Political Geography: United Nations / Topic:

201. What Works for Women: Proven approaches for empowering women smallholders and achieving food security

Publication Date:: 03-2012
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Oxfam Publishing
Abstract:: What changes do we need to empower women smallholders and achieve food security? This question has been asked repeatedly over the past several decades, but transformative changes in both public policy and practice have been few and far between. According to the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), closing the „gender gap‟ in agriculture –or increasing women‟s contribution to food production and enterprise by providing equal access to resources and opportunities –could reduce the number of hungry people in the world by 12-17 per cent, or by 100 to 150 million people.
Topic:: Security, Agriculture, Gender Issues, Food, and Famine
Political Geography:: United Nations

202. Indonesia's Democratic Politics and Foreign Policy-Making: A Case Study of Iranian Nuclear Issue, 2007 - 2008

Author:: Iisgindarsah
Publication Date:: 04-2012
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies
Abstract:: This paper studies the impact of domestic politics upon Indonesia's foreign policy-making. Serving as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council from 2007 to 2008, Indonesia voted on two key resolutions concerning the Iranian nuclear issue. While approving international sanctions against Iran under UNSC Resolution No. 1747, the Indonesian government preferred to abstain from voting on Resolution No. 1803. This paper argues the country's changing response to the Iranian nuclear issue was a consequence of domestic opposition. The case study specifically identifies the interplay between majority Moslem population, religious mass organizations and political parties as key factors which weigh upon the “strategic calculus” behind Indonesia's foreign policy formulation. The paper will conclude while the executive still drives the country's foreign policy, the parliament and social-political groups have new powers to cajole and criticize the government into reversing or softening an established policy.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Democratization, Islam, and Sectarianism
Political Geography:: Iran, Indonesia, and United Nations

203. Iran and the Universality of Human Rights

Author:: Mehdi Zakerian
Publication Date:: 01-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs
Institution:: Center for Strategic Research (CSR)
Abstract:: A review of the events of the past decade and today's demands of the international community demonstrates how the expansion, inclusiveness and universality of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and United Nations Human Rights Covenants serve the common interests of all United Nations member states and nations. Moreover, the consensus of the international community on a series of rules such as the ban on torture and slavery, right to life, freedom of expression and alike - collectively known as fundamental rules of human rights - is inviolable. These two presumptions influence the institutionalization of human rights norms and support for human rights in every corner of the world, including Iran. For this purpose, which strategy can Iran make use of in the process of the universalization of human rights? While many international relations and international law scholars claim that the universality of human rights is a bridge connecting security and progress, putting aside this claim, we propose an answer to the key question of what Iran's optimum strategy towards the universality of human rights should be. This research argues that since every country's culture and native, age-old cultural, religious and national beliefs possess relative grounds of inclusiveness and universality, Iran's optimum strategy should be to seek a cross-cultural character of the fundamental rules of human rights. The author assesses the formation of human rights treaties and Iran's positions, cultural distinctions and types of universalities. Moreover, this study reviews the reservations about, and particular interpretations of human rights as well as theoretical and academic debates concerning the universality of human rights. Lastly, the author discusses cultural relativism and the impact of the cross-cultural character of the fundamental rules of human rights on compromise between relativism and universality of human rights.
Topic:: International Relations and Human Rights
Political Geography:: Iran, United Nations, and Tunisia

204. Of Witches and Robots: The Diverse Challenges of Responding to Unlawful Killings in the Twenty-First Century

Author:: Philip Alston
Publication Date:: 02-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Macalester International
Institution:: Macalester College
Abstract:: From its relatively modest beginnings in 1945, the universal human rights regime has come a very long way. Few if any of those who drafted the apparently unthreatening, but nonetheless foundational, provisions of the United Nations Charter dealing with human rights would have imagined that less than seventy years later the Security Council would have taken action in relation to serious human rights violations in a significant range of countries, that governments would have established an International Criminal Court, or that there would be a wide range of mechanisms that regularly and routinely hold states to account for their human rights performance across a very wide range of issues. This is not, however, to suggest that many of the most egregious human rights problems have been radically ameliorated. They clearly have not. The subjugation of women is a continuing phenomenon in a great many societies, and gender equality remains an unachieved goal even in the most developed economies. Racial discrimination is a constant and forms of ethnic and religious discrimination continue to be both inventive and invidious. Hunger, the denial of basic health care, and access to decent housing are problems that persist on a vast scale around the world. In addition, torture, disappearances, and unlawful killings continue to take place in the majority of states.
Topic:: Human Rights
Political Geography:: United Nations

205. International Criminal Justice: Growing Pains or Incurable Contradictions?

Author:: James von Geldern
Publication Date:: 02-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Macalester International
Institution:: Macalester College
Abstract:: When the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) was drafted in 1998, it represented a signal moment in the history of human rights. Here, finally, was a document that not only enunciated humanitarian protections, it also offered a means to punish individuals guilty of violating them. United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan called the Statute “a gift of hope to future generations, and a giant step forward in the march towards universal human rights and the rule of law.” Drafting Committee Chairman Cherif Bassiouni stressed that the world would never again be the same. This was the last step of a history that had started at the end of the First World War and meant that impunity for the perpetrators of grave crimes of international concern was no longer tolerable. It would not eliminate all conflicts or bring victims back to life, but it would bring justice.
Topic:: Human Rights
Political Geography:: United Nations

206. Response

Author:: Paul Schadewald
Publication Date:: 02-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Macalester International
Institution:: Macalester College
Abstract:: Dr. James von Geldern is a public scholar, lawyer, teacher, and professor who raises questions with profound moral implications for international policy, activism, and human rights work. Von Geldern's argument that the Institutional Criminal Court (ICC) may be fatally flawed is disturbing for people who work for human rights, but it is also a critical line of inquiry. His argument is troubling because it does not engage us solely in an intellectual conundrum. The topics raised by his essay, such as whether universal global justice is ultimately possible, engages us in multiple ways. We enter the conversation as scholars, human rights workers and activists, and as human beings, who live with the recent images of Darfur and with memories and stories of other genocides.
Political Geography:: United Nations

207. Response

Author:: Proma Sen
Publication Date:: 02-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Macalester International
Institution:: Macalester College
Abstract:: On a preliminary reading of “International Criminal Justice: Growing Pains or Incurable Contradictions,” by Professor James von Geldern, one understands that the debate about enforcement arises from the assumption of a pre-existing set of human rights concerns in the world today. Beyond the continuing debate surrounding the universal applicability versus the cultural relativism of these rights, the very existence of human rights in today's globalizing context leads to the question of how these rights can be protected and who is responsible for their enforcement? To date, the largest internationally accepted organization with the combined political power of multiple nations is the United Nations and its various sub-organizations. The highest global power seemingly permitted to pass cross-national judgments today is the International Criminal Court (ICC), formed by the Rome Statute, which was drafted in 1998. Yet the ICC has not convicted enough aggressors to truly be deemed a successful mechanism for justice.
Topic:: Human Rights
Political Geography:: United Nations

208. Ralph Zacklin, The United Nations Secretariat and the Use of Force in a Unipolar World. Power v. Principle

Author:: Günther Auth
Publication Date:: 02-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Abstract:: Global governance has been the buzzword for many internationalists for quite some time now, and the United Nations has been one of the primordial focal points in controversies about global order. This prominence of the UN has been especially remarkable in the context of deliberations about the legality and legitimacy of military force. For, despite the growing importance of the US as the world's most capable superpower, internationalists have not been muted by voices stressing the impossibility of successfully grappling with power-based interests and high-political considerations of predominant states through international law and organization. The emergence of a unipolar moment, a constellation supposedly characterized by a high concentration of military capabilities and widespread scepticism as regards the fruitfulness of multilateralism in the US has rather enticed many commentators to ponder all the more seriously the potential role of multilateral institutions, such as the UN – as a mediating structure vis-à-vis national interests, as a legitimacy-conferring agent the main function of which it is to rationalize the regime of the great powers, or as a potential counterweight to US-American unilateralism. The author of the book under review adds to this list as he endeavours to show that, after the end of the Cold War in 1990, the Secretariat of the UN repeatedly championed views that brought it into conflict with the US and other influential member states of the UN. Based on his own experience as a staff member in the Office of Legal Affairs since 1973, as the Director of the UN Secretariat's Office of Legal Counsel since 1988, and as an Assistant Secretary-General for Legal Affairs of the United Nations from 1998 to 2005, he delivered The Sir Hersch Lauterpacht Memorial Lectures at Cambridge University in 2008, in which he made a strong point for an independent role for the UN Secretariat as regards questions concerning the legality and legitimacy of military force.
Political Geography:: United States and United Nations

209. P.G. McHugh, Aboriginal Title. The Modern Jurisprudence of Tribal Land Rights

Author:: Katja Göcke
Publication Date:: 02-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Abstract:: The recognition of aboriginal title – i.e., land rights not derived from the Crown/government but rooted solely in the use and ownership of the land by indigenous peoples since time immemorial – is probably the greatest achievement of indigenous peoples in their decade-long struggle to de - fend their land and culture. Since indigenous peoples define themselves as a people through their genealogical connection to certain areas, the realization of the right to own, use, and live on their ancestral territories has always been at the centre of their struggle for the recognition and enforcement of their rights. Ownership of and control over their ancestral land and its resources are not only considered a significant contribution to solving the terrible social and economic problems indigenous peoples are facing. A considerable degree of self-management and control over land and natural resources is also regarded as essential to the indigenous peoples' survival as peoples and the preservation of their distinct culture. Yet until the 1970s the rights of indigenous peoples to their ancestral lands were almost completely ignored by states and international law. The loss of indigenous peoples' control of and ownership over these lands during colonization was regarded as a historical and irreversible fact by national governments. When from the 1970s onwards courts in several common law jurisdictions began to hold that the indigenous peoples' customary tenure had indeed survived the acquisition of sovereignty by the Crown and continued to exist as a burden on the Crown's radical title to the land, the national governments were – after years of inactivity and neglect – finally forced to act and to enter into negotiations with indigenous peoples to settle the indigenous peoples' land claims. In the 1990s, United Nations human rights monitoring bodies and regional human rights courts picked up the aboriginal title idea, thereby placing indigenous peoples' issues and concerns on the international agenda and providing indigenous peoples with additional leverage against their respective governments. The recognition of inherent indigenous land rights not only enabled indigenous peoples to retain and regain ownership and control over land and resources, but it also became the platform for the recognition of other indigenous rights, in particular, the right to self-determination and the right to autonomy. Hence, through the recognition of the aboriginal title doctrine, indigenous peoples were not only brought to the attention of their respective governments, but they also became recognized as actors – and no longer as mere subjects – on the national as well as on the international level.
Political Geography:: United Nations

210. UN-Appointed Palmer Commission, Report on the Gaza Flotilla incident, New York, July 2011 (excerpts).

Publication Date:: 01-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: On 2 August 2010, in response to the continuing fallout over Israel's 31 May 2010 attack on a humanitarian aid flotilla bound for Gaza that resulted in the death of nine Turkish citizens, the UN Secretary formally established a panel of inquiry into the incident. The six-vessel flotilla, led by the Turkish-owned Mavi Marmara and heading toward Gaza with the stated intention of breaking Israel's siege, was boarded by Israeli forces some seventy-two nautical miles out to sea. The incident further strained Israeli-Turkish relations, which had deteriorated sharply over Israel's Operation Cast Lead in 2008–9.
Political Geography:: New York and United Nations

211. Middle East Quartet, Statement Urging the Resumption of Israeli-Palestinian Peace Talks, New York, 23 September 2011

Publication Date:: 01-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: With the approach of the annual UN General Assembly (UNGA) session and the Palestinians not yet completely de- cided on whether to go ahead with a bid for full membership in the world body, the U.S. in late August 2011 stepped up efforts to avert the move. These included pressure on the Palestinians to accept a proposal by the Middle East Quartet (the U.S., EU, Russia, and the UN) to revive Israeli-Palestinian peace talk in lieu of their statehood bid. U.S. envoys pre- sented several formulas, but the Pales- tinians found them insufficient and not serious, and said that even if a viable proposal were presented, the statehood bid would proceed (see Quarterly Update in this issue for details). The U.S. urged its Quartet partners to issue a statement on reviving talks nonetheless, believing it would give the U.S. leverage to argue that an alternative to the statehood bid still existed through negotiations, and that until all negotiating prospects were exhausted unilateral Palestinian steps should be opposed.
Political Geography:: Russia, United States, Europe, Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and United Nations

212. Richard J. Goldstone, "Israel and the Apartheid Slander," New York Times, 31 October 2011.

Publication Date:: 01-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: Judge Goldstone, who led the UN - commissioned investigation into allegations of war crimes committed during Israel's winter 2008–9 operation in Gaza (see Special Doc. File in JPS 154) and later, in a much-publicized move, repudiated one of the commission's major findings (see Doc. A1 in JPS 160), elicited further controversy with his op-ed in the New York Times defending Israel against accusations of apartheid. The op-ed was occasioned by the third session of the Russell Tribunal on Pales- tine (an “international people's tribunal” created by activists to promote peace and justice in the Middle East and funded by the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation), scheduled to begin on 4 November in Cape Town, South Africa, which was to focus on the question of whether Israel's practices with regard to the Palestinians constitute apartheid differences (see un- der “Other” in this issue's Quarterly Up- date). See the first item in the “Selections from the Press” in this issue for reactions to the Goldstone op-ed.
Political Geography:: New York, Israel, South Africa, and United Nations

213. UN Security Council, Report of the Committee on the Admission of New Members Concerning Palestine's Application for Membership to the UN , New York, 11 November 2011.

Publication Date:: 01-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: The UN Committee on the Admission of New Members, comprising representatives of the fifteen serving members of the UN Security Council (UNSC), considered the Palestinian application at a number of meetings between 28 September and 8 November, the date it completed its final report. In addition to the five permanent members (the U.S., France, Great Britain, Russia, and China), the rotating members during this period were Bosnia, Brazil, Colombia, Gabon, Germany, India, Lebanon, Nigeria, Portugal, and South Africa. The report was formally accepted by the UNSC on 11 November.
Political Geography:: Britain, Africa, China, New York, Bosnia, Middle East, India, France, Brazil, Colombia, Palestine, Germany, United Nations, Nigeria, and Portugal

214. State of Palestine, Application for Admission to Membership in the UN and Accompanying Letters, Ramallah, 23 September 2011

Publication Date:: 01-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: The Palestinian application for admission to the United Nations, addressed to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon, consisted of three elements: a covering letter, the letter of application, and an appended declaration affirming that the State of Palestine accepts the obligations contained in the UN Charter, as required by the rules of procedure for both the Security Council and General Assembly. All three documents were signed by Mahmud Abbas in his dual capacities as president of the State of Palestine and chairman of the PLO Executive Committee, and the text of the latter two documents explicitly identifies the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. The letter of application further specifies that the application is made “consistent with the rights of the Palestinian refugees.” This reference, and the emphasis on the PLO's status as the Palestinians' sole legitimate representative, were reportedly prompted by concerns that recognition of statehood could affect the rights of diaspora Palestinians and especially the refugees. The three documents submit- ted by the Palestinians were forwarded by the secretary-general with a covering letter to the serving president of the Security Council, Lebanese ambassador to the UN Nawaf Salam, who in turn conveyed all four items to all members of the Security Council as document S/2011/592 dated 23 September 2011. The documents were taken from the website of the Permanent Observer Mission of Palestine to the United Nations at http://www.un.int/wcm/content/site/ palestine.
Political Geography:: Palestine and United Nations

215. Palestinian Pres. Mahmud Abbas, Address to the UN General Assembly on the Occasion of Palestine's Application for UN Membership, New York, 23 September 2011 (excerpts)

Publication Date:: 01-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: President Abbas's speech, which ended with the announcement that an application for membership in the United Nations had just been filed, consisted primarily of a comprehensive overview of the Palestinian position, past efforts, and current situation and included a clear statement of purpose, goals, and conditions for renewed negotiations. Addressing relentless settlement expansion and Israel's refusal to commit to terms of reference as called for by international law and UN resolutions, he stated frankly that it was "no longer possible to redress the issue of blockage of the horizon of the peace talks with the same means . . . that have been repeatedly tried and proven unsuccessful" and declared that negotiations were futile "without clear parameters and in the absence of credibility and a specific timetable," and in the continuing presence of an entrenched occupation that "continues to change the demography of our country in order to . . . alter the borders." Abbas was greeted enthusiastically upon his return home on 25 September by thousands of Palestinians who praised his actions at the UN General Assembly session as an assertion of Palestinian rights and principles, even while being skeptical that they would result in substantive change. The speech, delivered in Arabic, was taken from the PLO's Negotiations Affairs Department.
Political Geography:: Palestine and United Nations

216. Israeli PM Benjamin Netanyahu, Address to the UN General Assembly on the Occasion of Palestine's Application for UN Membership, New York, 23 September 2011 (excerpts).

Publication Date:: 01-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: Prime Minister Netanyahu's speech, which followed Palestinian pres. Mahmud Abbas's, was sharply critical of the United Nations, and emphasized Israel's unflagging efforts to reach a just peace in the face of multifold threats, the most recent and gravest being Islamist fanaticism. Though reiterating his often-expressed hope that the Palestinians will become a partner in peace and finally recognize Israel as a Jewish state, the speech was vague on specific reasons (beyond Palestinian intransigence) for the stalled negotiations. When Netanyahu took the podium following a standing ovation for Abbas, a number of delegates left the assembly hall, prompting him to state: "I did not come here to win applause. I came here to speak the truth." The speech was taken from the Israeli Prime Minister's.
Political Geography:: New York, Israel, Palestine, and United Nations

217. U.S. Pres. Barack Obama, Address to the UN General Assembly, New York, 21 September 2011 (excerpts).

Publication Date:: 01-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: Much of President Obama's speech was taken up with surveying the year's progress with regard to ending conflicts and realizing democracy and human rights (e.g., Iraq, Afghanistan, South Sudan, the Arab Spring). His remarks on the Israel-Palestine conflict, reproduced below, were less optimistic, and contrasted with his UN General Assembly address of September 2010, which gave a nod to the Palestinian demand for a settlement moratorium with tentative support. In this year's address, the burden of responsibility seemed to lie squarely with the Palestinians, leading some critics to speak of a "final capitulation to the Israeli position." The text of Obama's speech was distributed by the White House press office.
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, United States, New York, Israel, Palestine, Arabia, United Nations, and South Sudan

218. State Department, Briefing in the Wake of UNESCO's Approval of Full Palestinian Membership, Washington, 3 November 2011 (excerpts).

Publication Date:: 01-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: The 31 October vote of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization ( UNESCO) general assembly approving by a wide margin the Palestinian request for full membership in the organization (as opposed to observer status) was the starting point for the Palestine-related segment of the State Department's daily press briefing. Spokesperson Victoria Nuland was hammered on the U.S. defunding of UNESCO and progress on the peace process. The transcript was distributed by the State Department.
Political Geography:: United States, Washington, Palestine, and United Nations

219. Providing Justice in Haiti

Author:: Robert Maguire
Publication Date:: 04-2012
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: In spite of the Haitian government's stated priority of improving rule of law, a Haitian court's decision not to prosecute former dictator Jean-Claude Duvalier for crimes against humanity has cast doubt on the sincerity of that commitment. The failings of Haiti's judicial system are well-known, but historically reform efforts have been ineffective. Improved provision of justice is critical for the creation of conditions for stability and the eventual withdrawal of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). Modernizing Haiti's antiquated legal and penal codes are an essential component of rule of law reform. Some progress is being made toward this end. A greater emphasis is needed on coordinating efforts among international donors and improving interaction with Haitian counterparts to achieve progress on judicial reform.
Topic:: Crime, Human Rights, Foreign Aid, Fragile/Failed State, and Law
Political Geography:: United Nations, Caribbean, and Haiti

220. Engaging Nonstate Armed Groups on the Protection of Children: Towards Strategic Complementarity

Author:: Jérémie Labbé and Reno Meyer
Publication Date:: 04-2012
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: International Peace Institute
Abstract:: This issue brief provides an overview of the legal, political, and operational frameworks protecting children from the effects of armed conflict, notably from violations by nonstate armed groups. The UN Secretary-General has repeatedly emphasized the need to “more consistently and effectively engage non-State armed groups in order to improve their compliance with the law,” including international human rights and international humanitarian law. This is of particular importance with regard to child protection as armed conflicts have far-reaching impacts on children, who are among the most vulnerable members of society. The issue brief explores some of the limitations of these frameworks and their mechanisms, and discusses ways to maximize the comparative advantages of different actors when engaging nonstate armed groups to improve the protection of children's rights.
Topic:: Political Violence, Human Rights, Human Welfare, International Law, Insurgency, and Youth Culture
Political Geography:: United Nations

221. Syria's Phase of Radicalisation

Publication Date:: 04-2012
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: As the 10 April deadline Kofi Annan (the UN and Arab League joint Special Envoy) set for implementation of his peace plan strikes , the conflict ' s dynamics have taken an ugly and worrying turn. Syrians from all walks of life appear dumbfounded by the horrific levels of violence and hatred generated by the crisis. Regime forces have subjected entire neighbourhoods to intense bombardment, purportedly to crush armed opposition groups yet with no regard for civilians. Within the largest cities, innocent lives have been lost due to massive bomb attacks in the vicinity of key security installations. Perhaps most sickening of all have been pictures displaying the massacre of whole families, including the shattered skulls of young children. The first anniversary of what began as a predominantly peaceful protest movement came and went with only scattered popular demonstrations. Instead, there was immeasurable bloodshed.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Political Violence, Armed Struggle, and Sectarian violence
Political Geography:: Middle East, Arabia, United Nations, and Syria

222. The Status and Future of International Law after the Libya Intervention

Author:: Pierre Thielbörger
Publication Date:: 06-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: The Goettingen Journal of International Law
Institution:: The Goettingen Journal of International Law
Abstract:: This article uses the case of the Libya intervention to address three general claims about international law. Firstly, it examines whether the reliance of the intervention on the mechanisms of collective security under the UN Charter suggests that international law relating to peace and security has finally overcome its post-9/11 crisis. It concludes that the resolution's vague wording – which makes the distinction between what is “legal” under the resolution, and what is not, hard to draw – undermines such an assumption. Secondly, it explores whether the Libya intervention has put new emphasis on what has been termed the “emerging right of democratic governance”. In spite of the underlying democracy-enhancing spirit of the execution of the intervention, Resolution 1973 was exclusively written in the language of human rights. It did little to indicate a changed attitude of States towards a norm of democratic governance. Finally, the article examines whether the case of Libya shows a renewed international attitude towards States which violate the most fundamental human rights of their citizens. The article concludes by suggesting that, in this third respect, a more muscular liberalism is indeed on the rise again in international law, challenging the formerly almighty concept of State sovereignty. In contributing to this subtle transformation, the Libyan case has made a genuine contribution to the development of the international legal order.
Topic:: Security, Human Rights, and International Law
Political Geography:: America, Libya, and United Nations

223. Sovereign Debt Crises as Threats to the Peace: Restructuring under Chapter VII of the UN Charter?

Author:: Matthias Goldmann
Publication Date:: 06-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: The Goettingen Journal of International Law
Institution:: The Goettingen Journal of International Law
Abstract:: Sovereign debt crises might significantly decrease the level of socioeconomic rights enjoyment for the population in the affected state. According to recent data, they even increase the risk of civil unrest. However, the resolution of sovereign debt crises is compromised by legal obstacles which result from the absence of a statutory, obligatory bankruptcy procedure for states. On the one hand, creditors might refuse to accept an exchange of their debt instrument in the frame of a workout and choose to litigate against the state. On the other hand, states might worsen their situation by unnecessarily delaying inevitable workouts. This article explores whether and to what extent the powers UN Security Council could be deployed in order to mitigate these problems. This requires a reconsideration of the concept of peace in Article 39 UN Charter. The article concludes that, at the request of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the Security Council might put a stay on the enforcement of creditors' claims or order workout negotiations.
Topic:: Security, International Law, War, and International Monetary Fund
Political Geography:: Germany and United Nations

224. Kosovo's Chances of UN Membership: A Prognosis

Author:: David Ighojohwegba Efevwerhan
Publication Date:: 06-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: The Goettingen Journal of International Law
Institution:: The Goettingen Journal of International Law
Abstract:: The International Court of Justice has ruled that Kosovo.'s unilateral declaration of independence neither violated general rule of international law nor the lex specialis. As of the time of writing, 86 UN Member States have recognized Kosovo as a State. With the judicial pronouncement in their favour, the authorities in Kosovo are likely to apply for membership in the United Nations. This paper reviews the rules and practice of UN membership admission and assesses Kosovo.'s chances of success should it apply to the world body for admission. It argues that ordinarily, Kosovo meets the requirements for admission into the UN but political considerations of the permanent members of the Security Council would constitute a clog in Kosovo.'s ambition to become the 194th member of the United Nations. However, four options are proffered as ways out of the political logjam that is sure to surface if and when, Kosovo puts in an application for admission into the membership of the UN.
Topic:: Security and International Law
Political Geography:: Kosovo and United Nations

225. Syria: What China Has Learned From its Libya Experience

Author:: Yun Sun
Publication Date:: 02-2012
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: East-West Center
Abstract:: China's joint veto along with Russia of the UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) on Syria has provoked fierce international criticism. Labeled as “responsible for Syria's genocide,” Beijing's international image has struck a new low. China's decision to cast the unpopular vote was apparently well thought-out, as evidenced by its consistent diplomatic rhetoric and actions, both before and after the veto. However, in analyzing China's motivation, many analysts seemed to have missed an important point. That is, China's experience concerning Libya in 2011 had a direct impact on its actions regarding Syria this time around.
Topic:: International Relations, Foreign Policy, Insurgency, and Popular Revolt
Political Geography:: China, Middle East, Arabia, United Nations, and Syria

226. Maritime Security Sector Reform

Author:: John F. Sandoz
Publication Date:: 05-2012
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: Maritime security sector reform (MSSR) is a component of security sector reform (SSR). SSR is the complex task of transforming the institutions and organizations that deal directly with security threats to the state and its citizens. MSSR applies the same concepts to the maritime domain. It consists of comprehensive actions taken by littoral countries and a range of partners to improve the security, safety, and economic viability of maritime spaces by improving governance, infrastructure, and law enforcement capacity, creating a broader approach to SSR on the global stage. The globally connected economy relies on the oceans and adjoining littorals for fishing, access to natural resources, and the movement of much of the world's commerce. Effective governance of maritime spaces has become essential for both economic growth and regional security. Continued population growth in the coastal regions, or littorals, strains the maritime infrastructure and the capacity to govern, resulting in unmet security challenges from competing countries, transnational criminal organizations, and insurgent and terrorist groups that exploit instability in the maritime domain. MSSR may be undertaken to strengthen existing maritime governance, respond to specific instability or threats, or restore governance following conflict or natural disasters. MSSR involves a whole-of-government process to identify and address specific problems through collaborative approaches that coordinate the contributions of internal and external organizations. The MSSR process begins with a multidisciplinary assessment, ideally performed by representatives from private and public institutions. It must take into account a country's history, culture, and the aspirations of its citizens and government. MSSR is not the imposition of external organizations, plans, or processes. The U.S. government's role in MSSR, while often significant, must be closely coordinated with efforts by the United Nations, donor nations, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and the private sector. Achieving this level of coordination may be the most challenging aspect of successful MSSR.
Topic:: Security, International Trade and Finance, Terrorism, Weapons of Mass Destruction, and Maritime Commerce
Political Geography:: United States and United Nations

227. Global Warming's Unfinished Debate: The Post-Kyoto (2008-2012) Era

Author:: Cheryl Rita Kaur
Publication Date:: 03-2012
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Maritime Institute of Malaysia
Abstract:: The Copenhagen Climate Summit in 2009 was aimed at building on an international agreement through a new environmental accord for the post-Kyoto period (2008-2012), including new targets for greenhouse gas emissions. Although various options have been suggested since then, no definite agreement has yet been achieved. The recent United Nations Climate Change Conference in Durban, South Africa further negotiated the implementation of the Convention visa- vis the Kyoto Protocol, the Bali Action Plan, and the Cancun Agreements. The main outcome included the decision to adopt a universal legal agreement on climate change as soon as possible and no later than 2015. This commentary looks at the strengths and problems faced with the Protocol and what will constitute a fair differentiation of commitments among countries to address the issue more effectively post-Kyoto.
Topic:: Climate Change, Environment, International Trade and Finance, Treaties and Agreements, and Maritime Commerce
Political Geography:: New Delhi and United Nations

228. International Organization and Poverty Alleviation

Author:: William Felice and Diana Fuguitt
Publication Date:: 07-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Human Rights and Human Welfare - Review Essays
Institution:: Josef Korbel Graduate School of International Studies, University of Denver
Abstract:: Under the leadership of former U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan, and former High Commissioner of Human Rights Mary Robinson, efforts were made to mainstream human rights throughout the entire U.N. system. Annan appealed to all U.N. specialized agencies and affiliated organizations to consider how their work was linked to the corpus of internationally recognized human rights in international law. In one of his last acts as Secretary-General, Annan called for basing new reforms at the U.N. on three notions of freedom: freedom from want, freedom from fear, and freedom to live a life with dignity (Annan 2005).
Topic:: Human Rights
Political Geography:: United Nations

229. Introduction

Author:: Bernice Lee and Robert Falkner
Publication Date:: 05-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Institution:: Chatham House
Abstract:: Environmental threats are bringing new geopolitical, economic and technological challenges to an already unstable world. We are entering a period of intensified environmental stress, in the form of accelerated ecological degradation and greater risk of shortage and disruption in energy and food supplies, as well as heightened political tensions over control of and access to resources. Current trends call into question the effectiveness of existing governance mechanisms at various levels in dealing with global environmental threats and the unequal distribution of resources.
Topic:: Disaster Relief
Political Geography:: United Nations

230. Global environmentalism and the greening of international society

Author:: Robert Falkner
Publication Date:: 05-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Institution:: Chatham House
Abstract:: A hundred years separate the first International Congress for the Protection of Nature in Paris (1909) and the United Nations climate summit in Copenhagen (2009). Both international conferences mark important stages on the long road towards a greener international system. Both witnessed a clash between the idealistic ambitions of environmentalists and the harsh reality of international diplomacy. Both have been described as failures. As world leaders gather in June 2012 at the UN Conference on Sustainable Development (UNCSD) in Rio de Janeiro, held 20 years after the Rio 'Earth Summit', many observers will no doubt conclude that, despite a century of global environmental rhetoric, green norms continue to be flouted by the Great Powers. Species extinction, deforestation and the destruction of ecosystems continue unabated, while the unmitigated global warming trend threatens global climate stability.
Political Geography:: United Nations

231. Institutional diffusion in international environmental affairs

Author:: Alexander Ovodenko and Robert O Keohane
Publication Date:: 05-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Institution:: Chatham House
Abstract:: Political institutions are established because organized groups of people seek to achieve certain purposes that can be realized only by creating new institutions or modifying old ones. International institutions reduce transaction costs and uncertainty for governments in their future interactions within a specific issue-area. Once bargaining problems have been overcome, institutions can help to facilitate mutually beneficial cooperation among governments. However, it is rare that only one institutional design could perform these functions in a satisfactory way. So there is scope for choice.
Topic:: Government
Political Geography:: United Nations

232. Engaging the public and the private in global sustainability governance

Author:: Kenneth W. Abbott
Publication Date:: 05-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Institution:: Chatham House
Abstract:: Negotiators preparing for Rio+20 are missing an important opportunity. Reforming the institutional framework for sustainable development is a central part of the conference agenda. In the run up to Rio+20, negotiators have extensively discussed institutional reforms, but are focusing almost exclusively on intergovernmental organizations such as the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and the United Nations Commission on Sustainable Development (UNCSD). At the same time, however, private sustainability governance is flourishing. Since 1992 numerous organizations created by business, civil society groups, multi stakeholder coalitions and other private actors, as well as diverse public–private partnerships, have adopted important regulatory standards and implemented significant operational programmes, covering financing, project support and information dissemination. Rio+20 negotiators remain almost wholly disengaged from these innovations.
Political Geography:: United Nations

233. Response

Author:: Jean-Pierre Karegeye
Publication Date:: 05-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Macalester International
Institution:: Macalester College
Abstract:: The movie Slumdog Millionaire (2008), adapted from Vikas Swarup's 2005 novel Q A, tells the story of Jamal Malik, a vulnerable orphan and street boy exposed to the misery of the world: extreme poverty, disease, lack of education, violence, murder, prostitution in Cherry Street, police brutality, and other misfortunes. Very painful images, but not without promise and determination, show Jamal at five years old, covered in excrement, succeed in reaching the Indian movie star, Amitabah, and receive an autograph. When Jamal starts playing and winning “Who Wants to be a Millionaire,” Sergeant Srinivas and other policemen torture Jamal because they cannot understand how this vulnerable lost child is winning the game. Their conclusion: he must be cheating. The film places us into the dialectic of vulnerability and promise. What we can take from it is that the well-being of a child is not a private affair. It is linked to the order of the economic and the political, with these two words understood in their etymological sense. The fact of being on orphan evokes the oikos and miserable life in the streets, as well as the cops' response referring to the order of the polis. Jamal Malik's exceptional achievement raises the question of how is this possible? What is the correct answer among the four choices in the film: he cheated, he's lucky, he's a genius, it is destiny? There is a risk of celebrating the idea of heroism in Jamal Malik's character and forgetting the call to protect vulnerable children. Any promise is inscribed in a societal project that creates conditions of possibility for the protection and success of children. Tonderai Chikuhwa, senior advisor at the United Nations, discusses the Roundtable theme of “Children of the World: The Dialectic of Promise and Vulnerability” by focusing on particular situations of children involved in armed conflict and he evokes concrete actions/operations by the United Nations to protect such “child soldiers.” The well-being of children has been defined as a “categorical imperative” for the realization of planetary peace and security, which therefore calls for actions from the United Nations Security Council.
Topic:: Economics and Political Economy
Political Geography:: United Nations

234. Humanitarian Funding

Publication Date:: 04-2012
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Oxfam Publishing
Abstract:: In both conflicts and disasters, people anywhere have the right to the humanitarian assistance and protection that they need. When national governments are unable to provide it, or need support, the international community has a responsibility to help, including through funding humanitarian action by disaster-affected governments, local and national NGOs, the UN and others. Despite increased funding, new donors and initiatives the level and nature of funding remains inadequate.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Human Welfare, Humanitarian Aid, Non-Governmental Organization, War, Natural Disasters, and Refugee Issues
Political Geography:: United Nations

235. Provision of Aid by Foreign Military Forces

Publication Date:: 04-2012
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Oxfam Publishing
Abstract:: Foreign military forces, including UN peacekeeping operations, should not provide relief or development assistance, other than in exceptional cases. Governments should follow the accepted international standards to judge those exceptional circumstances, and determine how military forces should act. These standards are the Guidelines on the Use of Foreign Military and Civil Defence Assets in Disaster Relief [the Oslo Guidelines] for natural disasters, and separate UN guidelines for conflicts.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Foreign Policy, Humanitarian Aid, and Natural Disasters
Political Geography:: United Nations

236. Review article: The effectiveness of UN and EU sanctions: lessons for the twenty-first century

Author:: Alex Vines
Publication Date:: 07-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Institution:: Chatham House
Abstract:: This decade has been a difficult time for the United Nations. Splits among the dominant powers in an increasingly divided Security Council have stymied its efforts to resolve acute global problems. The UN global system, built more than 60 years ago, is finding today's challenges overwhelming. Many issues that the United Nations should lead on are being resolved through world capitals or by regional power blocs, leaving the UN at risk of being marginalized.
Political Geography:: China and United Nations

237. Status-Seeking and Iranian Foreign Policy: The Speeches of the President at the United Nations

Author:: Vahid Noori
Publication Date:: 06-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs
Institution:: Center for Strategic Research (CSR)
Abstract:: One of the major manifestations of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran under the Principlists is its significant changes, particularly in comparison to the eras of reconstruction and reform. This paper seeks to analyze the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in this period, utilizing the explanatory capacities of the social identity theory and the analytical concept of status-seeking. The main question of the paper concerns the main reasons behind the change in the foreign policy of Ahmadinejad's government when compared to the governments in the reconstruction and reform eras. There are also some secondary questions: Can we consider a common ground for Iranian foreign policy in all these periods? What is the main difference between the foreign policy in the Principlist period and that of Ayatollah Hashemi and former President Khatami's governments? The first secondary hypothesis argues that Iran has always been a status-seeking state in the regional and international systems. The second secondary hypothesis states that Ahmadinejad's government's foreign policy differed from the two preceding governments simply in its search for status-seeking strategy. The main hypothesis is that the perception of the policy-makers of this period concerning the failure of former governments to attain status goals, political purposes, and U.S. containment policy has been the main reason accounting for the revision of status-seeking strategy in the Principlist period.
Topic:: Foreign Policy
Political Geography:: Iran, United Nations, and Sochi

238. Western Interests, Israeli Unilateralism, and the Two-State Solution

Author:: Neve Gordon and Yinon Cohen
Publication Date:: 05-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: This essay analyzes the impact of Israeli unilateralism-specifically that of its settlement project-on the two-state solution. After exploring the relationship between unilateralism and power, the authors show, inter alia, that in-migration has accounted for about half the settlement growth since the international embrace of the land-for- peace formula in 1991, that the level of in-migration does not fluctuate according to government composition (right or left), and that Israeli-Palestinian negotiations have spurred rather than inhibited settlement expansion. The essay is framed by a contrast with the Palestinian bid for full UN membership, rejected as unilateralism by the Western powers but in fact aimed at undercutting Israeli unilateralism and creating the conditions for meaningful negotiations.
Political Geography:: Israel, Palestine, and United Nations

239. Compounding Vulnerability: Impacts of Climate Change on Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank

Author:: Michael Mason, Mark Zeitoun, and Ziad Mimi
Publication Date:: 05-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: Coping with (and adapting to) climatological hazards is commonly understood in intergovernmental and aid agency for a as a purely technical matter. This article examines the UN Development Programme's stakeholder consultations in the West Bank and Gaza Strip in order to challenge the donor-driven technical-managerial framing of Palestinian climate vulnerability by showing how Israeli occupation practices exacerbate environmental stresses. While emphasizing the importance of social, economic, and political contexts in shaping populations' responses to climate change in general, the authors demonstrate the multiple ways in which the occupation specifically compounds hazards reveals it as constitutive of Palestinian climate vulnerability.
Political Geography:: Israel and United Nations

240. Photos from the Quarter

Publication Date:: 05-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: This small sample of photos, selected from hundreds viewed by JPS, aims to convey a sense of the situation on the ground in the occupied territories during the quarter.
Political Geography:: United Nations

241. B. B'Tselem , "Three Years since Operation Cast Lead: Israeli Military Utterly Failed to Investigate Itself," Jerusalem, 19 January 2012.

Publication Date:: 05-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: The document below was published by the Israeli Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, B'Tselem, on 19 January. Though in the wake of Operation Cast Lead the Israel Defense Forces insisted that an independent investigation of its activities was unnecessary, the B'Tselem report details the failure of the Israeli military to investigate either policy choices or the conduct of the forces in the !eld in particular cases three years after the operation. The footnotes have been omitted for space. The document was obtained from http://www.btselem.org/gaza_strip/20120118_3_ years_after_cast_lead.
Political Geography:: Israel and United Nations

242. C. Khaled Elgindy, "The Middle East Quartet: A Post-Mortem," Washington, D.C., February 2012 (excerpts)

Publication Date:: 05-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: It has been ten years since the four most powerful players in the Middle East peace process-the United States, the European Union, Russia, and the United Nations-came together under the diplomatic umbrella known as the Quartet. Formed in response to the outbreak of the second intifada in late 2000 and the collapse of peace negotiations a few months later, the Quartet appeared ideally suited for dealing with the seemingly intractable con!ict between Israelis and Palestinians. Its small but powerful membership allowed it to act swiftly and decisively, while its informal structure gave it the !exibility needed to navigate crises and adapt to changing developments on the ground.
Topic:: Security
Political Geography:: Russia, United States, Europe, Washington, Middle East, and United Nations

243. Introduction

Author:: Antonio Franceschet
Publication Date:: 04-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Abstract:: Within a short period the International Criminal Court (ICC) has become central to world politics. The dramatic diplomatic process that produced the Rome Statute in 1998 was followed by an unexpectedly rapid succession of state ratifications and the establishment of the court in 2002. As of late 2011 the ICC has indicted twenty-six individuals related to seven official investigations, all in Africa. Proceedings against one of these individuals were dismissed. Two other indictments, including one for Libya's Muammar Qaddafi, became moot because the individuals were killed before arrest or trial. The remaining list includes a sitting head of state, Sudanese president Omar al-Bashir, as well as Kenya's sitting deputy prime minister, Uhuru Kenyatta. The United Nations Security Council referred both the Sudan and Libya situations to the court; three African states requested investigations of their own situations. The ICC prosecutor independently started an investigation in Kenya. Despite efforts by Kenyan state officials to halt ICC proceedings related to the widespread violence and killings following the 2007 national elections, opinion polls suggest that 73 percent of Kenyans want the ICC to remain involved.
Topic:: Security
Political Geography:: Kenya, Africa, Sudan, Libya, and United Nations

244. The International Criminal Court's Provisional Authority to Coerce

Author:: Antonio Franceschet
Publication Date:: 04-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Abstract:: The United Nations ad hoc tribunals in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda had primacy over national judicial agents for crimes committed in these countries during the most notorious civil wars and genocide of the 1990s. The UN Charter granted the Security Council the right to establish a tribunal for Yugoslavia in the context of ongoing civil war and against the will of recalcitrant national agents. The Council used that same right to punish individuals responsible for a genocide that it failed earlier to prevent in Rwanda. In both cases the Council delegated a portion of its coercive title to independent tribunal agents, thereby overriding the default locus of punishment in the world order: sovereign states.
Topic:: Genocide
Political Geography:: Yugoslavia, United Nations, and Lower Dir

245. In Defense of Smart Sanctions: A Response to Joy Gordon

Author:: George A. Lopez
Publication Date:: 04-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Abstract:: In her recent article in this journal, Joy Gordon provides an astute history and critique of the evolution and application of smart sanctions within the United Nations system since the mid-1990s. Her analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of the discrete types of smart sanctions is part of a growing discussion among both academics and practitioners about the future and the utility of these measures. As always, her continued skepticism about the effectiveness and ethical dimensions of economic sanctions deserves serious consideration and evaluation. In particular, Gordon raises three central concerns: (1) smart sanctions are no more successful than traditional trade sanctions; (2) each type of targeted mechanism has serious flaws; and (3) targeted sanctions did not end the humanitarian damage or the related ethical dilemmas that are embedded into sanctions design and implementation.
Topic:: Disaster Relief and Humanitarian Aid
Political Geography:: United Nations

246. Turkey's Strategic Vision and Syria

Author:: Ömer Taşpınar
Publication Date:: 07-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: The Washington Quarterly
Institution:: Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:: For most of the 20th century, Turkey chose not to get involved in Middle Eastern affairs. During the past decade, however, in a remarkable departure from this Kemalist tradition (based on the ideology of the republic's founder, Mustafa Kemal Atatu¨rk), Ankara has become a very active and important player in the region. Under the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government since 2002, Turkey has established closer ties with Syria, Iran, and Iraq, assumed a leadership position in the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), attended Arab League conferences, and contributed to UN forces in Lebanon. It has also mediated in the Syrian—Israeli conflict as well as the nuclear standoff with Iran. Ankara's diplomatic engagements with Iran and Hamas have led to differences with the United States and Israel, leaving many wondering if Turkey has been turning away from itsWestern orientation or if it was just a long overdue shift East to complete Turkey's full circle of relations.
Political Geography:: United States, Iraq, Iran, Turkey, Middle East, Israel, United Nations, Lebanon, and Syria

247. Turkey's Role in Defusing the Iranian Nuclear Issue

Author:: Aylin Gürzel
Publication Date:: 07-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: The Washington Quarterly
Institution:: Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:: In May 2010, while the United States and other Western powers in the UN Security Council were drafting a resolution on further sanctions to pressure Iran over its controversial nuclear program, Turkey and Brazil — then non-permanent members of the Security Council — announced a fuel-swap deal with Iran. The Tehran Declaration, as it was called, stipulated that 20-percent-enriched nuclear fuel was to be provided to Iran for its use in the Tehran Research Reactor, which produces medical isotopes, in exchange for the removal of 1,200 kilograms of 3.5-percent-low-enriched uranium (LEU) to Turkey. Initial reactions to the deal varied, but there was fear that the 20-percent-enriched fuel would enable Iran to further enrich uranium and attain the level necessary to construct a nuclear weapon more rapidly.
Political Geography:: United States, Iran, Turkey, Brazil, and United Nations

248. Iran and the Gulf Military Balance - I: The Conventional and Asymmetric Dimensions

Author:: Anthony H. Cordesman and Alexander Wilner
Publication Date:: 06-2012
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:: The most threatening form of US and Iranian competition takes place in the military and security arena. The areas where this competition now gets primary attention are the nuclear and missile arena, and Iranian threats to “close the Gulf.” US and Iranian tensions over Iran's nuclear program have grown steadily over the years. They now threaten to reach the crisis point as Iran produces highly enriched uranium and develops all of the technology necessary to produce nuclear weapons, and as US, European, and UN sanctions become steadily stronger.
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, Security, Foreign Policy, Defense Policy, Arms Control and Proliferation, Nuclear Weapons, Oil, and Weapons of Mass Destruction
Political Geography:: United States, Europe, Iran, Middle East, and United Nations

249. Business and Human Rights: An Issue Whose Time Has Come

Author:: Jill Shankleman and Hannah Clayton
Publication Date:: 07-2012
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: Business activities in fragile and conflict-affected regions could adversely impact the human rights of host populations in diverse ways, and could trigger or sustain violent conflict. The international “Protect, Respect and Remedy Framework on Business and Human Rights” could help businesses avoid infringing on the human rights of others and should address adverse human rights impacts when they occur. This framework would complement (and not replace) exiting initiatives like the U.N. Global Compact, IFC Performance Standards and OECD Guidelines. It provides a human rights lens that does not treat communities as 'vulnerable' or 'needy,' but as viable partners with rights. Implementation of the framework (and other voluntary standards) will always be fraught with difficulty. However, companies could become more amenable if they discover that compliance could enhance risk management and improve productivity. Coordination, communication and accountability are vital for credible and effective implementation of the framework. Key steps have been identified to help corporations comply.
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, Development, Economics, Human Rights, Human Welfare, Markets, and Foreign Direct Investment
Political Geography:: United Nations

250. Business and Human Rights: Proposals from the Research Group on Private International Law and Human Rights

Author:: Nicolás Zambrana Tévar
Publication Date:: 07-2012
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Centre on Human Rights in Conflict
Abstract:: By means of Resolution 17/4 of 16 June 2011, the UN Human Rights Council has created a Working Group with the mission of implementing the UN “Protect, Respect and Remedy” Framework and its Guiding Principles. As part of its activities, the Working Group asked for input from stakeholders and convened a meeting with them, which took place in Geneva on 20 January 2012.
Topic:: Economics, Human Rights, Human Welfare, International Trade and Finance, and Markets
Political Geography:: Geneva and United Nations

251. Implementing an arms trade treaty: mapping assistance to strengthen arms transfer controls

Author:: Mark Bromley and Paul Holtom
Publication Date:: 07-2012
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Stockholm International Peace Research Institute
Abstract:: It is widely recognized that many states parties to an arms trade treaty (ATT) will need assistance to fulfil their treaty obligations. The issue of international assistance has been consistently raised by United Nations member states throughout the UN process of negotiating an ATT.For example, states will need assistance to establish and strengthen their legislative and administrative frameworks as well as their licensing and enforcement capacities in order to enable them to exert greater control over international transfers of conventional arms. The creation of an ATT will require the expansion of existing assistance programmes as well as the development of new approaches and efforts specifically designed to assist states with treaty implementation. For example, the European Union (EU) already provides funds for technical and material assistance for states to develop or strengthen transfer control systems and is willing to expand these activities to help states implement an ATT. International assistance has been promoted as one of the positive outcomes for states parties to an ATT that are neither major exporters nor importers of conventional arms.
Topic:: Arms Control and Proliferation, International Cooperation, Peace Studies, and Treaties and Agreements
Political Geography:: Europe and United Nations

252. NATO's Cooperation with Others: A Comprehensive Challenge

Author:: Agata Szydelko
Publication Date:: 01-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Connections
Institution:: Partnership for Peace Consortium of Defense Academies and Security Studies Institutes
Abstract:: What defines NATO when it is compared to the United Nations and the European Union? Is NATO an "institution of doing" (task-oriented), or an "institution of being" (identity-based)? While trying to define the role and reasons for NATO's existence in comparison to the United Nations (UN) and European Union (EU) and trying to answer whether NATO is an identity-based or task-oriented institution, it is worthwhile to reach out to the sources and find out when and why these three international institutions were established in the first place and what is the primary driver of their decision making.
Topic:: NATO
Political Geography:: Europe and United Nations

253. Assessing the Arab Spring in Libya and Syria: A Compilation of Varying Statements from Key Actors

Author:: Charles Simpson
Publication Date:: 01-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Connections
Institution:: Partnership for Peace Consortium of Defense Academies and Security Studies Institutes
Abstract:: The situations in Syria in February 2012 and in Libya in 2011 have provided the two most recent case studies in assessing a wide variety of international topics including NATO's future role in global security, the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) as a normative guide, the role of the League of Arab States (LAS) in the post-Arab Spring world, and the role of emerging powers on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). Given the rapid proliferation of academic and professional examinations of the 2011 Libya and 2012 Syria cases, there appears a need for a compilation of the varying policies, resolutions, actions, and statements made by all relevant actors in both scenarios. The table below attempts to provide such a compilation in a concise and clearly structured format.
Topic:: NATO
Political Geography:: Arabia, United Nations, and Syria

254. Boko Haram and the resilience of militant Islam in northern Nigeria

Author:: Roland Marchal
Publication Date:: 07-2012
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Norwegian Centre for Conflict Resolution
Abstract:: Northern Nigeria is coping with a violent underground group, Boko Haram, that has been able to carry out attacks mainly in northern states, but also in Abuja by bombing the United Nations Nigerian headquarters. The targeting of prisons, barracks, security officers and politicians makes the lay population feel unsafe, since violence has become unpredictable. The state apparatus is so visibly challenged that it tends to overreact and actually kills even more civilians than Boko Haram does.
Topic:: Islam, Terrorism, Armed Struggle, and Insurgency
Political Geography:: Africa, United Nations, and Nigeria

255. Palestinian youth and the Arab Spring

Author:: Jacob Høigilt, Mona Christophersen, and Åge A. Tiltnes
Publication Date:: 03-2012
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Norwegian Centre for Conflict Resolution
Abstract:: This report investigates young Palestinians' views of their economic and political situation and their interest and level of engagement in politics with reference to two momentous political events in 2011: the Arab Spring and the Palestinian bid for statehood at the United Nations (UN) General Assembly. A main question is whether the Occupied Palestinian Territories are experiencing a reinvigoration of youth activism.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Civil Society, Demographics, Regime Change, and Youth Culture
Political Geography:: Middle East, Palestine, Arabia, and United Nations

256. Bigger Cities, Smaller Screens: Urbanization, Mobile Phones, and Digital Media Trends in Africa

Author:: Adam Clayton Powell III
Publication Date:: 09-2012
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: National Endowment for Democracy
Abstract:: Africa will become predominantly urban within 20 years, according to a United Nations report, with cities tripling in size and megacities developing throughout the continent. This suggests significant changes for Africans' consumption of media in general and digital media in particular, with implications for Africa's cities, politics, and civil society.
Topic:: Development, Science and Technology, Communications, and Mass Media
Political Geography:: Africa and United Nations

257. Advancing the Rule of Law Agenda at the 67th General Assembly

Author:: Alberto Cutillo
Publication Date:: 09-2012
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: International Peace Institute
Abstract:: Since 2004, the rule of law has gained solid attention in the UN community. This year, on September 24th , there is an opportunity to mark a milestone in enhancing its role in the global effort to rebuild societies after conflict, support transition sand economic growth, and strengthen state institutions. For the first time, the United Nations General Assembly will devote its opening high – level event to the topic.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Security, Development, Economics, Fragile/Failed State, and Governance
Political Geography:: United Nations

258. Climate Negotiations Open a Window: Key Implications of the Durban Platform for Enhanced Action

Author:: Robert N. Stavins and Joseph E. Aldy
Publication Date:: 09-2012
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University
Abstract:: A key outcome of the Seventeenth Conference of the Parties (COP-17) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), held in Durban, South Africa, late in 2011 — the Durban Platform for Enhanced Action — represents an important milestone in the history of climate negotiations. This is because it departs from the long-standing and problematic dichotomous division of the world's countries into those with serious emissions-reduction responsibilities and the others — with no such responsibilities whatsoever. That distinction, now apparently abandoned, has prevented meaningful progress for decades. The Durban Platform — by replacing the Berlin Mandate's (1995) division of the world into a set of countries with ambitious responsibilities and another set of countries with no responsibilities — has opened an important window. National delegations from around the world now have a challenging task before them: to identify a new international climate policy architecture that is consistent with the process, pathway, and principles laid out in the Durban Platform, while still being consistent with the UNFCCC. The challenge is to find a way to include all key countries in a structure that brings about meaningful emission reduction on an appropriate timetable at acceptable cost, while recognizing the different circumstances of countries in a way that is more subtle, more sophisticated, and — most important — more effective than the dichotomous distinction of years past.
Topic:: Climate Change, Energy Policy, Environment, and Treaties and Agreements
Political Geography:: South Africa, United Nations, and Durban

259. Building Effective Drinking Water Management Policies in Rural Africa

Author:: Christopher Opio
Publication Date:: 09-2012
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Centre for International Governance Innovation
Abstract:: The importance of providing clean, safe drinking water and sanitation to rural inhabitants of developing countries is widely recognized. The United Nations (UN) General Assembly, for instance, declared 2008 the International Year of Sanitation, and the World Bank has been increasing financial assistance to developing countries in support of water supply and sanitation improvements (Cho, Ogwang and Opio, 2010).
Topic:: Development, Non-Governmental Organization, Natural Resources, and Water
Political Geography:: Africa and United Nations

260. VOICES FROM THE FIELD: Protecting Children from Conflict and Strengthening Accountability of Armed Actors

Publication Date:: 09-2012
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: International Peace Institute
Abstract:: On September 19ththe UN Security Council called on member states to bring perpetrators of child rights violations to justice. To do so, Resolution 2068—adopted on the occasion of the annual Open Debate on Children and Armed Conflict—emphasized the importance of national judicial systems and, where applicable, international mechanisms.This call to end impunity was one of the key conclusions of a roundtable discussion held at the International Peace Institute and co-organized with Watchlist on Children and Armed Conflicton September 17th , just two days before the adoption of Resolution 2068.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Political Violence, Arms Control and Proliferation, Human Rights, and War
Political Geography:: United Nations

261. Two Cheers for Humanitarianism

Author:: Tom Farer
Publication Date:: 10-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Abstract:: Over the last two decades a spate of books, led by the ones cited in this essay, have illuminated and debated the bristly questions confronting contemporary “humanitarianism.” The definitional or, one might say, foundational question is whether the adjective “humanitarian” should be limited to only those independent agencies that are engaged (without reference to a political context) in the impartial delivery of emergency relief to all those in existential need—or, in the unique case of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), engaged in monitoring the application of the Geneva Conventions to armed conflict. An answer in the affirmative could be considered the “classic” position of the humanitarian, and one still championed by the ICRC. Today, however, many NGOs, such as CARE, OXFAM, and Catholic Relief Services, which certainly regard themselves as humanitarian agencies, engage in a broad range of rehabilitative and developmental activities and continue to deliver emergency relief, and they are prepared to do so under circumstances where their work has conspicuous political implications. The same is true of such UN agencies as UNICEF, UNHCR, and the World Food Programme, which are not infrequently involved in complex peace operations that have clear political goals as specified by the Security Council. Further, well-known humanitarian activists and writers, notably Bernard Kouchner and Samantha Power, also reject the ICRC's definitional canon. The unsettled boundaries of what properly constitutes humanitarianism brings a number of difficult questions to the surface, including: Should relief be provided even if it could prolong a conflict, or could indirectly assist a belligerent, or possibly identify the relief giver with a government's political ends? And should the nature of those ends influence relief efforts? Should relief agencies also assist in addressing the causes of humanitarian emergencies by joining in efforts to resolve a conflict, foster economic development, rebuild state institutions, and strengthen the protection of human rights? Should such agencies accept funds from governments where governments specify how the funds are to be used? Where necessary, should they advocate armed intervention to protect their personnel as well as the recipients of their aid? In terms of the way they organize and structure themselves, should nonprofit agencies dedicated to humanitarian relief follow private-sector models? Can organizations dedicated to the effective provision of emergency relief pursue that end without creating a culture of dependence, without discouraging local initiative, and without violating the liberal “right” to participate in life-shaping decisions? Finally, how does humanitarianism relate to human rights, the other leading expression of what I would call “the humanitarian impulse”?
Topic:: Security
Political Geography:: Geneva and United Nations

262. Seeking Global Reform: The United Nations Security Council, the International Criminal Court, and Emerging Nations

Author:: Ezequiel Jimenez
Publication Date:: 09-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Macalester International
Institution:: Macalester College
Abstract:: In 1919, the Treaty of Versailles created an international tribunal in order to prosecute Kaiser Wilhelm II for initiating the First World War. However, the Kaiser sought refuge in the Kingdom of the Netherlands and Queen Wilhelmina Helena Pauline Maria refused to cooperate with the new tribunal or surrender her cousin to the Allied Powers. Much has changed in the Netherlands since. As a pioneer country in the advancement of human rights, the Netherlands has participated actively in the development and enforcement of multiple treaties and conferences hosted by the United Nations. Today, the city of The Hague is proud to call itself an “international city of Peace and Justice.” Indeed, The Hague is the host of multiple international courts; evidencing the Netherlands commitment to protect human rights. The International Criminal Court (ICC) is one of the most prominent institutions the Netherlands honorably hosts.
Topic:: Human Rights
Political Geography:: United Nations and Netherlands

263. Worse, not Better ? Reinvigorating Early Warning for Conflict Prevention in the Post Lisbon European Union

Author:: John Brante, Chiara De Franco, Christoph Meyer, and Florian Otto
Publication Date:: 06-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: EGMONT - The Royal Institute for International Relations
Abstract:: The number and lethality of conflicts has been declining significantly since the end of the Cold War, but five new armed conflicts still break out each year. While costly peace-making, stabilisation and reconstruction efforts have helped to end conflicts, no comparative efforts have gone into preventing them from occurring in the first place. The international community appears stuck in the never-ending travails of managing crises, finding it difficult to act early to prevent new conflicts from escalating. Encouraging signs that this is changing include the United Nations (UN) promotion of the preventive arm of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and the United States' efforts to improve its capacity to prevent conflicts and mass atrocities emerging from the Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review. Similarly, since the launch of the Gothenburg programme in 2001, the European Union (EU) has embraced the case for conflict prevention in policy documents as well as in the Lisbon Treaty itself, making it a hallmark of its approach to international security and conflict in contrast to conventional foreign policy. Yet, it has fallen significantly short in translating these aspirations into institutional practice and success on the ground. It suffers from the 'missing middle' syndrome between long-term structural prevention through instruments such as conditionality for EU accession and development policy, and short-term responses to erupting crisis through military and civilian missions.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Foreign Policy, Defense Policy, Arms Control and Proliferation, Diplomacy, Peace Studies, War, Armed Struggle, and Peacekeeping
Political Geography:: Europe and United Nations

264. Somewhere to Turn? MINURCAT and the Protection of Civilians in Eastern Chad and Darfur

Author:: Benjamin de Carvalho, Jon Harald Sande Lie, and Randi Solhjell
Publication Date:: 04-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs
Abstract:: The United Nations Mission in Eastern Chad and the Central African Republic (MINURCAT) was established to protect civilians and contribute to rule of law and regional peace in the conflict-prone region bordering Darfur. The mission was dismantled towards the end of 2010. This report, based on fieldwork undertaken in Chad in 2009, addresses the situation of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) against refugees and internally displaced people (IDPs) in eastern Chad and difficulties MINURCAT encountered in its response to such violence.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Civil War, Human Rights, and Refugee Issues
Political Geography:: Africa and United Nations

265. ACCESS DENIED? EXAMINING THE LOANS BOARD FACILITY FOR HIGHER LEARNING STUDENTS IN TANZANIA

Author:: Victoria Makulilo
Publication Date:: 05-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Central European University Political Science Journal
Institution:: Central European University
Abstract:: In 2004 the government of Tanzania introduced the Loans Board in order to manage funding for students in higher education. The main goal of this board is to identify poor and needy students so as to assist them in accessing higher education. This article examines the key instruments in providing loans to students, that is, the Higher Education Student's Loans Board Act No. 9 of 2004 and its related regulations and how they impact the access to education. Based on interviews, documents, and newspapers it is argued that the Loans Board has failed to meet its grand objective. Instead, it has turned to be a mechanism for limiting poor and needy students' access to higher education.
Political Geography:: United Nations and Tanzania

266. The Future of the G20 and Its Place in Global Governance

Author:: Paul Heinbecker
Publication Date:: 04-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Centre for International Governance Innovation
Abstract:: This paper examines the Group of 20 (the G20) from a perspective of global governance, reviewing the G20's history to date and seeking to answer two sets of questions: Is the G20 succeeding, and what does the future likely hold for it? Is it still necessary for the G20 to meet at the leaders' level, or should the enterprise be returned to finance ministers? Presuming that it endures at the leaders' level, will the G20 stick to a largely economic and financial agenda, or should it address other pressing issues? Will it complement or conflict with the Group of Eight (G8), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the United Nations (UN) and other global institutions with economic and security vocations?
Topic:: Security, Climate Change, Economics, Emerging Markets, International Cooperation, Global Recession, Food, and Financial Crisis
Political Geography:: United Nations

267. Violent Conflicts as an impediment to the Achievement of Millennium Development Goals in Africa.

Author:: Dickson Ogbonnaya Igwe
Publication Date:: 01-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Military and Strategic Studies
Institution:: Centre for Military, Security and Strategic Studies
Abstract:: The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) are an international commitment to the reduction of poverty and to promoting human development across the planet. The goals are measurable targets attached to a timeframe for making a difference in the lives of billions of people. In September 2000, over 189 member states at the United Nations General Assembly endorsed the MDGs. The goals are also recognition of the fact that 60 years after the end of World War II, the world remains far from achieving the ideals of peace and prosperity inspired by the end of that global conflict. The MDGs provide a strategic framework for developing, implementing and monitoring poverty-eradication programs at national and international levels.
Topic:: Development and War
Political Geography:: Africa and United Nations

268. The Evolving Arctic Operating Environment: Implications for Defence

Author:: Donald A. Neill
Publication Date:: 01-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Military and Strategic Studies
Institution:: Centre for Military, Security and Strategic Studies
Abstract:: Effective planning for DND/CF activities in the arctic operating environment requires as reliable an understanding as may reasonably be achieved of what that environment is likely to be, and how it is likely to evolve, throughout the planning period in question. This is complicated by the inherently unpredictable nature of climate; as the United Nations' Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has acknowledged, ‚in climate research and modelling, we should recognize that we are dealing with a coupled non-linear chaotic system, and therefore that the long-term prediction of future climate states is not possible.‛
Topic:: Climate Change and Environment
Political Geography:: United Nations

269. Toward a New Palestinian Negotiation Paradigm

Author:: Camille Mansour
Publication Date:: 05-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: Against a background of prolonged stalemate, this essay provides a detailed examination of two decades of Palestinian-Israeli negotiations with a view to identifying deficiencies in the Palestinian negotiating approach and drawing lessons of use to future Palestinian negotiators in the context of power imbalance. After outlining possible conditions for resuming and conducting negotiations (making the decision and timing tactical rather than strategic), the author advocates a shift in the Palestinian negotiating paradigm that considers negotiations as one diplomatic tool among others in the long Palestinian struggle to achieve their national program, and places the negotiations in the context of priorities for the coming period.
Political Geography:: Israel, Palestine, Gaza, and United Nations

270. Achieving Greater Disclosure in the Oil Gas Industry

Author:: Craig Fagan
Publication Date:: 05-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Transparency International
Abstract:: Globally, petroleum and its derivatives account for 15 per cent of the world's trade. Oil and gas production serves to meet nearly 60 percent of the energy consumed worldwide. Demands on the industry are only rising as expanding economies such as China and India require more energy to grow.
Topic:: Security, Industrial Policy, Oil, and Natural Resources
Political Geography:: United States and United Nations

271. Guaranteeing Public Participation in Climate Governance

Publication Date:: 01-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Transparency International
Abstract:: Public participation is an essential element of good governance, helping to build trust, bring expertise, strengthen legitimacy, and close gaps in accountability. Effective public participation, in climate change or in any area, has three interrelated elements: access to information, which allows for informed public opinion; direct engagement, which gives the public a chance to influence policy; and oversight, which allows the public to assess the implemented policies.
Topic:: Civil Society, Climate Change, Corruption, Environment, and Governance
Political Geography:: United Nations

272. The Relationship between the Responsibility to Protect and the Protection of Civilians in Armed Conflict

Publication Date:: 05-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:: The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) holds an open debate on the Protection of Civilians in Armed Conflict (POC) twice yearly. Following the UNSC's reaffirmation of the World Summit agreement on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) populations from genocide, ethnic cleansing, war crimes and crimes against humanity in Resolutions 1674 (2006) and 1894 (2009) on POC, discussion of R2P has been an important component of these debates. This is reflected in government statements, presentations by the Emergency Relief Coordinator, and in the Secretary-General's 2007 report on POC where he referred to the agreement on R2P as a "cardinal achievement."
Topic:: Political Violence, Genocide, Human Rights, Human Welfare, War, and Peacekeeping
Political Geography:: United Nations

273. Post-quake Haiti: Security Depends on Resettlement and Development

Publication Date:: 06-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: A year and a half after the Western Hemisphere's deadliest earthquake devastated Haiti, 650,000 victims still wait for permanent housing in more than 1,000 unstable emergency camps dotting Port-au-Prince. The first storms of the 2011 hurricane season have flooded 30 camps, forcing tent dwellers to flee and killing 28 persons nationally. Michel Martelly, who replaced René Préval as president on 14 May, faces an immediate crisis in the growing frustrations of the victims in the camps and those with near identical unmet basic needs who remain in the urban slums. Forced evictions, some violent, along with the reappearance of criminal gangs in those camps and slums, add to the volatile mix. Adopting, communicating and setting in motion a comprehensive resettlement strategy, with full input from the victims and local communities, is the first critical reconstruction challenge he must meet in order to restore stability. It will also test the capacity for common international action beyond emergency relief after a year of disturbing divisions within the UN country team and among donors over resettlement strategy.
Topic:: Disaster Relief, Economics, Poverty, and Natural Disasters
Political Geography:: United Nations and Caribbean

274. Liberia: Progress Made and Challenges for the Future

Author:: Ellen Margrethe Løj
Publication Date:: 04-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Institution:: Council of American Ambassadors
Abstract:: As Liberia reaches almost eight years of unbroken peace since the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) deployed in 2003, I had the opportunity in March 2011 to brief the Security Council on the remarkable progress the country is making, and highlighted Liberia's need for continued support from the international community. Amid its numerous challenges, and as the country strives to consolidate peace, the support of the international community is paramount to consolidate the outstanding achievements of the Liberian people.
Topic:: Security
Political Geography:: United States, United Nations, and Liberia

275. NATO's Retirement? Essays in Honour of Peter Volten

Author:: Margriet Drent (ed), Arjan van den Assem (ed), and Jaap de Wilde (ed)
Publication Date:: 01-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Centre for European Security Studies
Abstract:: This book reflects on retirements. Real ones and potential ones. Normally, age is the indicator. End of career is often implied. NATO's retirement can be expected in 2014. According to myth and a bit of historical evidence, in 1889 Bismarck introduced 65 as the proper age for retirement for the very reason that on average most people didn't reach it. Peter Volten will. Nowadays, social welfare states – and also less social ones – have fear for old people. 'Ageing' has been securitized. It forms a threat to the stability of Europe, if not the entire world. The UN's Vienna International Plan of Action on Ageing dates back to 1982. But despite its continued attention and relevance, alarming reports keep appearing. “Why an ageing population is the greatest threat to society”, The Independent wrote in 2002 when the UN Second World Assembly on Ageing took place in Madrid: “Of all the threats to human society, including war, disease and natural disaster, one outranks all others. It is the ageing human population. No invading army, volcanic eruption or yet undreamt of plague can rival ageing in the breadth or depth of its impact on society” (Jeremy Laurance in The Independent, 10 April 2002). Still, up to now, ageing has not been listed in the strategic reports of NATO about the new, non-traditional threats. After the Cold War, NATO appeared quite creative in listing new risks and threats, and it still is. The New Strategic Concept adopted in November 2010 tries to provide an answer to “regional disputes or efforts of political intimidation ... along [NATO's] borders ... acts of terrorism, the proliferation of nuclear and other advanced weapons technologies, cyber attacks ... the sabotage of energy pipelines, the disruption of critical maritime supple routes”, and, yes, the Official Report of the Group of Experts on a New Strategic Concept for NATO also mentions “demographic changes that could aggravate such global problems as poverty, hunger, illegal immigration, and pandemic disease” – but ageing is not specified in this context (NATO, 2010).The growing sum of pensions, however, puts the working classes under pressure. It burdens the competitive edge of the European economies. Greying is an economic security issue, and Peter Volten is going to contribute to it.
Topic:: NATO, Demographics, Health, and Population
Political Geography:: Europe and United Nations

276. The Privatisation of Security in Failing States: A Quantitative Assessment

Author:: Željko Branović
Publication Date:: 04-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF)
Abstract:: Failing and collapsed states are a common marketplace for the private military industry, which has grown significantly in size and scope over the last decade. Today the private sector supplies a broad spectrum of military and security services to governments facing a lack of territorial control and law enforcement capacities. These services range from combat support to training for military and policing units, logistics and the protection of individuals and property. Yet a quantifiable picture of the extent to which these private security services are being used by failing or weak governments and the implications this use might have for the security environment has not been properly painted.
Topic:: Security, Defense Policy, Cold War, and Fragile/Failed State
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, Iraq, and United Nations

277. Assessing Human Insecurity Worldwide. The Way to a Human (In)Security Index

Author:: Sascha Werthes, Corinne Heaven, and Sven Vollnhals
Publication Date:: 01-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Institute for Development and Peace
Abstract:: The idea of human security has been presented and discussed in international academic and political fora for more than a decade. Yet, despite its popularity, the analytical usefulness as well as the political appropriateness of the concept is frequently criticized. In arguing for and presenting a Human (In)Security Index we address both aspects.
Topic:: Security, Development, Human Rights, and Political Theory
Political Geography:: United Nations

278. NGOs and Nonstate Armed Actors: Improving Compliance with International Norms

Author:: Ulrich Schneckener and Claudia Hofmann
Publication Date:: 07-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: Transnational nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have developed strategies to improve the diffusion of and general adherence to international norms among nonstate armed actors, with the goal of persuading armed actors to adapt their behavior accordingly. The ICRC offers trainings in international humanitarian law to armed actors that explain their responsibilities for protecting civilians in military operations. Geneva Call provides education on the effects of antipersonnel landmines and supports armed actors in their efforts to clear mined areas, destroy stockpiles, and provide victim assistance. The NGOs' efforts in dealing with nonstate armed actors reveal limitations and problems but also offer new avenues for states and international organizations to engage with armed groups. With greater support from the international community, NGOs' contributions could become more substantive and complement other ongoing efforts to change armed actors' behavior.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Defense Policy, Civil Society, and Non-Governmental Organization
Political Geography:: United Nations

279. The new politics of protection? Côte d'Ivoire, Libya and the responsibility to protect

Author:: Alex J Bellamy and Paul D Williams
Publication Date:: 07-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Institution:: Chatham House
Abstract:: The international responses to recent crises in Côte d'Ivoire and Libya reveal a great deal about the UN Security Council's approach to human protection. The Council has long authorized peacekeepers to use 'all necessary means' to protect civilians, in contexts including Haiti, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Sudan, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Burundi and Côte d'Ivoire. But Resolution 1973 (17 March 2011) on the situation in Libya marked the first time the Council had authorized the use of force for human protection purposes against the wishes of a functioning state. The closest it had come to crossing this line previously was in Resolutions 794 (1992) and 929 (1994). In Resolution 794, the Council authorized the Unified Task Force to enter Somalia to ease the humanitarian crisis there, but this was in the absence of a central government rather than against one—a point made at the time by several Council members. In Resolution 929 (1994), the Security Council authorized the French-led Operation Turquoise to protect victims and targets of the genocide then under way in Rwanda; this mission enjoyed the consent of the interim government in Rwanda as well as its armed forces. In passing Resolution 1973, the Council showed that it will not be inhibited as a matter of principle from authorizing enforcement for protection purposes by the absence of host state consent. Although its response in Libya broke new ground, it grew out of attitudes and processes evident well before this particular crisis. Most notably, the Council had already accepted—in Resolutions 1674 (2006) and 1894 (2009)—that it had a responsibility to protect civilians from grave crimes, and this was evident in a shift in the terms of its debates from questions about whether to act to protect civilians to questions about how to engage.
Topic:: Security, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Paris, Libya, United Nations, Balkans, Netherlands, Rwanda, Alabama, Ninewa, and Lower Dir

280. Turning the tide: improving access to climate financing in the Pacific Islands

Author:: Nic Maclellan
Publication Date:: 07-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Lowy Institute for International Policy
Abstract:: The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) commits developed countries to provide assistance to 'developing country parties that are particularly vulnerable to the adverse effects of climate change to meet the costs of adaptation.' Despite recent commitments of 'fast-start' climate funding from donors, Pacific Island governments face significant obstacles in accessing sufficient resources to address the adverse effects of climate change on food security, water supply, coastal management and public health. Greater international coordination is required to increase access to climate finance for small island states. Without this coordination, efforts to achieve the Millennium Development Goals by 2015 could be set back, due to the diversion of long - term development funding to disaster response and rebuilding.
Topic:: Security, Health, and Food
Political Geography:: United Nations, Australia, and Island

281. Maintaining International Peace and Security: A Summit Meeting of the UN Security Council

Publication Date:: 06-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Peace Institute
Abstract:: On September 23, 2010, the United Nations Security Council held a summit meeting on the maintenance of international peace and security, which is the primary responsibility of the Council. The summit was initiated by Turkey, a nonpermanent member of the Council in 2009-2010 and holder of the rotating presidency for September 2010. It was attended by nine heads of state and government and six ministers, and chaired by Abdullah Gul, President of the Republic of Turkey. The resulting presidential statement (S/PRST/2010/18, reproduced in the Annex to this report) reaffirmed that international peace and security require a more comprehensive and coherent approach. The Council also pledged to continue to strengthen the crisis-management toolbox at its disposal, including preventive diplomacy, peacemaking, peacekeeping, and peacebuilding, and to adapt it to changing circumstances. In addition, the statement reiterated the Council's support for the protection of civilians and its commitment to strengthening strategic partnerships with regional and subregional organizations and other relevant players. Further, it reaffirmed the importance of women in all aspects of prevention and resolution of conflicts and underlined the importance of addressing the root causes of conflict.
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, International Relations, Security, Diplomacy, and Peacekeeping
Political Geography:: Turkey and United Nations

282. Opting for Second Best in Libya?

Author:: Riccardo Alcaro
Publication Date:: 05-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Istituto Affari Internazionali
Abstract:: The looming stalemate in the Libyan conflict is likely to lead to more civilian casualties, a de facto separation of Libya, the under-use of the country's energy resources, and an increase in illegal activities due to the legal and governance vacuum in the country. In addition, it risks denting NATO's credibility as a security provider. To break the stalemate, the coalition is leaning towards intensifying military operations and/or arming the rebels. Both imply a number of risks and political costs. A way to contain such risks and costs would be for NATO and its partners to re-calibrate the mission so that, alongside military action, the mission would foresee also a national reconciliation process, mediated by an international team. Linking military operations to a credible plan for Libya's political future would improve the odds for Gheddafi's regime to collapse.
Topic:: Security, NATO, and Oil
Political Geography:: United States, Libya, Arabia, and United Nations

283. Affordable Interventions to Prevent Noncommunicable Diseases Worldwide

Author:: Amanda Glassman and Kate McQueston
Publication Date:: 08-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Center for Global Development
Abstract:: Noncommunicable diseases (NCDs) such as cancer, diabetes, respiratory and cardiovascular diseases, and mental illnesses are the leading cause of death and disability worldwide. Surprisingly, the burden is especially high in developing countries, which bear 80 percent of deaths due to NCDs. Four main factors are at fault: tobacco use, physical inactivity, unhealthy diets, and alcohol use. The good news is that much of the NCD burden can be prevented through interventions that are affordable in most countries. The United States can help now by taking five low-cost or no-cost steps:End tariff-reducing trade practices for tobacco.Partner with public and private donors.Leverage U.S. influence in multilateral development institutions.Exploit synergies between disease control and other development projects.Encourage evidence-informed budget allocation.
Topic:: Development, Health, and Poverty
Political Geography:: United Nations

284. How Effective is the United Nations Committee Against Torture?

Author:: Ronagh McQuigg
Publication Date:: 08-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Abstract:: This article examines the question of how states have responded to the comments of the United Nations Committee against Torture through an analysis of eight Western European states. It is concluded that the Committee's recommendations have had a substantial impact in four of the states surveyed, however only a limited effect in two other states, and little or no impact in the two remaining states. These findings lead to concerns as regards the effectiveness of the Committee against Torture. The article focuses on the Concluding Observations made by the Committee on the reports submitted by the states in question.
Topic:: International Law
Political Geography:: Europe and United Nations

285. The Palestinian Bid for UN Membership: Rationale, Response, Repercussions

Author:: David Makovsky, Ghaith al-Omari, and Amos Yadlin
Publication Date:: 09-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:: The Palestinian decision to appeal to the UN is rooted in frustration with Israeli prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu's government and the conviction that negotiations are futile at the moment. Furthermore, they believe that President Obama's efforts, while admirable, will not produce results. These beliefs -- combined with the sense of urgency imparted by the Arab Spring and the growing perception that the Palestinian leadership can no longer back down from the initiative -- makes it likely that they will head to the UN this month as planned.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Diplomacy, Treaties and Agreements, and Self Determination
Political Geography:: Middle East, Arabia, and United Nations

286. Beyond Viktor Bout: Why the United States needs an Arms Trade Treaty

Author:: Scott Stedjan and Colby Goodman
Publication Date:: 10-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Oxfam Publishing
Abstract:: With the trial of Viktor Bout nearly underway and the UN negotiations on an Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) starting in the summer of 2012, this briefing paper seeks to provide the reader with a deeper understanding of the challenges the US government faces in tackling unscrupulous arms brokers abroad and to show how the adoption of a strong and comprehensive ATT could help the United States and other governments in such efforts.
Topic:: Arms Control and Proliferation, Crime, International Cooperation, and Law Enforcement
Political Geography:: United States and United Nations

287. Yemen: Fragile lives in hungry times

Publication Date:: 09-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Oxfam Publishing
Abstract:: The promise of what came to be known as the Arab Spring, which dawned in North Africa, sweeping into the Arabian Gulf and up through the Middle East, has foundered in Yemen. Political turmoil has taken hold and reform has stalled, sparking renewed insecurity, devastating an already frail economy, and triggering a national fuel crisis that has in turn driven rising levels of hunger. Levels of child malnutrition in some regions are among the worst in the world. While billions of dollars have been donated to Tunisia, Libya, and to a lesser extent Egypt to rebuild their economies, Yemenis are facing chronic hunger and have few resources at their disposal. While the eyes of the world are on other countries experiencing major upheaval, Yemen must not be forgotten. Leaving the country to simmer and collapse in slow motion will lead to far greater humanitarian and security concerns.
Topic:: Poverty, Food, and Famine
Political Geography:: Middle East, Norway, Yemen, Arabia, United Nations, and Egypt

288. Torpedoing the Law: How the Palmer Report Justified Israel's Naval Blockade of Gaza

Author:: Norman G. Finkelstein
Publication Date:: 10-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Insight Turkey
Institution:: SETA Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research
Abstract:: On May 31st, 2010, Israeli commandos killed nine passengers aboard a humanitarian flotilla destined for Gaza. Eight of the nine were Turkish citizens, while one was a dual U.S.-Turkish citizen. On August 2nd, 2010, U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon appointed a Panel of Inquiry (POI) to “examine and identify the facts, circumstances and context of the incident,” and to “consider and recommend ways of avoiding similar incidents in the future.” In September 2011, the POI's final report was unofficially released. In a finding that shocked the international community, the report concluded that Israel's naval blockade of Gaza was legal. Moreover, the report vilified the passengers aboard the humanitarian flotilla because they sought to publicize the illegality and inhumanity of Israel's blockade. A careful analysis of the POI report shows that it is probably the most mendacious and debased document ever issued under the aegis of the United Nations.
Political Geography:: Turkey, Israel, and United Nations

289. Overselling Broadband: A Critique of the Recommendation of the Broadband Commission for Digital Development

Author:: Charles Kenny
Publication Date:: 12-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Center for Global Development
Abstract:: The Broadband Commission for Digital Development is an ITU (UN International Telecommunications Union) and UNESCO–backed body set up to advocate for greater broadband access worldwide. The commission's Declaration of Broadband Inclusion for All and other reports call for governments to support ubiquitous fixed broadband access as a vital tool for economic growth and to reach the Millennium Development Goals. Examining the evidence, however, shows that the benefits of broadband are being oversold. Several points stand out: (i) the evidence for a large positive economic impact of broadband is limited; (ii) the impact of broadband rollout on achieving the MDGs would be marginal; (iii) there is little evidence ubiquitous broadband is needed for 'national competitiveness' or to benefit from opportunities like business process outsourcing; (iv) the costs of fixed universal broadband rollout dwarf available resources in developing countries; (and so) (v) the case for government subsidy of fixed broadband rollout is very weak. There are, however, some worthwhile policy reforms that could speed broadband rollout without demanding significant government expenditure.
Topic:: Development, Globalization, Science and Technology, and Communications
Political Geography:: United Nations

290. Global Review of National Prevention Policies

Author:: Lizle Loots, Liz Dartnall, and Rachel Jewkes
Publication Date:: 12-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Sexual Violence Research Initiative
Abstract:: Reducing and preventing sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) has been recognised as a key strategy to achieve the Millennium Development Goals by the year 2015. SGBV hampers countries' efforts to eradicate poverty as it decreases productivity and can deprive young girls of an education (World Health Organisation, 2005b). The consequences of sexual violence may carry over generations, influencing the development and progress of individuals, families, communities, societies and countries over time (Morrison, Quadara Boyd, 2007; Ellsberg, 2006; United Nations Development Fund for Women, 2002). Primary prevention of sexual violence can save both lives and money (WHO/LSHTM, 2010). Policies and guidelines on how best to prevent sexual violence from occurring should therefore form a key part of national government gender violence programmes. The extent to which countries have policies on rape prevention is unknown. Moreover, evidence on what works in the area of prevention and sexual violence is limited, particularly in developing countries.
Topic:: Political Violence, Gender Issues, Health, Human Rights, and Poverty
Political Geography:: United Nations

291. Enhancing U.S. Support for UN Peacekeeping

Author:: Nancy Soderberg
Publication Date:: 03-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: PRISM
Institution:: Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS), National Defense University
Abstract:: As the United States establishes its strategic priorities to enhance national security, support for peacekeeping is increasingly important. Particularly following the attacks of September 11, 2001, the Pentagon has viewed failed states (also referred to as "undergoverned" or "ungoverned spaces") as a threat to U.S. national security. President Barack Obama's restoration of the Cabinet status of his Ambassador to the United Nations (UN), Susan Rice, reflects the administration's recognition of the overall importance of the UN, including its key role in peacekeeping.
Political Geography:: United States and United Nations

292. Southeast Asia and the Outcomes of the COP16

Author:: J. Jackson Ewing and Irene A. Kuntjoro
Publication Date:: 01-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies
Abstract:: The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) concluded its annual meeting in December 2010, reaching agreements that are relevant for the climate strategies and policies of states and regions worldwide. This policy brief explores the deliberations and outcomes of this 16th Conference of the Parties (COP16) as they relate to Southeast Asian responses to climate change at the community, state and regional levels. This brief proceeds in three sections. Section I reviews the diplomatic processes of the COP16, examining how they diverge from the approaches of the recent past, and critically assesses the agreements realised at the conference. Section II addresses the specific implications that these developments have for Southeast Asian countries and the region at large, paying particular attention to the unique vulnerabilities experienced to varying degrees throughout the region. Section III offers strategic recommendations relating to the current state of international climate negotiations and the existing policies and needs of Southeast Asian stakeholders.
Topic:: Climate Change, Regional Cooperation, and Treaties and Agreements
Political Geography:: United Nations, Mexico, and Southeast Asia

293. From Relief to Recovery: Supporting good governance in post-earthquake Haiti

Publication Date:: 01-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Oxfam Publishing
Abstract:: The earthquake that struck Haiti on 12 January 2010 had a devastating impact on the already vulnerable island nation, leaving more than 200,000 people dead and over one million homeless. In October 2010, Haiti was struck by a second disaster: as of mid December 2010, a cholera outbreak has affected more than 122,000 people, leaving at least 2,600 dead.
Topic:: Development, Humanitarian Aid, Poverty, and Natural Disasters
Political Geography:: United Nations

294. Haiti Progress Report 2010

Publication Date:: 01-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Oxfam Publishing
Abstract:: Even before the earthquake struck on 12 January 2010, Haiti was the poorest nation in the Western hemisphere, ranked by the United Nations Development Programme as one of the world's 50 poorest countries (2009). In short, life was already a struggle for most families. Then the earthquake hit, and lives were turned upside down. It was the most powerful earthquake in Haiti for 200 years.
Topic:: Development, Human Welfare, Humanitarian Aid, Poverty, and Natural Disasters
Political Geography:: United Nations, Caribbean, and Haiti

295. Slippery Slope: Libya and the Lessons of Previous No-Fly Zones

Author:: Michael Knights
Publication Date:: 02-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:: Twenty years ago, at the close of the 1991 Gulf War, the imposition of a UN-mandated no-fly zone contributed to the formation of a safe haven for Iraqi Kurds, resulting in the liberation of nearly three million people from Baathist dictatorship a full decade before the rest of Iraq. In 1992, new UN-mandated no-fly and no-drive zones were established in southern Iraq and the Balkans to contain rogue regimes and protect civilians from government repression. Given the current developments in Libya, it is natural to consider employing such options once again. Yet history shows that exclusion zones are particularly tricky operations. If not configured properly, they can be worse than useless, signaling fecklessness instead of resolve while providing little real protective value to civilians.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Democratization, Insurgency, and Political Activism
Political Geography:: Iraq, Libya, Arabia, Arab Countries, United Nations, Balkans, and North Africa

296. A climate of consensus: The UNFCCC faces challenges of legitimacy and effectiveness

Author:: Antto Vihma
Publication Date:: 03-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Finnish Institute of International Affairs
Abstract:: The Cancún climate meeting adopted a package of decisions to numerous standing ovations. However, it did so against loud and formal protests from Bolivia, stretching the concept of “consensus” more than ever before within the UN climate regime. The Cancún meeting also brought to everyone's attention the inconvenient truth that decision-making in the UNFCCC exists in a legal vacuum. The Conference of the Parties has never agreed its Rules of Procedure, and has during its 17-year history operated with draft Rules of Procedure without voting rules, under a general agreement that decisions are taken by “consensus”. In the light of the dramatic events in the recent Copenhagen and Cancún meetings, as well as the daunting prospects of achieving a ratifiable legal instrument for post-2012, it is clear that the relationship between consent and authority has become too flimsy to provide an unproblematic basis of legitimacy for the UNFCCC's decision-making. The 2000s led to the erosion of UNFCCC's legitimacy as a decision-making arena, especially in the subjective views of Northern governments as well as considerable parts of the expert community and the public in general. This trend led to an outburst of UN scepticism after the Copenhagen meeting, declaring the UN climate regime to be a “multilateral zombie”. While the Cancún meeting has been criticised with arguments based on process and legitimacy, from a broader perspective it seems likely that achieving decisions with some substance is actually the primary need in securing the legitimacy of the UN process. Had the Cancún agreement been negotiated outside the UN, it would very likely have been weaker on several fronts. Also, it is important to keep the longer term option for a legally binding treaty open; the only institutional possibility for this lies within the UNFCCC.
Topic:: Climate Change, Energy Policy, and International Cooperation
Political Geography:: Europe and United Nations

297. Failed States, Vicious Cycles, and a Proposal

Author:: Raghuram G. Rajan
Publication Date:: 03-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Center for Global Development
Abstract:: Rajan examines the problems of failed states, including the repeated return to power of former warlords, which he argues causes institutions to become weaker and people to get poorer. He notes that economic power through property holdings or human capital gives people the means to hold their leaders accountable. In the absence of such distributed power, dictators reign. Rajan argues that in failed states, economic growth leading to empowered citizenry is more likely if a neutral party presides. He proposes a unique solution to allow the electorate to choose a foreigner, who would govern for a fixed term. Candidates could be proposed by the UN or retired leaders from other countries; they would campaign on a platform to build the basic foundations of government and create a sustainable distribution of power. Rajan emphasizes that this is not a return to the colonial model—the external candidate (like all the others) would be on a ballot and the electorate would choose whether he or she was their best chance to escape fragility.
Topic:: Democratization, Development, Economics, Government, and Fragile/Failed State
Political Geography:: United Nations

298. The World Bank and the Emerging World Order Adjusting to multipolarity at the second decimal point

Author:: Jakob Vestergaard
Publication Date:: 04-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS)
Abstract:: The voice reform process originated in the Monterrey Consensus, which was articulated at the United Nations International Conference on Financing for Development held in Monterrey on 22 March 2002. For several years after the Monterrey Consensus, progress in deliberations on voice reform in the governing bodies of the World Bank was modest. But the global economic crisis raised the urgency of reforming the Bretton Woods institutions in the eyes of most countries and the creation of a G20 Leaders Forum gave further impetus to the voice reform process.
Topic:: Economics, Globalization, International Cooperation, International Affairs, and World Bank
Political Geography:: United Nations

299. Turkey and Taiwan: The Relationship Seeking Its Ground

Author:: Selçuk Çolakoglu and Arzu Güler
Publication Date:: 01-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: International Strategic Research Organization (USAK)
Abstract:: In the pre-1971 period, "One China" for Turkey was the Republic of China in Taiwan and the two countries were in cooperation against communist expansion. However, in 1971, though being reluctant for the expulsion of Taiwan from the United Nations, Turkey recognized People's Republic of China as the sole legal representative of China and pursued the "One China" policy in that respect. Thus, in the post-1971 period, Turkey's relations with Taiwan have continued only in terms of economy, trade and culture without recognizing it as an independent political unit. Beginning from early 1990s, Turkey began to take initiatives to increase its trade cooperation with Taiwan.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Economics, International Trade and Finance, Bilateral Relations, and Culture
Political Geography:: China, Turkey, Taiwan, Asia, and United Nations

300. On Cyber Peace

Author:: Les Bloom and John Savage
Publication Date:: 08-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Atlantic Council
Abstract:: The best deterrence to cyber conflict is to aggressively pursue national and international risk mitigation at the same time that we explore a full-spectrum of cyber capabilities. Nations should strive to reduce the emerging cyber arms race by developing a basis for trust. The international community has already taken useful steps in this direction with, for example, the European Convention on Cybercrime and the UN report on cyber security which calls for a set of actions that would make information infrastructures more secure.
Topic:: Defense Policy, Science and Technology, Terrorism, War, and International Security
Political Geography:: United Nations

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COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS