through a comparison of Saudi identity risks in the wake of the Iranian revolution (1979) and the ascendance of the Muslim Brotherhood to power in Egypt (2012). Ultimately, these cases provide intriguing insights into foreign policy behaviour during critical situations.
- Topic:
- International Relations, Foreign Policy, and Islam
- Political Geography:
- Saudi Arabia
39631. The Heterogeneity of FDI in Sub-Saharan Africa: How Do the Horizontal Productivity Effects of Emerging Investors Differ from Those of Traditional Players?
- Author:
- Birte Pfeiffer, Holger Görg, and Lucia Perez-Villar
- Publication Date:
- 12-2014
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- German Institute of Global and Area Studies
- Abstract:
- It is generally accepted by policymakers that outward foreign direct investment (FDI) can contribute to economic development in host countries via knowledge spillovers to the domestic economy. Given that multinational corporations (MNCs) possess technological or managerial advantages, they can generate positive externalities through the diffusion of knowledge to domestic firms. This knowledge transfer can occur horizontally, if firms in the same sector benefit from the presence of multinationals, or vertically, if upstream or downstream domestic sectors gain from the presence of foreign investors. Yet, whereas the FDI literature has reached a certain level of agreement that vertical relationships with local suppliers generate positive productivity spillovers, the evidence on horizontal spillovers is still mixed and inconclusive, and estimates differ in terms of statistical significance and magnitude (Havranek and Irsova 2013).1 These inconsistencies derive largely from differences in the measurement of foreign presence and the type of data used – cross‐sectional versus panel – across studies (Görg and Strobl 2001). Further, there are determining factors at the firm and country level that enhance the realization of spillovers and need to be taken into account. Görg and Greenaway (2004) show that studies accounting for the heterogeneity of domestic firms, and especially their absorptive capacity, tend to report positive results.
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Europe
39632. International Sanctions against Iran under President Ahmadinejad: Explaining Regime Persistence
- Author:
- Oliver Borszik
- Publication Date:
- 11-2014
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- German Institute of Global and Area Studies
- Abstract:
- This paper seeks to explain how Iran's regime persisted in the face of international sanctions during Mahmud Ahmadinejad's presidency, from 2005 to 2013. It reconstructs the interplay between the intensifying UNSC, US and EU sanctions and the targeted regime's strategies to advance the nuclear program and maintain intra-elite cohesion. Initially, the nuclear program was expanded due to high oil income in combination with explicit resistance to the presumed regime‐change ambitions of the Western sanction senders. At the end of Ahmadinejad's presidency, the decline of foreign exchange earnings from oil exports and the continued regime-change scenario contributed to the neglect of this regimelegitimizing strategy in favor of the maintenance of intra-elite cohesion. My main argument is that once the US and EU oil and financial sanctions curtailed the cost‐intensive further development of the nuclear program, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei used these sanctions as an external stimulus to contain burgeoning factional disputes.
- Topic:
- Regime Change
- Political Geography:
- Iran
39633. The Institutional Presidency from a Comparative Perspective: Argentina and Brazil since the 1980s
- Author:
- Mariana Llanos and Magna Inácio
- Publication Date:
- 10-2014
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- German Institute of Global and Area Studies
- Abstract:
- This paper focuses on the evolution of the institutional presidency – meaning the cluster of agencies that directly support the chief of the executive – in Argentina and Brazil since their redemocratization in the 1980s. It investigates what explains the changes that have come about regarding the size of the institutional presidency and the types of agency that form it. Following the specialized literature, we argue that the growth of the institutional presidency is connected to developments occurring in the larger political system – that is, to the political challenges that the various presidents of the two countries have faced. Presidents adjust the format and mandate of the different agencies under their authority so as to better manage their relations with the political environment. In particular, we argue that the type of government (coalition or single-party) has had consequences for the structure of the presidency or, in other words, that different cabinet structures pose different challenges to presidents. This factor has not played a significant role in presidency-related studies until now, which have hitherto mostly been based on the case of the United States. Our empirical references, the presidencies of Argentina and Brazil, and typical cases of coalitional as well as single-party presidentialism respectively all allow us to show the impact of the type of government on the number and type of presidential agencies.
- Political Geography:
- United States, Brazil, and Argentina
39634. A Ticking "Time Bomb"? ‒ Youth Employment Problems in China
- Publication Date:
- 10-2014
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- German Institute of Global and Area Studies
- Abstract:
- <p>Chinas leadership currently seems to be extremely worried about unemployment, and particularly youth unemployment, even though the countrys official unemployment rate is rather low. Possible reasons for this are that (1) the youth unemployment rate is actually higher than stated; (2) the inadequate employment situation faced by many young people is actually worse than the incomplete measurements of unemployment indicate; (3) particularly graduates of tertiary education institutions face a job reality below their expectations; (4) the Chinese population is highly concerned about the labor markets development; and, (5) the state fears that frustration and discontent might trigger protests, as was recently the case in the Arab world and other countries. This paper analyzes the different dimensions of the inadequate employment situation of Chinese youth and provides evidence to support all five of these assumptions, although indications of direct actions being undertaken by unemployed young people in China in response are rather scarce. But aside from that, there are other forms of youth resistance as well. Many young people in the country vent their frustration over the internet, and opting out and cynicism can also threaten social harmony. Tertiaryâ€sector graduates make up approximately half of all young people entering the Chinese labor market every year and are the ones most affected by the currently unsatisfying job prospects. Though the unemployment of graduates is only short term in nature, a lack of job opportunities combined with declining opportunities for upward mobility carry strong potential to generate further uneasiness and disorder in China./p
39635. Sealing a Colombian peace deal: challenges of citizen ratification
- Author:
- Silke Pfeiffer
- Publication Date:
- 11-2014
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Norwegian Centre for Conflict Resolution
- Abstract:
- While a peace agreement between the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the Colombian government seems to be within reach, a number of substantial and procedural issues might still cause controversies. One such topic is the question of how a potential peace agreement should be ratified. Both parties have made clear that ratification should involve direct citizen participation. The FARC's proposal for a broadly mandated Constituent Assembly is effectively not politically viable. Other constitutional options have practical, political and legal implications. A final formula will need to deal with the armed group's concern for the legal security of its members while rapidly generating a political mandate to proceed with implementation. The inevitable time lag between signature and ratification will most certainly become a political liability because the FARC is likely to refuse to lay down its weapons in this period. With low levels of trust between the parties and a society deeply sceptical of the guerrilla's intentions to abandon the armed struggle, all sides will feel the need to be protected against risks of non-compliance. The greatest risk related to citizen ratification remains non-approval, because large parts of the population continue to be sensitive – if not opposed – to the idea of granting wide-ranging concessions to the FARC. Mobilising a strong political and social majority behind the peace process and a potential deal is a priority if a final agreement is to survive popular scrutiny and become a foundation for lasting peace.
- Political Geography:
- Colombia
39636. Beyond terror: addressing the Boko Haram challenge in Nigeria
- Author:
- Kate Meagher
- Publication Date:
- 11-2014
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Norwegian Centre for Conflict Resolution
- Abstract:
- Addressing the Boko Haram insurgency in northern Nigeria requires policymakers to look beyond Western security templates of Islamic terrorism to grasp the underlying causes of what is primarily a Nigerian conflict. This policy brief examines the four explanatory factors behind the insurgency: economic marginalisation, governance failures, extremist operations and security failures. Economic causes are traced to poverty, unemployment and extreme inequality between northern and southern Nigeria, while governance failures relate to national religious polarisation, political brinksmanship among religious elites, and rampant corruption in the face of mass poverty. The focus on extremist operations considers the shifting objectives and recruitment strategies of Boko Haram, which tend to confound clear policy analysis, while an assessment of security failures notes their role in driving rather than reining in radicalisation. Recommendations for international policy interventions focus on four areas of constructive engagement. These include diplomatic pressure on the Nigerian government to demonstrate adequate political will to address the insurgency, supporting human rights training and providing appropriate equipment for the military, providing more socially differentiated support for the generation of dignified livelihoods appropriate to both the educated and uneducated unemployed, and more concerted support for the compensation of Boko Haram's victims.
- Political Geography:
- Nigeria
39637. Boko Haram: origins, challenges and responses
- Author:
- John Campbell
- Publication Date:
- 10-2014
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Norwegian Centre for Conflict Resolution
- Abstract:
- Boko Haram is a radical Islamist movement shaped by its Nigerian context and reflecting Nigeria's history of poor governance and extreme poverty in the north. The movement is unique in that it combines a sectarian, radical Islamic agenda with violence. Its stated goal is the establishment of a sharia state, but it shows little interest in actually governing or implementing economic development. It is based on the fundamentalist Wahhabi theological system and opposes the Islam of the traditional northern Nigerian establishment, which is broadly tolerant. Boko Haram and its more radical splinter, Ansaru, are steadily expanding their area of operations. Kidnapping has become a major source of revenue and is widespread, while attacks have occurred in Lagos and Kano. The government's response has been to treat Boko Haram as a part of the international al-Qaeda movement. Security service abuses are likely a driver of some popular support for or acquiescence to Boko Haram. The struggle between the government and Boko Haram has dire humanitarian consequences. Many people have been internally displaced in northern Nigeria and many refugees have fled to neighbouring countries. The international community may be asked to help provide humanitarian assistance in what is one of the poorest parts of the world.
- Political Geography:
- Nigeria
39638. Why Mpeketoni matters: al-Shabaab and violence in Kenya
- Author:
- David M. Anderson
- Publication Date:
- 09-2014
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Norwegian Centre for Conflict Resolution
- Abstract:
- The massacre at Mpeketoni in June 2014 signalled a new departure for al-Shabaab in its violent attacks on the Kenyan state. Justifying the attack as retaliation for the extrajudicial killings of Muslim leaders and the general oppression of Muslims, and as an act of war, al-Shabaab dem-onstrated a keen awareness of the sensitive political position of Kenya's Muslim population. Having been founded in a nationalist context in Somalia, al-Shabaab appears now to be rein-venting itself in the context of Kenya's troubled domestic politics. Claims that the Mpeketoni violence was based on local politics only underline the success of al-Shabaab's “reinvention”. The Kenyan state has done little to win support amongst its own Muslim population for its cur-rent invasion of southern Somalia. Its efforts to contain al-Hijra, an al-Shabaab franchise now operating in Kenya, has involved heavy-handed policing, most recently in Operation Usalama Watch, and has seen the killing and “disappearance” of more than 20 Muslim leaders. Kenya's government now needs to rebuild trust with Muslim communities in its north-eastern border areas, and elsewhere, and to seek a consensus against radicalisation. This should involve a reconsideration of policing methods, the creation of opportunities for political dialogue with Muslim leaders, and a more sensitive, culturally appropriate and equitable approach to Muslim communities in general.
- Political Geography:
- Kenya and Somalia
39639. Turkey's new focus on Africa: causes and challenges
- Author:
- Ali Bilgic and Daniela Nascimento
- Publication Date:
- 09-2014
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Norwegian Centre for Conflict Resolution
- Abstract:
- Although Turkey had no past colonial involvement with African countries, there has been an increasing revival of Turkey's relation with the continent since the end of the 1990s, which reached a peak after 2005. From then on, along with a focus on Central Asia, the Balkans and the Middle East, Turkish foreign policy started shifting its focus to Africa, and as a new donor country Turkey's political and economic relations with sub-Saharan African countries have intensified significantly. This policy brief analyses and discusses the main economic, political, and strategic motivations behind these shifts and priorities, as well as some of the perceptions and current challenges this change in policy faces.
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Central Asia, Turkey, Middle East, and Balkans
39640. Russia's development assistance, with a focus on Africa
- Author:
- Andrey Makarychev and Licínia Simão
- Publication Date:
- 09-2014
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Norwegian Centre for Conflict Resolution
- Abstract:
- It was not until 2007 that the concept of development assistance became part of the Russian foreign policy toolkit. This policy brief explains Russia's development assistance policy – mainly towards Africa – as an effect of the country's global commitments and socialisation dynamics, on the one hand, and Moscow's growing interest in exploring the potential of soft power as an indispensable element of its diplomacy, since both aspects are interrelated. The policy brief also looks at the mismatches between Russia's normative discourse in its assistance towards Africa, and the economic and geopolitical interests it pursues simultaneously. This provides room for reflection on the specificities of so-called South-South cooperation, with which the BRICS grouping in particular is often associated.
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Russia, and Moscow