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1. Albania – Serbia relations: Bridging over troubled waters

Author:
Gentiola Madhi and Jelica Minić
Publication Date:
11-2019
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Europeum Institute for European Policy
Abstract:
The relations between Albania and Serbia have been marked over past decades by the absence of political dialogue and the presence of diplomatic friction. This weakness has been reflected in the relations between respective peoples. Despite being the two major ethnicities in the region, the mutual relations are still far from being considered mature and demand for the presence and intermediation of third parties in order to smooth down long-lasting prejudices, intolerance and distrust. In the aftermath of the Kosovo war, both countries resumed the bilateral relations as of January 2001 through an exchange of diplomatic notes. However, the mutual relations did not break through until November 2014, when Prime Minister Rama visited Belgrade - the first official visit of an Albanian leader in Serbia in 68 years. This symbolic and historical act created a fresh political momentum and imprinted a hopeful beginning of a new cycle of political and societal rapprochement.
Topic:
Diplomacy, Ethnic Conflict, War, and Bilateral Relations
Political Geography:
Eastern Europe, Serbia, Balkans, and Albania

2. How We Succeeded In Kosovo

Author:
Wesley K. Clark
Publication Date:
09-2019
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brown Journal of World Affairs
Institution:
Brown Journal of World Affairs
Abstract:
The countries of Southeast Europe contain numerous ethnic groups that are united by shared geography but divided by language, history, and culture. These nations are located at the crossroads of Asia and Europe, and, for centuries, were subjected to Turkish invasion, Austro-Hungarian resistance, Russian Pan-Slavism, Venetian culture along the Adriatic coast, and the respective weights of Islam, Roman Catholicism, and the Eastern Orthodox Church. Melding these groups into the state of Yugoslavia at the 1919 Versailles Peace Conference proved only a temporary solution: with the death of Yugloslav President Josip Tito in 1980, the fractionating forces became dominant, and by 1991, Slovenia, Croatia, Macedonia, and Bosnia were each struggling to secede or survive against a Serb-dominated Serbia-Montenegro. Southeast Europe became a land of open warfare. In a small corner of Serbia stood a region known as Kosovo, ceded by the Ot- toman Empire to Serbia at the end of World War I. Roughly a square, 65 miles on a side and surrounded by high mountains on three sides, this fertile valley was the center of the nineteenth century Albanian National Awakening. The vast majority of its almost two million people were Albanian, with smaller numbers of Serbs, Roma, and Bosnians. Inside Serbia, Kosovo was designated as the autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, NATO, Ethnic Conflict, History, and Humanitarian Intervention
Political Geography:
Eastern Europe, Kosovo, and Balkans

3. Communication of Ethnic Groups in the Public Space: the Case of Daugavpils

Author:
Vladislav Volkov and Oksana Ruzha
Publication Date:
11-2017
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Centre for East European Studies, University of Warsaw
Abstract:
Interethnic communication is viewed as a form of social communication that happens “between people of different cultures”. Researchers associate the importance of studying such communication with the need to analyse the possibilities for mutual understanding of effective interaction between people of different cultures (Rogers, Hart, Miike 2002, p. 5, 7). Communication between people of different cultures can encompass a wide range of characteristics and goals – from the desire to put forward legitimate claims of ethnic identity to bias against other groups, from the establishment of associative relationships between groups prior to their dissociation (Kim 2006, p. 284, 291), from imposing the dominant culture’s standards and exclusion of non-dominant cultures from public life to the positive recognition of ethno-cultural minorities in the common cultural space (Young 1996, p. 29), etc.
Topic:
Ethnic Conflict and International Affairs
Political Geography:
Eastern Europe

4. The Roots of Ethnic Cleansing in Europe, by Zeynep Bulutgil

Author:
Benjamin Lieberman and Zeynep Bulutgil
Publication Date:
07-2017
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Fletcher Security Review
Institution:
The Fletcher School, Tufts University
Abstract:
In The Roots of Ethnic Cleansing in Europe, Zeynep Bulutgil questions prevailing interpretations of the origins of ethnic cleansing and provides an innovative interpretation that will itself prompt further debate about the balance between factors that might block ethnic cleansing as well as active causes of cleansing. The work poses an important and often overlooked question: instead of focusing on factors that have caused ethnic cleansing, why not instead also chart factors that have precluded ethnic cleansing?
Topic:
Ethnic Conflict, History, Book Review, and Ethnic Cleansing
Political Geography:
Europe, Eastern Europe, Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia

5. Polyphonic Country: A Peace Zone in Georgia and South Caucasus

Author:
Irakli Zurab Kakabadze
Publication Date:
12-2010
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Judith Reppy Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies
Abstract:
Since the breakup of the Soviet Union the South Caucasus region has been plagued with ethnic conflicts—some of them remnants from Soviet times. Armenia and Azerbaijan are in- volved in a lengthy confrontation over the region of Nagorno-Karabakh, and Georgia struggles with Russia over the two separatist regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. These conflicts have caused multiple military confrontations between different parties and are still unresolved even today. In June 1997 Johan Galtung, founder of Peace Research Institute of Oslo (PRIO), vis- ited three South Caucasian countries in his tour to promote the “Transcend Method” of conflict transformation and to conduct collaborative workshops with the students of Tbilisi State Univer- sity, Georgia; Yerevan State University, Armenia; and Khazar University, Azerbaijan. He held a large meeting with civil society representatives at the Caucasian Institute for Peace and Demo- cratic Development (CIPDD) in Tbilisi. It was at that roundtable discussion, chaired by CIPDD director Dr. Ghia Nodia, that Galtung proposed creating a Peace Zone and a new international airport at the border area between Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia—namely at the Red Bridge area, one of the centers for regional trade for the last fifty years of the 20th century. Dr. Galtung has suggested that creating a Peace Zone in the South Caucasus was the only viable alternative to the continuous state of war and ethnic conflict. Three years later, Ambassador John W. McDonald, Chairman and CEO of the Institute for Multi Track Diplomacy, attended a conference in Tbilisi, Georgia organized by the Georgia- America Business Development Council. At the conference, Ambassador McDonald also sug- gested creating a Peace Zone in Georgia, around the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline, as a way of protecting Western energy interests through peace-building and economic development. Throughout the following nine years Ambassador McDonald continued to work with different Georgian governments on the formation of Peace Zones in Abkhazia and South Ossetia. In 2003 the Vice-Speaker of the Georgian Parliament, Vakhtang Rcheulishvili, came to Washington, DC to support the idea of Peace Zones in conflict regions. He met various U.S. officials like Senator Tom Harkin, Congressman Dennis Kucinich, and Matthew Bryza of the National Security Coun- cil at the White House. In 2004 the new Prime Minister of Georgia, Zurab Zhvania, endorsed Ambassador McDonald’s plan for Peace Zones in conflict regions. State Minister Bendukidze and former Minister of Conflict Resolution Khaindrava were also very much supportive of this plan. After the Rose Revolution, when nonviolent protests brought down the corrupt government of Eduard Shevardnadze in November 2003, the idea of Peace Zones became a grassroots con- cept popular with certain segments of civil society and university students in Georgia. Proposals for establishing Peace Zones faced a setback when the militaristic policies of Georgian, Russian, and separatist governments led to renewed violence, and in August 2008, a full war between different parties in South Ossetia. They still remain however, one of the most promising means of breaking the cycle of violence in the South Caucasus. The purpose of this paper is to present the case for a Peace Zone in Georgia.
Topic:
Civil Society, Diplomacy, Ethnic Conflict, Conflict, and Peace
Political Geography:
United States, Europe, Caucasus, Eastern Europe, Soviet Union, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia

6. Containing the Dangers of Democratization: A Record of Peacebuilding in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author:
Thorsten Gomes
Publication Date:
12-2006
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Judith Reppy Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies
Abstract:
Peacebuilding aims at creating structures and capabilities within the affected society which will avoid the relapse into armed conflict. Since the end of the Cold War, democratization has been chosen as the standard strategy of peacebuilding. Democracy provides an alternative to armed conflict. Governments can be removed without bloodshed, and other political intra-state disputes may be settled or solved non-violently as well. Democracy deserves a prominent place in theories of civil peace. Nevertheless, some dangers for civil peace and the democratic order itself have roots in the elements of democracy. Democratic liberties can just as well be (ab)used by anti-democrats as by extremists, and thus democratic systems bear the risk of their own overthrow. A second danger results from the political contestation that characterizes democracy. Competition offers incentives for candidates and political parties to inflame hatred and fear in order to win the support of as many people as possible. A third peril is the use of majority rule to exclude whole conflict parties from political decision-making or to ignore their needs and interests completely. Under the specific conditions of post-war societies the destructive potential of democracy and democratization is more easily activated. That is due to the fact that war has pushed back democratic attitudes and actors, while extremist and criminal actors have risen into high social and political positions. Compared to well-established democracies, it is less likely that democratic rules will be obeyed. Conflict parties abide less by democratic norms and distrust each other more than in consolidated democracies. Democratic contestation means “organized uncertainty” (Adam Przeworski). In post-war societies, however, there is so much at stake that uncertainty seems to be more threatening than in established and consolidated democracies.
Topic:
Democratization, Ethnic Conflict, and Post Colonialism
Political Geography:
Europe, Herzegovina, Eastern Europe, and Balkans

7. Diversity, Conflict, and State Failure: Chances and Challenges for Democratic Consolidation in Georgia after the after the "Rose Revolution"

Author:
Pamela Jawad
Publication Date:
12-2006
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Judith Reppy Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies
Abstract:
The events of November 2003, taking place against the backdrop of extensive election fraud and mass demonstrations in Georgia, resulted in the non-violent change of government known as the Rose Revolution. It brought a young administration under Mikheil Saakashvili into power and gave rise to hopes for an advance in the democratic consolidation that has been stalled since 2001, thus unfolding a political dynamic of unexpected chances and challenges.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Democratization, Ethnic Conflict, and Post Colonialism
Political Geography:
Europe, Eastern Europe, and Georgia

8. The Aspect of Culture in the Social Inclusion of Ethnic Minorities Evaluation of the Impact of Inclusion Policies under the Open Method of Co-ordination in the European Union: Assessing the Cultural Policies of Six Member States Final Report Estonia

Author:
Abel Kirsch, Tarmo Tuisk, and Mait Talts
Publication Date:
10-2006
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
European Centre for Minority Issues
Abstract:
The Estonian National Report on Strategies for Social Protection and Social Inclusion 2006-2008 has been prepared within the framework of EU Open Method of Coordination and in accordance with updated aims and principles adopted by the Council of Europe in March 2006.
Topic:
Ethnic Conflict and Human Rights
Political Geography:
Eastern Europe and Estonia

9. The Aspect of Culture in the Social Inclusion of Ethnic Minorities Evaluation of the Impact of Inclusion Policies under the Open Method of Co-ordination in the European Union: Assessing the Cultural Policies of Six Member States Final Report Slovakia

Author:
Michal Vašeèka
Publication Date:
10-2006
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
European Centre for Minority Issues
Abstract:
The report of the Slovak team is divided into three parts. The first one describes social inclusion policies of Roma in Slovakia in general. The second evaluates inclusion policies of the National Action Plans on social inclusion by analyzing focus groups with experts, and the third one brings analysis of particular inclusion policies. The paper finally brings also rather theoretical input whether Roma have where to integrate and describes structural problems of social inclusion policies.
Topic:
Ethnic Conflict and Human Rights
Political Geography:
Eastern Europe and Slovakia

10. The Aspect of Culture in the Social Inclusion of Ethnic Minorities Evaluation of the Impact of Inclusion Policies under the Open Method of Co-ordination in the European Union: Assessing the Cultural Policies of Six Member States Final Report Slovenia

Author:
Mitja Žagar, Miran Komac, Mojca Medvešek, and Romana Bešter
Publication Date:
10-2006
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
European Centre for Minority Issues
Abstract:
The main purpose of this report is to evaluate the cultural policies introduced in the Slovenian National Action Plan (NAP) on Social Inclusion (2004-2006) in terms of their impact on promoting social inclusion of ethnic minorities. Cultural policies are here understood in a broad sense of the word – encompassing all policies that pay regard to any aspect of culture, be it culture in the sense of creative artistic activities (theatres, music, etc.) or in the sense of specific cultural/ethnic identity of the target groups.
Topic:
Ethnic Conflict and Human Rights
Political Geography:
Eastern Europe and Slovenia