Political Geography: / Topic: Security

3901. Nepal's Fitful Peace Process

Publication Date:: 04-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Nepal is entering a new phase in its fitful peace process, in which its so-called "logical conclusion" is in sight: the integration and rehabilitation of Maoist combatants and the introduction of a new constitution. The Maoists, the largest party, are back in government in a coalition led by the Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist-Leninist), UML party. Negotiations, although fraught, are on with the second-largest party, the Nepali Congress (NC), to join. Agreement is being reached on constitutional issues and discussions continue on integration. None of the actors are ramping up for serious confrontation and few want to be seen as responsible for the collapse of the constitution-writing process underway in the Constituent Assembly (CA). But success depends on parties in opposition keeping tactical threats to dissolve the CA to a minimum, the government keeping them engaged, and the parties in government stabilising their own precariously divided houses. It will also require the Maoists to take major steps to dismantle their army.
Topic:: Security, Democratization, Peace Studies, and Politics
Political Geography:: South Asia, Asia, and Nepal

3902. North Korea and the Politics of Visual Representation

Author:: Dirk Nabers and David Shim
Publication Date:: 04-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: German Institute of Global and Area Studies
Abstract:: Within international discourses on security, North Korea is often associated with risk and danger, emanating paradoxically from what can be called its strengths—particularly military strength, as embodied by its missile and nuclear programs—and its weaknesses—such as its ever-present political, economic, and food crises—which are considered to be imminent threats to international peace and stability. We argue that images play an important role in these representations, and suggest that one should take into account the role of visual imagery in the way particular issues, actions, and events related to North Korea are approached and understood. Reflecting on the politics of visual representation means to examine the functions and effects of images, that is what they do and how they are put to work by allowing only particular kinds of seeing. After addressing theoretical and methodological questions, we discuss individual (and serial) photographs depicting what we think are typical examples of how North Korea is portrayed in the Western media and imagined in international politics.
Topic:: Security, Nuclear Weapons, Politics, Weapons of Mass Destruction, and International Affairs
Political Geography:: Israel and North Korea

3903. After the Strategic Concept: Towards a NATO Version 3.0

Author:: Trine Flockhart
Publication Date:: 04-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS)
Abstract:: NATO now has a new Strategic Concept entitled Active Engagement – Modern Defence, agreed at the Lisbon Summit on 19 November 2010. The new Strategic Concept is heaped with high expectations, that it will produce what US Ambassador to NATO Ivo Daalder has called a 'NATO Version 3.0', which will ensure that the Alliance is fit for facing the challenges of the 21st century.
Topic:: Security, Defense Policy, NATO, International Organization, and Regional Cooperation
Political Geography:: United States

3904. Missed Opportunities: The Impact of DDR on SSR in Afghanistan

Author:: Caroline Hartzell
Publication Date:: 04-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: Afghanistan's disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) program sought to enable the Afghan government to establish a monopoly on the use of force by helping break the linkages between former Afghan Military Forces (AMF) commanders and their troops, helping former combatants make the transition from military to civilian life, and collecting weapons in the possession of the AMF. Although Afghanistan presented an extremely challenging environment in which to implement DDR, a window for carrying out this task arguably existed for a couple of years after the signing of the Bonn Agreement. During this time the security situation throughout much of the country was relatively calm, the population generally supported efforts to establish peace, and the politicization of the security sector that began in the wake of the agreement was not yet entrenched. Unfortunately, the failure to include DDR in the Bonn settlement was the first in a series of missteps that limited the program's contributions to security sector reform. Delays in the design and initiation of a DDR process, combined with the international community's initial decision to leave only a light footprint in Afghanistan, left armed Afghan actors to contend with the type of security dilemma that has proven detrimental to other efforts to stabilize the peace. Competing militias' efforts to provide security as well as some groups' attempts to gain control of the security sector apparatus generated mistrust among the militias and reinforced the power of commanders and warlords. This situation was exacerbated by the coalition's reluctance to check the growing factionalization of the DDR process and a civilian-implemented DDR program that lacked the coercive capacity to contend with spoilers. DDR provisions should be part of a peace settlement. If armed groups prove unwilling to agree to such measures, their commitment to the settlement and to a durable peace must be considered suspect. Once such settlement measures have been agreed to, third-party actors—international or regional peacekeeping forces, third-party armies—should commit to providing security before, during, and after DDR; this sends a message to civilians and combatants that DDR will not endanger their safety.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Security, and Peace Studies
Political Geography:: Afghanistan

3905. Refugees and IDPs after Conflict: Why They Do Not Go Home

Author:: Patricia Weiss Fagan
Publication Date:: 04-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: Programs to return refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) to their homes after conflict, implemented by national authorities with international support, frequently leave far too many without viable futures. The measures are often inadequate for three reasons: a widely shared but flawed assumption that the need to create a future for returnees is satisfied by restoring them to their prior lives; a lack of long-term engagement by implementing authorities; and a focus on rural reintegration when many refugees and IDPs are returning to urban areas. These arguments are illustrated in four country cases—Bosnia, Afghanistan, Iraq, and Burundi. In each case, the places that refugees and IDPs were forced to flee have been greatly reshaped. They often lack security and economic opportunities; governance is weak and services are inadequate. Returnees have made choices about their futures in large part on the basis of these factors. While reclaiming land or receiving compensation for losses is important, the challenge for many returnees is to settle where they can maintain sustainable livelihoods; find peaceful living conditions; have access to health care, education, and employment opportunities; and enjoy full rights of citizenship. This may mean a move from rural to urban areas and a change in the source of income generation that has to be accounted for in the design of reintegration programs. Returning refugees and IDPs should be assisted for a sufficient amount of time to determine which location and livelihood will suit them best. For international organizations, this may involve greater creativity and flexibility in supporting returnees in urban settings. To accommodate inflows of returnees and their general mobility, national and local governments should develop urban planning strategies to manage the growth of their cities, coupled with regional development plans in rural areas that may involve investment in commercial agriculture. Linking rural and urban areas by strengthening government institutions can also provide returnees with more livelihood options and promote development.
Topic:: Security, Economics, Refugee Issues, and Labor Issues
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, Iraq, Bosnia, Middle East, Balkans, and Burundi

3906. Reforming Pakistan's Police and Law Enforcement Infrastructure: Is It Too Flawed to Fix?

Author:: Hassan Abbas
Publication Date:: 02-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: An efficient, well-functioning police service is critical to counterinsurgency as well as counterterrorism efforts in Pakistan, now and in the future. At the same time, the police force must also address rising crime rates and a deteriorating law-and-order situation, among many other tasks. The capacity of the Pakistan Police Service to deliver on all these fronts is severely diminished by political manipulation, the lack of forensic services, inadequate training and equipment, corruption, and weaknesses in the judicial sphere. Disconnect and lack of coordination between numerous kinds of policing and intelligence organizations are major hurdles on the path leading to collective strategizing. Upgrading the existing police system as the central law enforcement institution in the country cannot occur in isolation, however. Instead, it must be part of an overarching restructuring of the total law enforcement infrastructure, including a reform of the criminal justice system and the stripping of politically motivated amendments from the Police Act of 2002. Both traditional and innovative reforms would be expected to bear fruit in this arena. With a high degree of public consensus on the need for far-reaching law enforcement reforms in Pakistan, there is political space to make tough, reform-oriented choices. Pro-reform circles within police are also gaining strength.
Topic:: Security, Terrorism, Counterinsurgency, and Law Enforcement
Political Geography:: Pakistan and South Asia

3907. The EU's Experience with Security Sector Governance

Author:: Louis-Alexandre Berg
Publication Date:: 01-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: Civilian oversight ministries are essential to broader efforts to strengthen the performance and responsiveness of security and law enforcement forces. Ministries facilitate coordination among agencies, hold personnel accountable to law and policy, perform administrative functions, shield forces from political interference, and enable civilian oversight through the legislature, civil society, and other mechanisms. Failure to support these roles can undermine efforts to strengthen law enforcement and improve citizen safety in countries affected by conflict or instability. The European Union has extensive experience supporting oversight ministries, having prepared twenty-one ministries of interior to join the EU. The European Commission has assisted ministries in developing countries around the world, while the European Council has deployed civilian missions to crisis environments to establish security and the rule of law. Efforts to develop the laws, procedures, and organizational structures needed for effective oversight ministries face numerous challenges, from limited human capacity to political and organizational resistance, especially in countries transitioning from conflict or authoritarian rule.EU enlargement provided a unique incentive for countries to overcome obstacles to transforming their ministries and improving security sector governance. EU institutions helped translate this incentive into organizational changes by helping candidate countries define a clear structure and vision, deploying experienced experts from EU member states, and managing resistance through coordinated political engagement in support of clearly defined benchmarks. In crisis and stabilization countries, the EU has faced greater challenges. Without a strong external incentive, weak capacity and severe political tensions have undermined assistance efforts. The EU has been enhancing its capabilities for deploying skilled personnel to these environments and for leveraging member states' relationships with countries affected by conflict, to help them overcome political obstacles. Yet the EU has often struggled to achieve the coherence among member states and institutions necessary to support locally driven reforms. The United States can learn from the EU's successes and challenges by paying attention to the role of oversight ministries in the development of security and law enforcement forces overseas. To build its capacity to strengthen oversight ministries and other components of security sector governance, the United States should recruit personnel with broader sets of skills, improve coherence among agencies providing assistance, and deepen cooperation with the EU and other donor countries. Through collaboration in headquarters and in the field, the EU and the United States could complement each other's strengths and pursue common approaches to fostering institutional change in the security sector.
Topic:: Security, Regional Cooperation, and Law
Political Geography:: United States and Europe

3908. Euromed+15. New paths of cooperation across the Mediterranean

Publication Date:: 06-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Abstract:: On the occasion of the 15th Anniversary of the Barcelona Declaration, the EuroMeSCo Network and the IEMed jointly organized the 2010 Annual EuroMeSCo Conference, in which distinguished experts and practitioners were convened to debate the future of Euro-Mediterranean politics in the light of the on-going institutional changes within the European Union and the new geopolitical context.
Topic:: Security, Politics, European Union, and Geopolitics
Political Geography:: Europe and Mediterranean

3909. Turkey-Ukraine Relations: High Potential, Low Voltage

Author:: Habibe Özdal and Viktoriia Demydova
Publication Date:: 03-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: International Strategic Research Organization (USAK)
Abstract:: With its strategic location of the existing power lines and economic potential, Ukraine, as one of the most important countries of Eastern Europe, is one of the pilot countries with which Turkey aims to develop its relations in an 'exemplary manner'. Besides, since Ankara and Kiev, share common values and priorities within the framework of preserving stability in the region, the Black Sea neighborhood adds another dimension to bilateral relations.
Topic:: Security, Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Economics, International Trade and Finance, and Bilateral Relations
Political Geography:: Europe, Turkey, Ukraine, and India

3910. Extending the U.S. Military Role in Iraq

Author:: Ramzy Mardini and Marisa Cochrane Sullivan
Publication Date:: 05-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Institute for the Study of War
Abstract:: The Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA), signed in 2008 by outgoing President George W. Bush and Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, requires the U.S. military to completely withdraw from Iraq no later than December 31, 2011. However, Iraq is failing to maintain internal security, continues to experience serious external defense deficiencies, and has unresolved political disagreements that could threaten stability. The national security interests of the United States and Iraq require extending the SOFA and retaining a smaller but still substantial U.S. military footprint in Iraq. The U.S. has signaled its willingness to extend its presence if requested by Iraq. Although Iraq's leaders increasingly recognize the necessity of extending the Status of Forces Agreement to permit U.S. military involvement beyond 2011, political obstacles have precluded them from initiating a domestic debate on extending the SOFA. As a result, it is necessary for the United States to take on a proactive and leading role when engaging with Iraq's leaders, and to communicate the importance and value of a new security agreement.
Topic:: Security, International Cooperation, and Armed Struggle
Political Geography:: United States and Iraq

3911. A New Road for Preventive Action: Report from the first Global Conference on Preventive

Author:: Matthew King
Publication Date:: 06-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: EastWest Institute
Abstract:: A gap continues to exist between the international community's rhetoric about conflict prevention and its responsibility to protect people from severe human rights violations. The record of human misery caused by violent conflict is testimony to the chronic lack of political will to respond collectively to new and emerging threats to peace. The ineffectiveness of many global efforts at preventive diplomacy is evidence that traditional diplomatic approaches, including the use of force, simply may not work.
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, Security, International Cooperation, and Peacekeeping

3912. The Western Balkans and the EU: 'the hour of Europe'

Author:: Jacques Rupnik (ed)
Publication Date:: 06-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: European Union Institute for Security Studies
Abstract:: Today, more than fifteen years after the end of the wars of Yugoslavia's dissolution, the 'Balkan question' remains more than ever a 'European question'. In the eyes of many Europeans in the 1990s, Bosnia was the symbol of a collective failure, while Kosovo later became a catalyst for an emerging Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). In the last decade, with the completion of the process of redrawing the map of the region, the overall thrust of the EU's Balkans policy has moved from an agenda dominated by security issues related to the war and its legacies to an agenda focused on the perspective of the Western Balkan states' accession to the European Union, to which there has been a formal political commitment on the part of all EU Member States since the Thessaloniki Summit in June 2003. The framework was set, the political elites in the region were – at least verbally – committed to making Europe a priority and everyone was supposedly familiar with the policy tools thanks to the previous wave of Eastern enlargement. With the region's most contentious issues apparently having been defused, the EU could move from stability through containment towards European integration.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Security, Ethnic Conflict, Political Economy, Sectarian violence, and Self Determination
Political Geography:: Europe, Bosnia, Kosovo, Yugoslavia, and Balkans

3913. Minorities in Postcolonial Transitions: The Ndebele in Zimbabwe

Author:: Khanyisela Moyo
Publication Date:: 01-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: African Journal of Legal Studies
Institution:: The Africa Law Institute
Abstract:: This article argues that there is a legal and political basis for attending to concerns of ethnic minorities in postcolonial transitions. If left unattended, this issue may prompt members of minority groups to resort to preservative measures, including violence to the detriment of the security which is a fundamental objective of the transition. This reaction is often generated by an axiomatic fear of assimilation. The case of the Ndebele of Zimbabwe illustrates this. The article's position is confirmed by post-colonial state practice that implements minority rights and accords affected groups a right to self-determination or autonomy in tandem with liberal democratic reforms.
Topic:: Security and Reform
Political Geography:: Zimbabwe

3914. Future Options for NATO Nuclear Policy

Author:: Jeffrey A. Larsen
Publication Date:: 08-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Atlantic Council
Abstract:: NATO released a new Strategic Concept in November 2010 that maintained its traditional call for continued reliance on nuclear weapons as the ultimate guarantor of its security. But finalizing that document was not easy. Several compromises took place at the Lisbon Summit, including a decision by the Alliance to conduct a Deterrence and Defense Posture Review (DDPR) by 2012. In addition, the allies chose not to repeat some key wording that had remained unchanged since it was introduced in the 1991 Strategic Concept that the Alliance would "maintain adequate sub-strategic nuclear forces based in Europe." This may provide a political opening for the Alliance to eliminate forward-deployed US nuclear weapons in Europe, should it decide to do so. This brief examines options for NATO nuclear deterrence and assurance policy if that occurs.
Topic:: Security, NATO, Arms Control and Proliferation, and Nuclear Weapons
Political Geography:: Europe and North America

3915. How Reliable is Intelligence on Iran's Nuclear Program?

Author:: Barbara Slavin
Publication Date:: 09-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Atlantic Council
Abstract:: For a country that has been accumulating nuclear know-how since the Eisenhower administration, Iran has hardly been sprinting toward a bomb. Indeed, repeated prognostications that Tehran was on the verge of becoming a nuclear power have a Chicken Little quality: The sky did not fall over the past decade, and it seems unlikely to do so for the next year or two or three. Still, Iran has made steady progress accumulating the elements and expertise required to make nuclear weapons, and it would be naive and irresponsible to discount what appears to be a cottage industry of piecemeal proliferation.
Topic:: Security, Intelligence, Nuclear Weapons, and Nuclear Power
Political Geography:: Iran and Middle East

3916. US Declaratory Policy and Striking Back in Cyber Conflict

Author:: Jason Healey
Publication Date:: 09-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Atlantic Council
Abstract:: If you pull a knife on a gunslinger, don't be surprised if you get shot. This is one of the messages of the president's International Strategy for Cyberspace. Some media outlets have taken to extreme headlines, such as OBAMA RESERVES RIGHT TO NUKE HACKERS, or HACK US AND WE'LL BOMB YOU. These headlines, although perhaps intended as hyperbole, highlight the routine misunderstandings that take place when applying national security concepts to the technical domain of cyberspace. This issue brief will analyze the relevant part of the Strategy, especially focusing on whether, and how, the United States might respond to cyber attacks, and under what circumstances, if any, such responses would be nuclear.
Topic:: Security, Defense Policy, and Science and Technology
Political Geography:: United States

3917. Building a new military? The NATO Training Mission-Iraq

Author:: Florence Gaub
Publication Date:: 04-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: NATO Defense College
Abstract:: The military is the cradle of the state - simply because security precedes any social or economic development. In the 1990s, this consideration led to the advent of Security Sector Reform, essentially the consequence of the perception that building up strong and viable security institutions under civilian control is a precondition of state consolidation. The multiple defense reforms NATO assisted in many former Warsaw Pact member states, and the NATO Training Cooperation Initiative launched in 2006, are part of the consequent logic of military development aid, which is not entirely altruistic. Security is an intertwined construct, and the Alliance relies on stability and security in other states in order to ensure its own. In this context, NATO's Training Mission-Iraq (NTM-I) is just a logical step - although surprising to some, given that it was Iraq that caused the Alliance a "near-death experience." Four years later it was followed by a sister mission in Afghanistan, indicating a trend in security force assistance that is likely to grow.
Topic:: Security, Defense Policy, and Military Strategy
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, Iraq, and Middle East

3918. Russia's strategies in Afghanistan and their consequences for NATO

Author:: Marlène Laruelle
Publication Date:: 11-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: NATO Defense College
Abstract:: In July 2011, the first U.S. troops started to leave Afghanistan - a powerful symbol of Western determination to let the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF) gradually take over responsibility for national security. This is also an important element in the strategy of Hamid Karzai's government, which seeks to appear not as a pawn of Washington but as an autonomous actor in negotiations with the so-called moderate Taliban. With withdrawal to be completed by 2014, the regionalization of the "Afghan issue" will grow. The regional powers will gain autonomy in their relationship with Kabul, and will implement strategies of both competition and collaboration. In the context of this regionalization, Russia occupies an important position.
Topic:: Security, Foreign Policy, Regional Cooperation, and Military Strategy
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, Russia, and United States

3919. Disrupting the Supply Chain for Mass Atrocities

Publication Date:: 07-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Human Rights First
Abstract:: Mass atrocities are organized crimes. Those who commit genocide and crimes against humanity depend on third parties for the goods and services—money, matériel, political support, and a host of other resources-that sustain large—scale violence against civilians. Third parties have supplied military aircraft used by the Sudan Armed Forces against civilians, refined gold and other minerals coming out of eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, and ensured a steady flow of arms into Rwanda. Governments seeking to prevent atrocities cannot afford a narrow and uncoordinated focus on the perpetrators of such violence. Rather, an effective strategy must include identifying and pressuring third-party enablers— individuals, commercial entities, and countries—in order to interrupt the supply chains that fuel mass violence against civilians.
Topic:: Security, Arms Control and Proliferation, Crime, and Genocide
Political Geography:: Africa and Sudan

3920. Patronage versus Professionalism in New Security Institutions

Author:: Kimberly Marten
Publication Date:: 09-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: PRISM
Institution:: Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS), National Defense University
Abstract:: Where do effective military and police institutions come from in a society that is not already based on the rule of law? In particular, can informal militias based on patron/ client relations be successfully reformed or integrated into professional and effective state security institutions? We do not have good answers to these questions. Yet the United States and its allies are wrestling with them daily in many locations around the globe. My goal in this article is to examine what we do know about historical and recent situations that to some degree mirror these current challenges, and to draw out some unexpected practical suggestions about what might work on the ground.
Topic:: Security
Political Geography:: Afghanistan and United States

3921. Regional Engagement in Africa: Closing the Gap Between Strategic Ends and Ways

Author:: Laura R. Varhola and Christopher H. Varhola
Publication Date:: 09-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: PRISM
Institution:: Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS), National Defense University
Abstract:: The East African Standby Force (EASF) is East Africa's contribution to the African Union's African Standby Force, which is an international and continental military force with both a civilian and police component to be deployed in Africa during times of crisis. Although the EASF is still under development and in need of capacity-building assistance, the United States does not have the authorities to provide direct assistance to this regional force. Instead, Washington must rely on bilateral assistance mechanisms that are cumbersome and less efficient than dealing directly with the EASF.
Topic:: Security
Political Geography:: Africa, United States, and Washington

3922. NATO Countering the Hybrid Threat

Author:: Michael Aaronson, Sverre Diessen, Yves de Kermabon, Mary Beth Long, and Michael Miklaucic
Publication Date:: 09-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: PRISM
Institution:: Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS), National Defense University
Abstract:: The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was the most successful collective security arrangement among states in the 20 th century. Having deterred and outlasted its primary adversary, the Soviet Union, NATO now faces the challenge of redefining its roles and purposes in the 21 st century. Like all pluralist organizations, the Alliance must reflect the common interests of its 28 members, and defining common interests that motivate all members to sacrifice for the good of the whole has been difficult. In the absence of a direct common military threat, disparate interests, commitments, and visions of the transatlantic future have fragmented Alliance coherence.
Topic:: Security
Political Geography:: North Atlantic

3923. Security Sector Reform and the Dilemmas of Liberal Peacebuilding

Author:: Louise Riis Andersen
Publication Date:: 12-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS)
Abstract:: In recent years, Security Sector Reform (SSR) has emerged as a key component of international post-conflict reconstruction efforts. At the same time, however, it is becoming increasingly clear that the holistic approach to SSR that is outlined in policy papers is very difficult to translate into effective interventions in fragile states. This paper identifies two competing approaches for a 'contextualized' SSR-agenda: A monopoly model that focuses on restoring the state's monopoly on the means of violence and a hybrid model that seeks to strengthen local community-based security and justice solutions. The paper argues that as a strategy for intervention, the choice is not simply between a top-down 'imposition' of a universal state model and a bottom-up approach of 'working with what is there'. It is also a choice between direct and indirect forms of rule. This makes the dilemma real for liberal-minded practitioners and observers who for good reasons remain reluctant towards the colonial practice of ruling through middle-men. The paper does not offer a solution to the dilemma. When two imperatives pull in opposite directions, 'answers' are bound to be ad hoc: Specific and contextual, rather than principled and generic. The paper does, however, suggest that part of the way forward may be to move towards a more 'entry-oriented' mode of operation that recognizes that the role of external actors is to help establish a space for security and development solutions, rather than to fill that space.
Topic:: Security, Democratization, Peace Studies, Governance, and Law Enforcement

3924. Arms Flows to Sub-Saharan Africa

Author:: Siemon T. Wezeman, Pieter D. Wezeman, and Lucie béraud-Sudreau
Publication Date:: 12-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Stockholm International Peace Research Institute
Abstract:: Concerns regarding arms transfers to sub-Saharan Africa are widespread and have motivated worldwide efforts to control arms flows. Sub-Saharan Africa (excluding South Africa) accounted for 1.5 per cent of the volume of world imports of major arms in 2006–10. Although this is low by global standards, with little indigenous arms-production capacity in the region, most countries are fully dependent on arms imports.
Topic:: Security, Arms Control and Proliferation, International Cooperation, Peace Studies, and Weapons of Mass Destruction
Political Geography:: Africa

3925. From Compliance to Practice: Mining Companies and the Voluntary Principles on Security and Human Rights in the Democratic Republic of Congo

Author:: Jana Hönk and Tanja A. Börzel
Publication Date:: 10-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Collaborative Research Center (SFB) 700
Abstract:: Transnational institutions increasingly commit multinational companies to human rights and social standards on a voluntary basis. Our paper investigates the security practices of multinational companies and whether these comply with the Voluntary Principles on Security and Human Rights. Analysing the case of mining companies in the Democratic Republic of Congo we evaluate the impact of the Principles on local security practices and critically analyse the effects of these practices. We argue that one needs to go beyond compliance studies, which focus on the implementation of formal programs (output) and rule-consistent behaviour (outcome), in order to evaluate corporate governance contributions. We therefore develop a conceptual framework that looks at companies' local security practices, including non-compliant practices, and their effects on local security. Our approach leads to a more differentiated evaluation of the effects of voluntary standards and the potential for corporate governance contributions than much of the literature on business and governance does.
Topic:: Security, Human Rights, Natural Resources, and Neoimperialism
Political Geography:: Africa and Democratic Republic of the Congo

3926. India in Afghanistan: Valuable Partner of the West

Author:: Patryk Kugiel
Publication Date:: 10-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: The Polish Institute of International Affairs
Abstract:: On 4 October 2011, India and Afghanistan signed the Agreement on Strategic Partnership, the first of its kind to be endorsed by President Hamid Karzai's government with any foreign country. This comprehensive deal envisages strengthening cooperation between both partners in four key areas: politics and security; trade and economy; capacity development and education; and social, cultural, civil society and people-to-people relations. It foresees more coordination in regional and international forums, including Afghan support for a permanent seat for India in the reformed UN Security Council; establishes a regular Security Dialogue to coordinate the fight against international terrorism, organized crime, illegal trafficking in narcotics and money laundering; calls for more trade, investments and the promotion of regional economic cooperation. Moreover, the deal stipulates joint efforts to develop the Afghan economy and civil service, improve women's rights and in other areas. The deal is the natural fruit of India's decade-long, low-profile engagement in Afghanistan. During these years, India was extending strong political support and significant development assistance to the Afghans. It has risen to the position of a major trade and investment partner of Afghanistan and an “all-weather” friend.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Security, Development, Peace Studies, War, and Bilateral Relations
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, India, and United Nations

3927. Willing and (un)able. New Defence Policy Guidelines and Reorientation of the Bundeswehr

Author:: Ryszarda Formuszewicz and Marcin Terlikowski.
Publication Date:: 07-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: The Polish Institute of International Affairs
Abstract:: On 18 May, after two and a half months in office, defence Minister Thomas de Maizière presented updated cornerstones of the ongoing Bundeswehr reform, which has been rebranded as a “reorientation” (Neujustierung). On the same day, new Defence Policy Guidelines (DPG) were published, replacing the previous document of 2003. The core message directed to internal public opinion and to international partners both disappointed and displeased with Germany's troubled record in the security policy domain is laid out in the title of the DPG: “Safeguarding National Interests – Assuming International Responsibility – Shaping Security Together.” The DPG delivered a conceptual foundation for the armed forces' transformation process, which will now be based on defined security policy assumptions—a feature lacking in the original reform announced in 2010 under the pressure of a financial consolidation plan. The document is both an outcome of the deteriorating German stance on the international security stage and an opportunity to push Berlin on the road towards assuming a new, more visible role, as a security actor.
Topic:: Security, Defense Policy, and NATO
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, Europe, and Asia

3928. Security Council Reform: Past, Present, and Future

Author:: Shashi Tharoor
Publication Date:: 12-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Abstract:: Even though it has been more than a year since I left the service of the United Nations, the one question people have not stopped asking me here in India is when our country, with 1.2 billion people and a booming economy, is going to become a permanent member of the Security Council. The short answer is "not this year, and probably not the next." But there are so many misconceptions about this issue that a longer answer is clearly necessary.
Topic:: Security and United Nations
Political Geography:: Russia, United States, and China

3929. Completing the ICTY Project Without Sacrificing its Main Goals. Security Council Resolution 1966 – A Good Decision?

Author:: Donald Riznik
Publication Date:: 12-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: The Goettingen Journal of International Law
Institution:: The Goettingen Journal of International Law
Abstract:: Almost two decades after having established the ad-hoc criminal tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, this institution is about to fulfill its mandate and will close its doors in the near future. Looking back on 20 years of legal and political struggle, the overall result of this institutional project is positive. This article analyses the way the Security Council and the ICTY have chosen to bring the tribunal to an end by implementing the Completion. The problematic aspect, the Security Council was faced with before its final Resolution 1966, adopted on 22 December 2010, has been outlined together with the chosen path to avoid commitments, especially with regard to its major goal to end impunity for serious breaches of international law, and to bring justice and peace to the people living on the territory of the former Yugoslavia. This (so far) last resolution, which implemented the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals (IRMCT), was adopted at a time, when the last two remaining fugitives, Ratko Mladic and Goran Hadzic were still at large. Only a few months ago, the two were caught and transferred to the tribunal. The author argues that not shutting the institutional doors entirely until all remaining fugitives are arrested, was a complex situation in a legal and practical sense. Facing and solving this problem through Resolution 1966 was the best choice at that time. This article will give a brief description about the practical impact of the IRMCT on the ICTY's further work, and the relation between these two judicial institutions during their coexistence.
Topic:: Security and International Law
Political Geography:: Yugoslavia and United Nations

3930. The International Residual Mechanism and the Legacy of the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda

Author:: Gabrielle Bardall
Publication Date:: 12-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: The Goettingen Journal of International Law
Institution:: The Goettingen Journal of International Law
Abstract:: By Security Council Resolution 1966 (2010), the Security Council established the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals as the legal successor to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. In the creation of the Residual Mechanism, the Security Council appears to have intended to ensure the continuation of the work of the Tribunals and thereby safeguard their legacies. Accordingly, the Statute of the Residual Mechanism continues the jurisdiction of the Tribunals, mirrors in many respects the structures of the Tribunals, and ensures that the Residual Mechanism's Rules of Procedure and Evidence are based on those of the Tribunals. However, the Statute of the Residual Mechanism is silent with regard to the weight the Judges of the Residual Mechanism must accord to ICTY and ICTR judicial decisions. While there is no doctrine of precedent in international law or hierarchy between international courts, this omission by the Security Council does have the potential to negatively impact the legacies of the Tribunal by allowing for departures by the Residual Mechanism from the jurisprudence of the Tribunals, which lead to similarly situated persons being dissimilarly treated. Nevertheless, even if the Residual Mechanism does adopt the jurisprudence of the Tribunals as its own, as a separate legal body it will still have to answer constitutional questions regarding the legitimacy of its establishment by the Security Council. While it can be anticipated that the Residual Mechanism will find itself validly constituted, the wisdom of the Security Council's decision to artificially end the work of the Tribunals by the establishment of the Residual Mechanisms will ultimately turn upon the question of whether any inherent unfairness could be occasioned to persons whose proceedings are before the Residual Mechanism. It will be suggested that the Security Council has provided the Residual Mechanism with sufficient tools to ensure that its proceedings are conducted in para passu with those of the Tribunals and that the responsibility of ensuring the highest standards of international due process and fairness falls to the Judges of the Residual Mechanism.
Topic:: Security
Political Geography:: Yugoslavia and Rwanda

3931. Tadic Revisited: Some Critical Comments on the Legacy and the Legitimacy of the ICTY

Author:: Mia Swart
Publication Date:: 12-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: The Goettingen Journal of International Law
Institution:: The Goettingen Journal of International Law
Abstract:: This article will return to questions raised during the establishment of the ICTY and particularly the Tadic case. It will be argued here that the aspect of Tadic that remains unresolved is the fundamental question of whether the ICTY has been established legitimately. The legitimacy argument forms an important part of the legacy debate of the ICTY. Although the Tadic Appeals Chamber has formally answered the question of the legitimacy of the ICTY it will be argued that the reasoning of the Appeals Chamber was not sufficiently strong or persuasive. The legitimacy debate reflects the wider influence of the ICTY's jurisprudence since some of the arguments made by the Tadic Appeals Chamber have been replicated or repeated in the trials of Saddam Hussein and Charles Taylor. The legitimacy question is crucial since it affects the very foundations of the ICTY. If the legitimacy of the ICTY is not established satisfactorily, it affects how one considers the achievements mentioned above. In a sense the substantive and procedural achievements of the ICTY are dependent on the legitimacy of the ICTY. This article will consider the difference between the ICTY's self-perception and the way the work of the Tribunal over the last sixteen years has been perceived from the outside. The focus of the article will be on the lingering question of the legitimacy of the Tribunal. It has argued that legitimacy can also be acquired after the initial establishment. The article will consider whether the ICTY's initial defect in legitimacy could subsequently be remedied by the fairness of the proceedings and the moral power of the ICTY.
Topic:: Security
Political Geography:: Yugoslavia

3932. The ICTY Legacy: A Defense Counsel's Perspective

Author:: Michael G. Karnavas
Publication Date:: 12-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: The Goettingen Journal of International Law
Institution:: The Goettingen Journal of International Law
Abstract:: The ICTY's achievements are as impressive as they are irrefutable. Less impressive is the uneven quality of procedural and substantive justice that the Tribunal has rendered. The author highlights several shortcomings at the Tribunal, including the appointment of unqualified judges, excessive judicial activism, its disparate application of law, procedure, and prosecutorial resources to different ethnic groups, and its tinkering with the rules of procedure to promote efficiency at the cost of eroding the fundamental rights of the Accused. Drawing on specific examples, from the approach adopted concerning the admissibility of testimonial evidence to specific areas of substantive law where judicial activism has been pronounced – the development of joint criminal enterprise and the requirements for provisional release at a late stage of the proceedings – this article is one defense counsel's perspective of some of the most unfortunate shortcomings of the ICTY, which regrettably form part and parcel of the Tribunal's legacy.
Topic:: Security and Law
Political Geography:: Yugoslavia and United Nations

3933. The Winding Down of the ICTY: The Impact of the Completion Strategy and the Residual Mechanism on Victims

Author:: Giovanna M. Frisso
Publication Date:: 12-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: The Goettingen Journal of International Law
Institution:: The Goettingen Journal of International Law
Abstract:: Even though not clearly spelled out in its constitutive instrument, one characteristic of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) is its temporary character. This characteristic presents the ICTY with a significant challenge, the complexity of which is increased by the fact that the tribunal has a multi-faceted mandate. This article examines the effects of the completion strategy of the ICTY on the victims of the crimes under its jurisdiction. Initially, it considers the impact of the completion strategy on the victims who participated, as witnesses, in the proceedings before the ICTY. It argues that the pressure to comply with the timeframe established by the Security Council has resulted in the reduction of the victims to their forensic usefulness. The victims were considered primarily in light of their instrumental relevance to the proceedings. Then, the article suggests, through the analysis of the referral of cases to domestic courts and the value of the archives of the ICTY, that the completion strategy can or might have a positive effect on the implementation of the rights of the victims who have not had direct contact with the ICTY. In this context, this article argues that the termination of the ICTY does not necessarily mean that the struggle for the implementation of the rights of the victims has finished.
Topic:: Security
Political Geography:: Yugoslavia

3934. Intervention hangovers in stabilisation operations: Case studies from Afghanistan and Iraq

Author:: Dr. Ann M Fitz-Gerald and Christian Dennys
Publication Date:: 11-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS)
Abstract:: This paper argues that the emergence of stabilisation as a concept out of peace-building, state- building and counter-insurgency theories has carried with it some of the key weaknesses of international intervention, in particular the idea that imposing western liberal systems on non- western societies will contribute towards stability. With reference to two case studies, the Wheat Seed project in Afghanistan and a gas cylinder distribution project in Iraq, the paper argues that stabilisation activities do not engage fully with the underlying premise that stabilisation must support and engender local political legitimacy, in part because of the conceptual baggage that stabilisation has adopted from other areas. The paper concludes by arguing that greater use should be made of the knowledge and histories of non-western state formation, characterized as being non- Weberian, as a counter to the overuse by interveners of the desire to support rational Weberian state structures in other countries.
Topic:: Security, Development, Foreign Aid, and Neoimperialism
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, Iraq, and Arabia

3935. Côte d'Ivoire: Continuing the Recovery

Publication Date:: 12-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Despite a marked improvement, the situation in Côte d'Ivoire remains fragile. The transfer to The Hague of former President Laurent Gbagbo – indicted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) – only twelve days before the parliamentary elections of 11 December 2011, has stoked political tensions. After a vote characterised by low turnout, the country remains deeply divided and still faces grave threats. The weakness and imbalance of the security apparatus and the two-tiered justice system, both of which reinforce the convictions of extremists, are the two main challenges the government must overcome in the months ahead. Although voting itself was peaceful, an electoral campaign marred by incidents serves as a reminder that political violence is still an everyday reality. The installation of a new Assembly marks a further step towards normalisation, but the country has yet to escape trouble.
Topic:: Security, Democratization, and Fragile/Failed State
Political Geography:: Africa

3936. The Problematic Fields in European Neighborhood Policy: Human Security and Neighborhood Relations

Author:: Murat Necip Arman
Publication Date:: 09-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
Institution:: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
Abstract:: With the enlargements of 2004 and 2007, the EU reached at borders with new neighbors stretching from Northern Africa, to Middle East and Southern Caucasus. Despite their structural instability, those three regions possess rich energy resources. The EU promulgated the blue prints of the Union's future relations with the new neighbors in March 2003 with the paper on "Wider Europe Neighborhood: a New Framework for Our Relationships with the Eastern and Southern Neighbors." The framework redefined the basic parameters of the so-called neighborhood policy. The major difference that differs the neighborhood policy from the rest of the Union policies with non-member countries is its unique approach to the concept of human security. Human security is a distinct security approach distancing "the state" from being the major subject of security and instead individuals have been placed gradually in the center of relations between the EU and Central, Eastern and Southeastern Europe. This study which tries to lure attention to the symbiotic bonds between human security and security community approaches, unfolds the problematic aspects of the neighborhood policy which is based on human security and offers some solutions to those problems.
Topic:: Security
Political Geography:: Europe, Middle East, and North Africa

3937. Global Warming and Security: The Security Implications for NATO and the EU of a Melting Polar Ice Cap in the High North.

Author:: Udo Michel
Publication Date:: 10-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Connections
Institution:: Partnership for Peace Consortium of Defense Academies and Security Studies Institutes
Abstract:: Environmental changes will have an impact on global and regional security communities.This article will examine the security challenges posed by the melting of the polar ice cap in the High North. Many NATO and EU members have manifest interests in this region, and parts of the Arctic belong to the NATO treaty area. Offi cial documents, political statements, and actions already taken show that the most of the Nordic countries address the effects of climate change on their region's security in specifi c policies and national security concepts. Moscow has sparked concerns in the West with displays of its will and capabilities-for example, fl ying strategic bomber patrols over the Arctic, or the hoisting the Russian fl ag on the sea bed below the North Pole. Despite a high degree of media awareness and intensive public discussions about spheres of infl uence and a possible return to classical geopolitics, both NATO and the EU try to avoid sending signals that would indicate that they regard regional security questions in the Arctic as a matter of deep concern or urgency. The motivation behind this article is to investigate this disconnect, to explain it, and todraw conclusions that argue for or against changes in the present posture. If their affected members states do not securitize the threats and vulnerabilities related to themelting polar ice cap in the High North within the organizations, NATO and the EUwill lack the incentive and legitimacy to adapt their security policies and strategies inorder to address the evolving situation.
Topic:: Security and NATO

3938. The Essence of Crosscultural Security Education

Author:: Andrzej Pieczywok
Publication Date:: 10-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Connections
Institution:: Partnership for Peace Consortium of Defense Academies and Security Studies Institutes
Abstract:: This article presents the main factors that affect the preservation of peace andsecurity among human beings. It treats these categories as the most important goal of the education of modern man, as the basis of its performance in the world today. The core values that most signifi cantly affect human existence are structured around three basic concepts: security, peace, and education.
Topic:: Security

3939. A Governmentality Approach to Peace Operations

Author:: Elisa Lucia
Publication Date:: 12-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: The International Spectator
Institution:: Istituto Affari Internazionali
Abstract:: In this book, Laura Zanotti uses Foucault's governmentality theory and genealogical method to trace the formation of the political rationale of the post-Cold War international security regime. Interestingly, she goes beyond the literature focusing on the capacity and legitimacy of international organisations to question how the legitimisation of discourses of international order developed. She convincingly demonstrates that, in the 1990s, discourses of democracy converged with discourses of collective security: democratisation became a means to create a peaceful world and non-democratic states were constructed as ''political monsters'' to be ''normalized''. Democracy was operationalised through the doctrine of ''good governance'', which became the organising principle for UN intervention as a universalised technical solution to achieve peace, democracy and development. In addition, at the beginning of the 2000s, the concept of ''human security'' emerged and converged with these previous discourses. It expanded the definition of international threat and shifted ''the referent and source of legitimacy of international organizations from states to population'' (19). As a consequence, political monsters endangering the human rights of their own population s lost, to a certain extent, their right to full sovereignty, and this opened the way for legitimizing forcible intervention through the ''responsibility to protect'' concept.
Topic:: Security

3940. Women in Afghanistan: A Human Rights Tragedy Ten Years after 9/11

Author:: Hayat Alvi
Publication Date:: 11-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Human Rights Human Welfare (University of Denver)
Abstract:: Ten years after the September 11th attacks in the United States and the military campaign in Afghanistan, there is some good news, but unfortunately still much bad news pertaining to women in Afghanistan. The patterns of politics, security/military operations, religious fanaticism, heavily patriarchal structures and practices, and ongoing insurgent violence continue to threaten girls and women in the most insidious ways. Although women's rights and freedoms in Afghanistan have finally entered the radar screen of the international community's consciousness, they still linger in the margins in many respects.
Topic:: Security, Gender Issues, Human Rights, Human Welfare, War, and Counterinsurgency
Political Geography:: Afghanistan and United States

3941. Zimbabwe's Militarized, Electoral Authoritarianism

Author:: Eldred Masunungure
Publication Date:: 09-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of International Affairs
Institution:: School of International and Public Affairs, Columbia University
Abstract:: Authoritarianism in Zimbabwe survives because a coalition of political and military elites stands ready and willing to employ violence to execute the Machiavellian vision of President Robert Mugabe and perpetuate his control of the state. Several variables reinforce the durability of this regime—chief among them the mass out-migration and the large inflow of remittances that has decimated the middle class and dampened the political voice of those who remain in the country. Beginning in 2000, Zimbabwe's authoritarianism became militarized with the overt intrusion of the security sector into the political arena, a process that reached its peak before the June 2008 presidential runoff election. The electoral dimension of its authoritarianism stems from the fact that the regime unfailingly holds elections in search of popular legitimacy but then manipulates them for its own ends. This article dissects Zimbabwe's militarized form of electoral authoritarianism with specific reference to the 2008 reign of terror. It concludes that the factor that best explains the regime is the symbiosis between the party and the security sector, with Mugabe providing the glue that binds them together in pursuit of regime survival.
Topic:: Security
Political Geography:: Zimbabwe

3942. Interparliamentary scrutiny of the CFSP: avenues for the future

Author:: Corine Caballero-Bourdot
Publication Date:: 10-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: European Union Institute for Security Studies
Abstract:: This report examines a number of possible future orientations with regard to the interparliamentary scrutiny of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). It sets out the democratic challenges facing European integration and the new context surrounding the CFSP in the wake of the Lisbon Treaty, focusing in particular on the existing legal provisions for the interparliamentary scrutiny of the CFSP. The paper surveys previous initiatives as well as current discussions regarding the future interparliamentary scrutiny of the CFSP. The author analyses the various options on the table and makes a number of recommendations for the best possible organisation of such interparlamentary scrutiny in the future.
Topic:: Security, Defense Policy, Regional Cooperation, International Affairs, and Governance
Political Geography:: Europe

3943. Great Expectations: UN Peacekeeping, Civilian Protection, and the Use of Force

Author:: Alan Doss
Publication Date:: 12-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Geneva Centre for Security Policy
Abstract:: The proliferation of intra-state conflicts in the post-Cold War era has led to a substantial increase in the number of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations, resulting in the creation of forty-eight peacekeeping missions since 1990. The unprecedented challenges faced in the 1990's – and in particular, the failures in Rwanda, Srebrenica, and Somalia – obliged the UN to revisit and rethink its peacekeeping strategies.
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, Security, Cold War, United Nations, and Peacekeeping
Political Geography:: Rwanda and Somalia

3944. For a Renewed Consensus on UN Peacekeeping Operations

Author:: Thierry Tardy
Publication Date:: 10-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Geneva Centre for Security Policy
Abstract:: Contrary to some predictions of decline in United Nations (UN) involvement in peacekeeping (alongside the increasing role of regional organizations), the last decade has been characterized by a constant increase in personnel deployed in UN peacekeeping operations, demonstrating both the legitimacy of the UN for this type of activity, and its flexibility and adaptability. More precisely, the wide range of instruments at the disposal of the UN in the field of conflict management makes it a permanent option as well as a facilitator of burden sharing among organizations.
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, Security, United Nations, and Peacekeeping

3945. Reinforcing Disarmament: Combating Illicit Trade in Weapons and Materials

Author:: Marc Finaud and Philipp Annawitt
Publication Date:: 10-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Geneva Centre for Security Policy
Abstract:: Illicit trade in weapons and materials poses serious challenges to states and disarmament regimes. Although small arms and light weapons (SALW) are quite different from weapons of mass destruction (WMD), both categories are in increasing demand by violent non-state actors, often in relation to organized crime and terrorist activities.
Topic:: Security, Defense Policy, and Weapons of Mass Destruction
Political Geography:: Europe

3946. The Role of Parliaments in Arms Control, Disarmament, and the Non-proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD)

Author:: Marc Finaud
Publication Date:: 10-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Geneva Centre for Security Policy
Abstract:: From 30 March to 1 April 2011, a high-level workshop was organized for parliamentarians from countries belonging to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the Partnership for Peace (PfP). The topic of this event was “The Role of Parliaments in Arms Control, Disarmament, and the Non-Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD)”. It was a joint initiative of the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF), the Geneva Centre for Security Policy (GCSP), the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs, and the WMD Non-Proliferation Centre of NATO. Some thirty-five parliamentarians (including several former government ministers) from twenty-three countries attended the workshop along with the same number of staffers, government representatives, and independent experts.
Topic:: Security, Defense Policy, and NATO
Political Geography:: Europe

3947. Nuclear Policy Gridlock in Japan

Author:: Jacques E.C. Hymans
Publication Date:: 11-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University
Abstract:: Prior to the Japanese earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear disaster of March 11, 2011, international observers frequently posed the question of whether Japan might convert its large stockpile of plutonium into nuclear weapons. Since March 11, their main question has shifted to whether Japan will decide to exit from the nuclear energy field altogether.
Topic:: Security, Energy Policy, Natural Disasters, and Nuclear Power
Political Geography:: Japan and Israel

3948. Shaky Foundations: An Assessment of the UN's Rule Of Law Support Agenda

Author:: Bruce Jones and Camino Kavanagh
Publication Date:: 11-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Center on International Cooperation
Abstract:: As we began the process of drafting this review, citizens across the Middle East and North Africa took to the streets to demand an end to the abusive practices of the security services, more representative and responsive government institutions, the protection of their rights, greater access to economic opportunity, participation in decision-making, and access to justice. They began demanding, in short, the rule of law.
Topic:: Security, Cold War, Democratization, International Cooperation, Post Colonialism, United Nations, and Peacekeeping
Political Geography:: Middle East, Arabia, and North Africa

3949. Engagement on Development and Security: New Actors, New Debates

Author:: Jake Sherman, Megan M. Gleason (ed), W.P.S. Sidhu (ed), and Bruce Jones (ed)
Publication Date:: 09-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Center on International Cooperation
Abstract:: In the past several years, key governments and multilateral institutions have devoted considerable effort to the task of more effectively integrating development and security policy responses to the related challenges of countries affected by conflict, post-conflict peacebuilding, and conflict prevention. The looming deadline of the Millennium Development Goals, has focused attention on this important nexus and the near impossibility of crisis-and conflict-affected states achieving these goals unless development and security is more effectively integrated. Despite progress on several fronts, including at the United Nations and at the international financial institutions, developing policy for effective development and security engagement remains a challenge in both conceptual and operational terms – not least because discussion of political, security, economic, and humanitarian issues traditionally has occurred in different multilateral fora, among different sets of stakeholders.
Topic:: Security, Development, Economics, Humanitarian Aid, International Trade and Finance, and United Nations

3950. Strengthening Oversight of the Security Sector in Georgia: an Agenda

Author:: Erik Sportel (ed) and Vasili Tchkoidze (ed)
Publication Date:: 10-2011
Content Type:: Book
Institution:: Centre for European Security Studies
Abstract:: Since the 2003 Rose Revolution, Georgia has undertaken serious reforms, moving the country towards becoming a democracy anda market economy. Instead of proceeding at a steady pace, Georgia haschosen to take an accelerated path to reform. Since coming to office,the Saakashvili administration has underlined its ambition to bring Georgia into Euro-Atlantic structures. After an energetic start, Georgia ran into difficulties in late 2007 and 2008. During this period, the democratic credentials of the Saakashvili government were put to the test for the first time.The government was faced with massive public demonstrations, to which it responded in a heavy-handed fashion. The security forces attacked protesters, and the government declared a state of emergency, blaming the unrest on Russia. Many domestic and foreign observers feared that Georgia was abandoning the road to democracy. However, the state of emergency was soon lifted, and the government called an early presidential election. International observers judged the election to be largely democratic, despite some irregularities, but opposition forces claimed that the president's results had been boosted by fraud. Mr Saakashvili won an absolute majority in the first round of polling. The subsequent parliamentary elections in the spring of 2008 gave the ruling United National Movement party a landslide victory. With 119 out of 150 seats, theparty currently holds a two-thirds majority in parliament. The two major opposition parties (winning 17 and six seats respectively) refused to take their seatsin parliament.
Topic:: Security, Defense Policy, Civil Society, and Democratization
Political Geography:: Russia, Europe, Eastern Europe, and Georgia

3951. Japan’s National Defense Program Guidelines 2010 and Its Implication to South Korean Security Policies

Author:: Young-June Park
Publication Date:: 01-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: East Asia Institute (EAI)
Abstract:: On December 17, 2010, the government of Japan updated its most strategically important document entitled “National Defense Program Guidelines (NDPG), FY 2011-” following confirmation from both the Security Council and the Cabinet. The new defense plan released along with the “Mid-Term Defense Program for FY2011-2015” addresses the objectives and the methods of the Japanese Self Defense Forces. Moreover, the plan also outlines Japan’s future military strategies as well as the fundamental tenets of its defense policy. Whereas in the United States, the White House, Pentagon, and Joint Chiefs all release new guidelines each time a new administration comes to power, Japan does not have such a regular format for its defense plan. This makes the National Defense Program Guidelines a comprehensive strategic document that covers every aspect of Japan’s military defense. First introduced in 1976, the Guidelines has only been updated twice in 1995 and 2004. The NDPG in 1976 reflected Japan’s security and military strategy during the Cold War, while the 1995 and the 2004 guidelines reflected strategies for the post-Cold War era and the beginning of 21st century after 9/11, respectively. What then do these updated guidelines in 2010 signify? And in what context should this defense plan be seen? Firstly, the structural changes that have occurred in the security environment of East Asia should be taken into consideration. North Korea conducted nuclear tests twice in 2006 and 2009. In 2010, it displayed new levels of provocation by sinking the South Korean naval vessel Cheonan and shelling Yeonpyeong Island. These actions not only threaten the Korean Peninsula but also the entire region. Added to that, China surpassed Japan as the second largest economy after the United States and has become more assertive over maritime disputes with Japan. How all these military and economic changes are projected in the document deserves close analysis. Secondly, unlike previous NDPGs that were written during the long years under the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), the 2010 Guidelines are part of the first strategic document that reflects the strategic outlook and security approach of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ). Since the DPJ assumed power, it has long tried to differentiate itself from LDP in its decision making procedures and actual policies. Such tendencies are naturally reflected in its security policies as well. How do these guidelines differ from the NDPGs issued under the LDP? In short, the National Defense Program Guidelines 2010 is the best resource with which to understand how Japan perceives the changed security environment, and what strategic concepts and military capability it is preparing for in face of future security challenges.
Topic:: Security, Defense Policy, Military Strategy, and Missile Defense
Political Geography:: Japan and Asia

3952. Troubled Waters? Seeking a New Maritime Order in East Asia

Author:: Min Gyo Koo
Publication Date:: 08-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: East Asia Institute (EAI)
Abstract:: Without a doubt, the most heated and persistent maritime disputes in the world are in the East Asia region. The vast bodies of water included in this region are the Northwest Pacific, the East Sea, the West Sea, the East China Sea, and the South China Sea. The diplomatic spat in the fall of 2010 between China and Japan over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands in the East China Sea was a strong indication that any mishandling of maritime issues can disrupt the subtle balance of power and interests in the region. Equally problematic are the disputes in the South China Sea, where China’s growing assertiveness has provoked concern among not only its Southeast Asian neighbors but also with the United States. Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has been the main provider of maritime security in the East Asia region but now faces the challenge of a rising China. In May 2011, a Chinese patrol boat cut the cable of a Vietnamese petroleum and gas probe vessel in the South China Sea. From this incident, tensions escalated to the brink of armed conflict. As countries in the region participate in tit-for-tat military exercises, the atmosphere has become worse. Under such conditions, many considered that the South China Sea issue, tangled with conflicts between China and ASEAN and the United States could flare up significantly. However at the 18th ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) held from July 22-23 2011 a new perspective developed as China stated that “the importance of the freedom of navigation in the South China Sea is clear and all countries should be beneficiaries of such freedom.” Furthermore, during the China-ASEAN ministerial of the 2011 ARF Beijing stepped back by adopting the guidelines for the implementation of the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea, which was agreed upon in 2002. Washington welcomed this move as it suggested an effort to decrease tensions with respect to the South China Sea. This is in stark contrast to the 2010 ARF meeting where confrontations arose between the United States and China with U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton stating “a peaceful resolution of the South China Sea conflict directly relates to U.S. national interest.” From such developments, one can assess that the ARF has made important progress with respect to the South China Sea issue. However, the 2002 Declaration of Conduct that establishes the principle for peaceful resolution of maritime disputes in line with the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) lacks binding capacities and the newly adopted guidelines are mostly declaratory and lack specific details. Thus it would be too soon to consider the 2011 ARF meeting as a success with respect to the South China Sea dispute. Considering that China tends to use such multilateral channels as a ground for making peace but then is more forceful in its bilateral relations, the outcome of the recent ARF meeting could come to have less significance than expected.
Topic:: Security, International Law, Maritime Commerce, and Maritime
Political Geography:: China, Asia, South China Sea, and ASEAN

3953. Japan’s National Defense Program Guidelines 2010 and Its Implication to South Korean Security Policies

Author:: Young-June Park
Publication Date:: 01-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: East Asia Institute (EAI)
Abstract:: On December 17, 2010, the government of Japan updated its most strategically important document entitled “National Defense Program Guidelines (NDPG), FY 2011-” following confirmation from both the Security Council and the Cabinet. The new defense plan released along with the “Mid-Term Defense Program for FY2011-2015” addresses the objectives and the methods of the Japanese Self Defense Forces. Moreover, the plan also outlines Japan’s future military strategies as well as the fundamental tenets of its defense policy. Whereas in the United States, the White House, Pentagon, and Joint Chiefs all release new guidelines each time a new administration comes to power, Japan does not have such a regular format for its defense plan. This makes the National Defense Program Guidelines a comprehensive strategic document that covers every aspect of Japan’s military defense. First introduced in 1976, the Guidelines has only been updated twice in 1995 and 2004. The NDPG in 1976 reflected Japan’s security and military strategy during the Cold War, while the 1995 and the 2004 guidelines reflected strategies for the post-Cold War era and the beginning of 21st century after 9/11, respectively. What then do these updated guidelines in 2010 signify? And in what context should this defense plan be seen? Firstly, the structural changes that have occurred in the security environment of East Asia should be taken into consideration. North Korea conducted nuclear tests twice in 2006 and 2009. In 2010, it displayed new levels of provocation by sinking the South Korean naval vessel Cheonan and shelling Yeonpyeong Island. These actions not only threaten the Korean Peninsula but also the entire region. Added to that, China surpassed Japan as the second largest economy after the United States and has become more assertive over maritime disputes with Japan. How all these military and economic changes are projected in the document deserves close analysis. Secondly, unlike previous NDPGs that were written during the long years under the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), the 2010 Guidelines are part of the first strategic document that reflects the strategic outlook and security approach of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ). Since the DPJ assumed power, it has long tried to differentiate itself from LDP in its decision making procedures and actual policies. Such tendencies are naturally reflected in its security policies as well. How do these guidelines differ from the NDPGs issued under the LDP? In short, the National Defense Program Guidelines 2010 is the best resource with which to understand how Japan perceives the changed security environment, and what strategic concepts and military capability it is preparing for in face of future security challenges.
Topic:: Security, Defense Policy, Regional Cooperation, Military Strategy, Military Spending, and Missile Defense
Political Geography:: Japan, China, Asia, South Korea, and North Korea

3954. The Contribution of Turkish-Serbian Relations Towards Improving Security in the Western Balkans

Author:: Athina Tesfa-Yohannes
Publication Date:: 09-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: BILGESAM (Wise Men Center for Strategic Studies)
Abstract:: In recent years, economic relations between the two countries have been on the rise with renewed Turkish investment in Serbia, free trade agreement, and a visa-free regime. Turkey’s relations with Serbia have gained momentum and will have likely positive effects on three particular integration issues that pose significant security risks within the Western Balkans, given the fragility of the region. These issues are the integration of ethnic Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina’s Republika Srpska, the integration of ethnic Serbs in northern Kosovo, and integration of ethnic Bosniaks and Albanians in southwestern Serbia. Turkey and Serbia’s strengthening relations will mitigate security risks which may arise as a result of these integration-related issues.
Topic:: Security, Bilateral Relations, Free Trade, and Integration
Political Geography:: Turkey, Middle East, Eastern Europe, Serbia, and Balkans

3955. Middle East Policy of Russia Under President Medvedev: Strategies, Institutes, Faces

Author:: Oleg A. Kolobov and Alexander A. Kornilov
Publication Date:: 03-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: BILGESAM (Wise Men Center for Strategic Studies)
Abstract:: This article is devoted to President Medvedev and the Russian Middle East Policy. The authors discuss strategic aspects of Russian policy in the area. They pay special attention to the Russian National Security Strategy of 2009 and Foreign Policy Concept of 2008. Analysis of main institutes of Russia contributing to Middle East policy formulation and implementation is made. The article considers the visits of President Medvedev on May 2010 to Syria and Turkey as events with far-reaching consequences and strategic perspectives. Russian policy under President Medvedev is evaluated in the frame of ambitious political aim, namely, a step-by-step Russia’s return to the Middle East.
Topic:: Security, Foreign Policy, and Dmitri Medvedev
Political Geography:: Russia, Eurasia, Turkey, and Middle East

3956. Energy Supply Security of the European Union and the Role of Turkey as a Potential Energy Hub

Author:: Arzu Yorkan
Publication Date:: 09-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: BILGESAM (Wise Men Center for Strategic Studies)
Abstract:: As a major consumer in the global energy market, the European Union has serious supply security challenges such as high dependence on oil and natural gas; incomplete integrated electricity and gas sectors of Member States, and disintegration with neighbor countries (achieving trans-European energy networks); insecurity and instability in most of its suppliers; and lack of energy dialogue with its producers. As a potential ‘energy hub’ in its region, how Turkey can contribute to the European Union to overcome those challenges and thus secure its energy supplies. The aim of this study is an attempt to answer this question.
Topic:: Security, Energy Policy, European Union, Gas, Regional Integration, and Electricity
Political Geography:: Europe, Turkey, and Middle East

3957. Scaling Japan’s Defense Needs: Airpower in Asia and the FX Program

Author:: Dan Blumenthal
Publication Date:: 11-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Project 2049 Institute
Abstract:: The widespread modernization of Asian air forces is changing the strategic landscape in the Asia-Pacific. The United States, South Korea, Taiwan, Australia, Singapore, and India are all engaged in upgrading their military’s fighter fleets as security competition in the region is on the rise. Among Asia’s burgeoning air force modernization programs, the most important to U.S. security (apart from America’s own) is that of the Japan Air Self-Defense Force (JASDF) — Tokyo is the United States’ closest Asian ally and U.S.-Japan alliance is the lynchpin of America’s alliance structure in the region.
Topic:: Security, Defense Policy, Armed Forces, Modernization, and Air Force
Political Geography:: Japan, India, Taiwan, Asia, South Korea, Australia, Singapore, and United States of America

3958. Running out of Options: Tracing Rural Afghan Livelihoods

Author:: Paula Kantor and Adam Pain
Publication Date:: 01-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU)
Abstract:: In 2002-03, AREU documented the livelihoods of dozens of households across rural Afghanistan. When research teams revisited a selection of these families in 2008-09, they found the majority worse off than before, with many struggling to meet even the most basic of day to day needs. This paper documents the converging set of pressures that have set so many families on the path towards poverty in recent years. Faced with drought, rising food prices and a ban on lucrative opium poppy farming, many households diversified into nonfarm labour as a means to cope. In some cases, this was successful; households able to tap into urban employment opportunities or political connections improved and occasionally flourished. However, for the majority diversification was not enough. The disappearance of opium farming as an engine of growth coupled with multi-year drought left many local economies unable to absorb the flood of new workers. As wages fell and jobs grew scarce, many families grew increasingly dependent on charity, credit and food aid to make ends meet. In this precarious position, shocks such as spending on ill-health or major social events were enough to put many livelihoods in jeopardy. As costs mounted, households were forced to resort to increasingly damaging strategies to stay afloat, selling off land and marrying their daughters early to secure bride prices. In the light of these problems, the paper highlights a need for policymakers and programmers in the agriculture and rural development (ARD) sector to balance their current focus on markets with greater efforts to stabilise vulnerable livelihoods. Interventions must find ways to protect the basic livelihood security of the most poor, prevent damaging loss in the face of downturns and promote rural Afghans’ capacities to take advantage of new opportunities, all while recognising that social factors such as gender norms or local power structures pose substantial obstacles to improvement. In many cases, helping people guard against damaging losses may need to be coupled with ARD efforts that look beyond local bounds, expanding labour opportunities in urban centres both at home and abroad.
Topic:: Security, Agriculture, Poverty, and Rural
Political Geography:: Afghanistan and Middle East

3959. A Stocktaking of Norwegian Engagement in Security Sector Reform

Author:: Marina Caparini, Kari Marie Kjellstad, and Trine Nikolaisen
Publication Date:: 12-2011
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs
Abstract:: The report reviews the main institutional actors involved, modes by which assistance has been provided, and patterns of assistance in selected countries. It concludes with recommendations for strengthening Norway’s SSR engagement, including through development of a strategic policy framework for SSR, improved coherence and coordination, and adequate planning and evaluation.
Topic:: Security, Reform, and Engagement
Political Geography:: Norway

3960. Beyond the Market: Can the AREDP transfor

Author:: Adam Pain and Paula Kantor
Publication Date:: 02-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU)
Abstract:: The recently-launched Afghanistan Rural Enterprise Development Program (AREDP) was set up as a mechanism to promote rural employment and reduce poverty through market-led growth. However, the limitations of both agriculture and opportunities away from the farm as a path to prosperity raise serious questions about the AREDP’s ability to achieve its goals. This paper paper draws on the results of AREU's Afghanistan Livelihood Trajectories study to examine these issues. The general decline in household livelihood security it observed suggests that the vision of an agriculturally-led economic transformation has borne little fruit over the course of the past decade. In the few households that prospered, livelihood improvement was often closely tied to engagement with urban economies and links to patronage networks. For the majority that did not, rural diversification was primarily a coping strategy to mitigate agricultural failure, rising food prices and income loss from the opium ban. While the AREDP may boost market-driven agriculture in already productive areas with good access to markets, it is unlikely to achieve the kind of generalised transformation of Afghanistan’s rural economy that it hopes for. If it is to achieve its stated goal of reducing poverty, the programme must do more to test its underlying assumptions regarding community solidarity and market competition, as well as taking greater account of local and regional contexts. It must understand that poverty alleviation is not simply a secondary product of market development, but an end in itself.
Topic:: Security, Agriculture, Development, Rural, and Community
Political Geography:: Afghanistan and Middle East

3961. Lackenbauer, Whitney P. and Peter Kikkert, eds. The Canadian Forces and Arctic Sovereignty: Debating Roles, Interests, and Requirements, 1968-1974. Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier University Press, 2010

Author:: Adam Lajeunesse
Publication Date:: 10-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Military and Strategic Studies
Institution:: Centre for Military, Security and Strategic Studies
Abstract:: The Canadian Forces and Arctic Sovereignty begins with Stephen Harper's December 2005 speech in Winnipeg. "You don't defend national sovereignty with flags, cheap election rhetoric or advertising campaigns" proclaimed the future Prime Minister, "you need forces on the ground, ships in the sea and proper surveillance"(3). This speech set the scene for a renewed government focus on Arctic sovereignty. It also foreshadowed how the issue was to be dealt with. In the years to follow, the government announced a series of significant plans for new Arctic defence programs: a new icebreaker, new patrol craft, a deep water port and a military base - to name only the most expensive.
Topic:: Security and Politics
Political Geography:: Canada

3962. Strengthening Oversight of the Security Sector

Author:: Erik Sportel (ed) and Vasili Tchkoidze (ed)
Publication Date:: 10-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Centre for European Security Studies
Abstract:: Since the 2003 Rose Revolution, Georgia has undertaken serious reforms, moving the country towards becoming a democracy and a market economy. Instead of proceeding at a steady pace, Georgia has chosen to take an accelerated path to reform. Since coming to office, the Saakashvili administration has underlined its ambition to bring Georgia into Euro-Atlantic structures. After an energetic start, Georgia ran into difficulties in late 2007 and 2008. During this period, the democratic credential s of the Saakashvili government were put to the test for the first time. The government was faced with massive public demonstrations, to which it res ponded in a heavy-handed fashion. The security forces attacked protesters, and the government declared a state of emergency, blaming the unrest on Russia. M any domestic and foreign observers feared that Georgia was abandoning the road to democracy. However, the state of emergency was soon lifted, and the government called an early presidential election. International observer s judged the election to be largely democratic, despite some irregularities, but opposition forces claimed that the president's results had been boosted by fraud. Mr Saakashvili won an absolute majority in the first round of polling. The subsequent parliamentary elections in the spring of 2008 gave the ruling United National Movement party a landslide victory. With 119 out of 150 seats, the party currently holds a two-thirds majority in parliament. The two major opposition parties (winning 17 and six seats respectively) refused to take their seats in parliament.
Topic:: Security, Defense Policy, Democratization, and Non-Governmental Organization
Political Geography:: Europe and Caucasus

3963. Developing a Use of Force Policy for the South African Police Service: Workshop Report

Author:: Duduzile Ndlovu and David Bruce
Publication Date:: 09-2011
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR)
Abstract:: This report summarises the presentations and discussions held on 21 and 22 July 2011 at a workshop entitled "Developing a use of force policy for the SAPS". The workshop was held at the Emoyeni Conference Centre in Parktown, Johannesburg, and was hosted jointly by the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, the African Policing Civilian Oversight Forum and the Institute for Security Studies.
Topic:: Security, Law Enforcement, Civilians, Police, and Oversight
Political Geography:: Africa and South Africa

3964. 9/11: Ten Years Later

Author:: Gateway House
Publication Date:: 09-2011
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations
Abstract:: On September 12, 2001, a day after 9/11, the Times of India published a story titled, ―India hopes U.S. will now pressurise Pak.‖ At the time, this relayed a common national sentiment – India may finally get the United States to become a close ally against Pakistan-sponsored terrorism, and help India in eradicating terrorism. Ten years hence, neither has the U.S. taken a position against Pakistan, nor has India prepared itself better to fight terrorism and insurgency on its home ground. A massive explosion at the Delhi High Court this week left at least 14 dead and some 60 injured. It served as a horrific reminder that India continues to be at the receiving end of terrorism. This is the third major terrorist attack in Delhi since 9/11, following the one on Parliament on December 2001 and another at the Sarojini Nagar Market in October 2005. Mumbai has seen similar attacks with the serial blasts in March 1993, train bombings in July 2006, the 26/11 attacks of November 2008 and coordinate attacks of July 2011. Many more such incidents have taken place across the country in smaller cities like Jaipur and Pune. Yet, rather than designing and executing ways to secure our borders, we remain enamored with the effects of 9/11 and anniversaries of attacks in London, Madrid, and elsewhere. The government‘s response is the same – they had some intelligence, law enforcement was in a state of alert, but there was no actionable intelligence, and of course, somewhere along the chain of command between the Home Minister and the constable on the street, our counter-terrorism strategy was never converted into skills or systems that would prove useful. The usually communicative, media-friendly politicians have no comment to give, reflecting only their incapability or worse, indifference. The media gives it due importance for 24 hours, then in the absence of any new information from the government or the public, moves on to other news-worthy items.
Topic:: Security, Foreign Policy, Terrorism, Borders, and 9/11
Political Geography:: Pakistan, South Asia, India, and United States of America

3965. Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India Pipeline Possibility or Pipe Dream?

Author:: Madhura Joshi
Publication Date:: 11-2011
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations
Abstract:: Oil was the fuel of the 20th century. But depleting sources, volatility of prices and environmental concerns have made it imperative to look for alternate fuels. Natural gas provides one such solution for these concerns. Natural gas has a lower environmental impact than oil, emitting 30% less carbon dioxide, is generally priced at a fraction of the price of crude, and given its suitability as a substitute for oil in industries, makes it an attractive alternative to oil. Natural gas emits 45% less carbon dioxide than coal, making it an equally attractive substitute to iti. With the rapid depletion of most fuel sources, the need to tap into existing and unexplored natural gas reserves has become central to the energy debate. In order to secure a constant source of supply of natural gas to India, the Government of India is looking into the ambitious Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) pipeline. This will be an addition to the existing domestic production and LNG (Liquefied Natural Gas) imports. This project has been in the pipeline for the last 15 years though India signed on to it in early 2008. Since this pipeline passes through Afghanistan and Pakistan, both restive regions, security concerns have triggered wide debate on its viability. This paper briefly looks at the position of natural gas in the world vis-à-vis other fuels. The paper also elaborates on the economics and politics of the TAPI pipeline to conclude that this will remain a very tempting but unfortunately, a ‘Forever Project’ where discussions can go on for years without any concrete results. The paper advocates caution given the tumultuous times prevalent in Afghanistan and Pakistan and lists alternate options and possible courses of action for India.
Topic:: Security, Energy Policy, Gas, and Pipeline
Political Geography:: Pakistan, Afghanistan, South Asia, Central Asia, India, and Turkmenistan

3966. 9/11: Ten Years Later

Author:: Gateway House
Publication Date:: 09-2011
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations
Abstract:: On September 12, 2001, a day after 9/11, the Times of India published a story titled, ―India hopes U.S. will now pressurise Pak.‖ At the time, this relayed a common national sentiment – India may finally get the United States to become a close ally against Pakistan-sponsored terrorism, and help India in eradicating terrorism. Ten years hence, neither has the U.S. taken a position against Pakistan, nor has India prepared itself better to fight terrorism and insurgency on its home ground. A massive explosion at the Delhi High Court this week left at least 14 dead and some 60 injured. It served as a horrific reminder that India continues to be at the receiving end of terrorism. This is the third major terrorist attack in Delhi since 9/11, following the one on Parliament on December 2001 and another at the Sarojini Nagar Market in October 2005. Mumbai has seen similar attacks with the serial blasts in March 1993, train bombings in July 2006, the 26/11 attacks of November 2008 and coordinate attacks of July 2011. Many more such incidents have taken place across the country in smaller cities like Jaipur and Pune. Yet, rather than designing and executing ways to secure our borders, we remain enamored with the effects of 9/11 and anniversaries of attacks in London, Madrid, and elsewhere. The government‘s response is the same – they had some intelligence, law enforcement was in a state of alert, but there was no actionable intelligence, and of course, somewhere along the chain of command between the Home Minister and the constable on the street, our counter-terrorism strategy was never converted into skills or systems that would prove useful. The usually communicative, media-friendly politicians have no comment to give, reflecting only their incapability or worse, indifference. The media gives it due importance for 24 hours, then in the absence of any new information from the government or the public, moves on to other news-worthy items.
Topic:: Security, Terrorism, Counter-terrorism, and 9/11
Political Geography:: Pakistan, South Asia, India, and United States of America

3967. Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India Pipeline Possibility or Pipe Dream?

Author:: Gateway House
Publication Date:: 11-2011
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations
Abstract:: Oil was the fuel of the 20th century. But depleting sources, volatility of prices and environmental concerns have made it imperative to look for alternate fuels. Natural gas provides one such solution for these concerns. Natural gas has a lower environmental impact than oil, emitting 30% less carbon dioxide, is generally priced at a fraction of the price of crude, and given its suitability as a substitute for oil in industries, makes it an attractive alternative to oil. Natural gas emits 45% less carbon dioxide than coal, making it an equally attractive substitute to iti. With the rapid depletion of most fuel sources, the need to tap into existing and unexplored natural gas reserves has become central to the energy debate. In order to secure a constant source of supply of natural gas to India, the Government of India is looking into the ambitious Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) pipeline. This will be an addition to the existing domestic production and LNG (Liquefied Natural Gas) imports. This project has been in the pipeline for the last 15 years though India signed on to it in early 2008. Since this pipeline passes through Afghanistan and Pakistan, both restive regions, security concerns have triggered wide debate on its viability. This paper briefly looks at the position of natural gas in the world vis-à-vis other fuels. The paper also elaborates on the economics and politics of the TAPI pipeline to conclude that this will remain a very tempting but unfortunately, a ‘Forever Project’ where discussions can go on for years without any concrete results. The paper advocates caution given the tumultuous times prevalent in Afghanistan and Pakistan and lists alternate options and possible courses of action for India.
Topic:: Security, Energy Policy, Oil, Gas, Volatility, and Energy Crisis
Political Geography:: Pakistan, Afghanistan, South Asia, India, and Turkmenistan

3968. 26/11 Reflections

Author:: Gateway House
Publication Date:: 11-2011
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations
Abstract:: In this compendium of essays, Gateway House examines the terrorist attack carried out on Mumbai on 26 November 2008, and its aftermath. It has been three years since 26th November, when terrorists attacked Mumbai’s monuments and its self-esteem. Life has resumed for the Mumbaikar, as always. But many questions remain, unanswered. Gateway House has attempted to analyse the event and its aftermath. We asked experts and ordinary individuals from around the world to bring in their unique perspectives. In a series of 13 essays, we examine the following: How did the ordinary Pakistani feel as she/he watched the towers of the Taj burn? Why didn’t the United Nations respond to 26/11 the way it did after 9/11? Should New York heed the warning of 26/11? What does Washington’s double-standards in South Asia mean for us? Should we change our strategy on Pakistan – or is it now the right time for Pakistan to change its strategy towards us? Are we better equipped in terms of defence equipment and maritime security? What can our security structures learn from our corporations? Are we entitled to the Right to Security, the way we are to education and food? What are the human rights of terrorism’s victims? Have we really cared for those who suffered on account of terrorism? Why is justice so delayed in India and what does it mean for terrorism?
Topic:: Security, Terrorism, Counter-terrorism, and Borders
Political Geography:: Pakistan, South Asia, India, and Mumbai

3969. Estonia’s Defence Research & Development: Lessons from the past, outlook for the future

Author:: Tomas Jermalavicius
Publication Date:: 09-2011
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: International Centre for Defence and Security - ICDS
Abstract:: This report forms part of an ICDS project titled ‘Security, Strategy, Science and Technology’ (S3T) and aims to identify the conceptual and organisational challenges in Estonia’s defence R&D programme. This report forms part of an ICDS project titled ‘Security, Strategy, Science and Technology’ (S3T) and aims to identify the conceptual and organisational challenges in Estonia’s defence R&D programme. It seeks to ascertain Estonia’s defence R&D achievements so far, thus tackling the widespread perception that most of Estonia’s investments in this field have been ineffectual. The report also discusses the positive and negative aspects of ongoing reforms in the defence R&D sector pursued by the defence organisation – the Ministry of Defence and the Estonian Defence Forces – and the prerequisites for and possible obstacles to their success.
Topic:: Security, Defense Policy, Development, and Science and Technology
Political Geography:: Estonia

3970. CSDP After Lisbon: Comprehensive Security for Small States?

Author:: Julian Tupay
Publication Date:: 11-2011
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: International Centre for Defence and Security - ICDS
Abstract:: This report is aimed at analysing the impact changes introduced by the Lisbon treaty have on the common defence and security architecture of the European Union, in order to give an assessment of the relevance those changes have on the utility of CSDP for Estonia. This report is aimed at analysing the impact changes introduced by the Lisbon treaty have on the common defence and security architecture of the European Union, in order to give an assessment of the relevance those changes have on the utility of CSDP for Estonia.
Topic:: Security, Defense Policy, Treaties and Agreements, and European Union
Political Geography:: Europe, Estonia, and Lisbon

3971. Strengthening Fragile Partnerships: An Agenda for the Future of U.S.-Central Asia Relations

Author:: Evan A. Feigenbaum
Publication Date:: 02-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Project 2049 Institute
Abstract:: A comprehensive new report from the Central Asia Study Group and the Project 2049 Institute calls on American and Central Asian leaders to rise to the challenges and opportunities in the region. The report proposes an action agenda on economics, energy, governance, security, social development, and regional cooperation, and places particular emphasis on the importance of reconnecting Central Asian countries to the global economy. The United States needs to reassess its strategies and policies and reaffirm its commitment to remain engaged with the nations of Central Asia even as the U.S. draws down forces from Afghanistan.
Topic:: International Relations, Security, Development, Partnerships, Economy, and Energy
Political Geography:: Central Asia, North America, and United States of America

3972. China and Pakistan: Emerging Strains in the Entente Cordiale

Author:: Isaac B. Kardon
Publication Date:: 03-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Project 2049 Institute
Abstract:: Despite perceptions in Washington and New Delhi that China enjoys unique privileges and exercises inordinate influence in Pakistan, Beijing has shown little inclination to directly shape Pakistani behavior. As China’s global portfolio of economic and security interests expands, it is increasingly sensitive to new opportunity costs entailed in sustaining the Sino-Pakistani partnership.
Topic:: International Relations, Security, Partnerships, and Economy
Political Geography:: Pakistan, China, South Asia, and Asia

3973. Taiwan, the People’s Liberation Army, and the Struggle with Nature

Author:: Mark Stokes and Tiffany Ma
Publication Date:: 05-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Project 2049 Institute
Abstract:: Taiwan must manage some of the world’s most severe and complex security challenges. A vision for national security preparedness beyond military contingencies will help address critical non-traditional security threats, such as natural disasters. Both natural and manmade challenges share commonalities that would benefit from an integrated “all hazards” approach to threat mitigation.
Topic:: Security, Military Affairs, Nature, Non-Traditional Threats, and People's Liberation Army (PLA)
Political Geography:: Taiwan and Asia

3974. Re-Establishment and Reform of the Justice System in Kosovo (1999-2011)

Author:: Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Publication Date:: 05-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Abstract:: While the research describe the development of justice system in the pre-independence period, the research team paid particular attention for the post-independence justice system focusing on the legal mandate of EULEX and problems in the North. Nevertheless, having in mind the complex sector and the diverse mechanisms, it was not the intention of the researchers to deepen the analysis in some specific areas of justice but rather to provide a broader overview. In fact, this research is expected to serve as the basis for upcoming research papers of KCSS aiming to address more specifically the important aspects in the broader field of rule of law.The paper shall serve as reliable source for the students, researchers and the policy makers willing to have a general picture on the developments in this sector. The original version is in English language and translated into Albanian Language.
Topic:: Security, Reform, Rule of Law, and Justice
Political Geography:: Europe, Kosovo, and Balkans

3975. Lawful Interception of Telecommunications in Kosovo: Security Implications

Author:: Shpend Kursani
Publication Date:: 10-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Abstract:: Building upon the current multitude security actor environment and legislative set-up, this paper assesses the interception of telecommunications in Kosovo as a sensitive, yet very effective measure of investigation. It elaborates in detail the current problems pertaining to interception of telecommunications which include the legislative gaps, the overlap created by poorly defined authority over the execution of orders of interception of telecommunications and the lack of cooperation not only between the domestic and international security institutions present in Kosovo but within the domestic security institutions as well. The analysis is not limited to the security institutions per se; the paper further extends on to the procedures and cooperation that exist between the security institutions and the telecommunications operators as well as their capabilities and infrastructural set-up which are important in preventing misuse of private data throughout the process of lawful interception of telecommunications. Based on the policy objectives that this paper draws, policy recommendations are provided which in general and among other things include the enhancement of the current legislation, the establishment of a central system that would boost cooperation between all the security actors, the introduction of new and advancement of current inspection and monitoring mechanisms. The implementation of the recommendations would ensure an effective lawful interception of telecommunications on the one hand and protection of privacy as a fundamental human right on the other hand.
Topic:: Security, Human Rights, Privacy, Institutions, and Telecommunications
Political Geography:: Europe, Kosovo, and Balkans

3976. Lessons from the Cheonan Incident and South Korea’s Response

Author:: EAI Security Net
Publication Date:: 05-2010
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: East Asia Institute (EAI)
Abstract:: Since the tragic sinking of the ROK Navy corvette, the Cheonan, on March 26 2010, there has been an unprecedented level of unconfirmed suspicion, speculation, and criticism over the incident. Not only has this focused on the cause of the sinking but also on the Lee Myung-bak administration’s handling of the incident and its response in the immediate aftermath. The major challenge ahead is to build a domestic consensus on how to perceive and characterize the Cheonan incident and muster global support to punish North Korea. Pyongyang’s sinking of the South Korean warship has raised fundamental questions in the five most critical areas of the state; the military, diplomacy, economy, politics, and intelligence. Rather than narrowly focusing on one single area within which to muster a response, the Lee administration needs to take a comprehensive approach across all five areas and prevent further provocations from threatening peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula.
Topic:: Security, Intelligence, Military Strategy, Sanctions, and Peace
Political Geography:: Asia, South Korea, and North Korea

3977. From “Primordial” to “Pragmatic” Identity: A Search for Regional Identity in East Asia

Author:: Jun-Seok Kim
Publication Date:: 07-2010
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: East Asia Institute (EAI)
Abstract:: In 2009, two interesting proposals for community building in East Asia were put forward: Kevin Rudd, then serving as Australia’s prime minister, proposed the creation of an Asia Pacific Community (APC) and then-Japanese prime minister Yukio Hatoyama proposed an East Asian Community (EAC). Claiming that Australia should get more deeply involved in Asia, Rudd described his vision of what an APC should look like. Of the most importance, it should be all-embracing. All the major powers in the Asia-Pacific region should take part, including the United States, Australia, Japan, China, South Korea, India, and Indonesia. The APC should also focus on both security and economic issues. In the meantime, Hatoyama, in a New York Times op-ed, came up with the idea of an East Asian Community as the cornerstone of his administration’s Asia policy. While the idea of the EAC was not totally fleshed out, he indicated that the group would include China, Japan, and South Korea as its core members. Hatoyama did not make it clear whether the United States would be invited, although he made no secret of his perception that the era of U.S.-led unilateralism and globalism was coming to an end. In this new period of growing multipolarity, he seemed to believe, it was imperative for Japan to reconceptualize East Asia, the world’s fastest-growing region which now accounts for one quarter of the total GDP of the world, as its own “basic sphere of being.” Prime Minister Hatoyama tried his best not to give the impression that he favored East Asia over the United States (or over the West as a whole). But, it seemed quite obvious that he wanted to see Japan more consciously autonomous from the United States than had been the case under the prolonged rule of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) governments. What prompted Rudd of Australia and Hatoyama of Japan to propose the creation of Asia Pacific and East Asian communities upon taking office? A probable cause can be found in the shift in relative power, especially between China, Japan, and the United States, that has long been in progress over the last decade. Both Rudd and Hatoyama were aware of this change. Rudd, for instance, explained that global economic and strategic weight was now shifting to Asia. Hatoyama has also conceded that China would surpass Japan in economic size “in the not-too-distant-future.” One might suspect, therefore, that their initiatives were nothing more than temporary expedients designed to cope with the recently changed international environment. That might be the case—or not. But whatever the two leaders’ underlying intent, their initiatives no doubt constituted significant contributions to a series of efforts to bring about community-type regional organizations in East Asia. From 1989 on, when APEC was first created, and especially in the aftermath of the Asian financial crisis of 1997-98, a succession of regional organizations came into being in East Asia, with the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) in 1993, ASEAN+3 in 1997, and the East Asian Summit (EAS) in 2005 being the most representative. Since the first meeting of the EAS was held in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia in 2005, in particular, interest in the possibility of building an East Asian Community has become widespread. Although controversies over the proper geographical scope of such a community remain far from settled, with some countries favoring extensive, elastic membership and others favoring a limited, restrictive one, community-building in East Asia is now looked upon as a goal that is worthy of being pursued for its own sake. Australia’s and Japan’s initiatives, probably spurred by geostrategic considerations and not immediately realizable, will surely strengthen the case for an East Asian Community. At the very least, two initiatives have demonstrated the continued interest in an East Asian Community among politicians and decision-makers of East Asian countries.
Topic:: Security, Regional Cooperation, Community, and Identity
Political Geography:: Japan, China, East Asia, Asia, and South Korea

3978. Security Debates and Alliance against Terrorism

Author:: Ramazan Erdag
Publication Date:: 11-2010
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations
Institution:: Center for International Conflict Resolution at Yalova University
Abstract:: This article searches the answer that how security could be defined, what the new security studies are and what can be done against global terrorism and how can be assured peace and stability condition? In this context, with new security disputes and perspectives it can be said that security is not an alone issue, it's a collective study and mostly claimed as dilemma. It also can be said that in the new era more international collaboration and alliance are need to supply international security. In this regard this article expounds global alliances' effectiveness -especially NATO for global security.
Topic:: Security, NATO, and Terrorism
Political Geography:: Europe

3979. The geopolitics of Asia – What role for the European Union?

Author:: Fraser Cameron
Publication Date:: 05-2010
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: International Politics
Institution:: Palgrave Macmillan
Abstract:: This article reviews the European Union's policy towards Asia since 2001, when an ambitious Communication from the European Commission suggested that the EU should play a political and security role in the region commensurate with its economic strength. After assessing a number of political and security issues in Asia, the article concludes that the EU has had little or no impact on the major geopolitical issues but that it is making some impact on security issues of lesser importance. The article also touches on integration as a contribution to security. It reviews the limited progress in Asian integration and suggests that the basic criteria for integration are missing in Asia. Some aspects of the EU model, however, might be useful for Asian countries wishing to move forward towards closer integration.
Topic:: Security and Politics
Political Geography:: Europe and Asia

3980. EU and ASEAN: Issues of regional security

Author:: Nicholas Rees
Publication Date:: 05-2010
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: International Politics
Institution:: Palgrave Macmillan
Abstract:: The article critically explores how, and in what ways, the EU and ASEAN have addressed contemporary security issues, including non-traditional security threats. The comparison of the EU and ASEAN responses to these threats highlights the different forms and functions that regional integration has taken in Europe and Southeast Asia, and the implications of these differences for intra- and extra-regional security cooperation. The article considers how the EU and ASEAN might work more cooperatively together, noting some existing examples in which experiences and good practice are already shared, as well as other areas in which cooperation might be possible. The article concludes that while security cooperation in the EU and ASEAN, as well as between the two regional entities, is problematic, reflecting differing regional and national interests and organisational capabilities, there are concrete areas in which cooperation is possible.
Topic:: Security
Political Geography:: Europe and Southeast Asia

3981. Russia, Ukraine, and Central Europe: The Return of Geopolitics

Author:: F. Stephen Larrabee
Publication Date:: 06-2010
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of International Affairs
Institution:: School of International and Public Affairs, Columbia University
Abstract:: Nine November 2009, marked the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, effectively marking the end of the Cold War. It opened the way to the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe, the reunification of Germany, the disintegration of the Soviet Union, and the emergence of a new security order in Europe.
Topic:: Security and Cold War
Political Geography:: Europe

3982. Russia and Europe's Mutual Energy Dependence

Author:: Christophe-Alexandre Paillard
Publication Date:: 06-2010
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of International Affairs
Institution:: School of International and Public Affairs, Columbia University
Abstract:: In the field of energy, Europe will be confronted with various risks in the next twenty years. Most notably, there is no clear alternative to fossil energy on a large scale with the possible exception of nuclear energy; yet few countries are able to pay for the large investment required by a nuclear industry. The need to ensure greater energy security and better regulation of energy supplies will turn energy policy into a much more politicized issue. Energy, already an important security concern, will continue to shape future military and political relations, especially if there is no other option other than oil and gas to satiate growing demand.
Topic:: Security
Political Geography:: Russia and Europe

3983. Re-Examining Russian Energy Power

Author:: Michael Broache
Publication Date:: 06-2010
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of International Affairs
Institution:: School of International and Public Affairs, Columbia University
Abstract:: The conventional wisdom concerning Russian energy policy is overwhelmingly alarmist: Russia's role as a major oil and gas producer has strengthened the Russian state vis-à-vis domestic civil society, undermined democratization and market reforms, and emboldened Russia to pursue a more aggressive foreign policy. Russian Energy Power and Foreign Relations, a compilation of essays edited by Jerome Perovic, Robert W. Orttung, and Andreas Wenger, confronts this conventional wisdom by presenting a nuanced account of recent developments in Russian energy policy and their implications for global energy security and Russian foreign relations.
Topic:: Security, Foreign Policy, and Reform
Political Geography:: Russia

3984. Ambiguous universalism: theorising race/nation/class in international relations

Author:: Nicola Short and Helen Kambouri
Publication Date:: 09-2010
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of International Relations and Development
Institution:: Central and East European International Studies Association
Abstract:: Although in the past decades the study of international relations (IR) has become much more sensitive to questions of culture, identity and movement, racism has remained an under-theorised area. The marginalisation of race in IR has become much more striking in the 1990s because of the renewed interest in migration and other intercultural exchanges as 'security threats', as well as the emergence of nationalism and putatively 'ethnic' conflict as a central basis of strife in the post-Cold War era. This article is an attempt to discuss new forms of racism in international relations with particular reference to American policy responses to September 11. Drawing from the work of Etienne Balibar, we argue that a contemporary neo-racism, a kind of 'racism without races', grounded in ambiguity and contradiction, is present in international relations simultaneously as a problem of knowledge and as a problem of political practise. Our aim is to contribute to the strategic movement of international relations theory from a conception of race as a marginal category in IR to one that is more fully theorised, including its history and present role in constituting the discipline and its relationship to power, hierarchy and inequality.
Topic:: International Relations, Security, and Cold War
Political Geography:: America

3985. Juggling the New Triad--Energy, Environment and Security: A Case Study of the Canadian Oil Sands

Author:: Hendrik Spruyt
Publication Date:: 10-2010
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Centre for International Peace and Security Studies
Abstract:: The desire to acquire reliable and cheap sources of energy has long been linked to security objectives. When the British fleet transferred from coal to oil, First Lord of the Admiralty Winston Churchill saw to it that the British government acquired a controlling interest in the Anglo-Persian oil company (the forerunner of today's BP). In more recent years President Nixon argued for energy independence in the face of the Arab oil embargo and skyrocketing oil prices that increased twenty fold in less than a decade. And if the U.S. Department of Defense today were considered as an independent energy consumer similar to sovereign states it would outrank more than 100 countries, including such states as Sweden. Among the great powers, China in particular has linked geostrategic calculations with acquiring secure and affordable energy sources. Acquiring such sources is thus for most states a desirable objective which enhances a state's autonomy and security. Similarly, further development of such supplies is expected to correlate with enhanced security. Both objectives, however, stand in uneasy tension with new environmental concerns. Pending dramatic advances in renewable energy production, fossil fuels, such as oil and natural gas, remain key sources of energy. Indeed, in the United States 95% of the energy used in the transportation sector derives from oil. Consequently, the desire to become more energy independent or acquire reliable supplies of such energy will for the foreseeable future lead to the continued use and even further exploitation of fossil fuels. Yet, the consumption and production of fossil fuels has been one of the key sources of greenhouse gases.And if, environmental degradation in turn leads to conflict, as, for example, the work of Homer Dixon has suggested, then environmental concerns must also enter into the agenda that is usually reserved for traditional security calculations (Homer Dixon 1999).
Topic:: Security, Climate Change, Energy Policy, and Environment
Political Geography:: United States, Canada, Arabia, Sweden, and Persia

3986. The United States Military as an Agent of Development: Counterinsurgency Doctrine and Development Assistance

Author:: Carol Messineo
Publication Date:: 05-2010
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The New School Graduate Program in International Affairs
Abstract:: The United States' national security objectives emphasize preventing terrorism through economic and social development in fragile states. Helping to create economic prosperity and legitimate and politically accountable institutions of governance in weak states poses many complex challenges that the international development community and US civilian aid agencies have struggled to address. New US military counterinsurgency doctrine defines “Phase Zero” non - combat development activities as a core military mission equal in importance to that of its combat missions. The US military lacks the development expertise to effectively engage fragile states, as demonstrated by its record in Iraq. The result is a narrow, instrumental understanding of the relationship between security and development that ironically undermines, rather than strengthens, a coherent and effective strategy for dealing with failed states.
Topic:: Security, Development, Terrorism, and Counterinsurgency
Political Geography:: United States

3987. Security of Property Rights for Whom?

Author:: Terra Lawson-Remer
Publication Date:: 03-2010
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The New School Graduate Program in International Affairs
Abstract:: Although protecting the entitlements of some requires preventing others from claiming and controlling those same resources, much recent research regarding property rights and economic development treats the level of property rights security in a country as homogeneous. Widely used cross-national indices of institutional quality—initially designed to assess the property security of foreign investors—fail to consider marginalized groups. Using a new indicator that measures the property insecurity of ethno-cultural minorities, this article finds significant variation in the risk of expropriation faced by different groups in the same country. Findings also show that although secure property rights for elites ma y be positively related to development, aggregate long-run growth occurs in the presence of significant property insecurity for marginalized minorities.
Topic:: Security, Development, Economics, Human Rights, and Social Stratification

3988. Obama's New Af-Pak Strategy: Can "Clear, Hold, Build, Transfer" Work?

Author:: C. Christine Fair
Publication Date:: 07-2010
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Centre for International Governance Innovation
Abstract:: On entering the White House, US President Barack Obama aimed to put the war in Afghanistan at the forefront of his security agenda following eight years of neglect by a Bush administration preoccupied by the war in Iraq. The Obama administration spent nearly On entering the White House, US President Barack Obama aimed to put the war in Afghanistan at the forefront of his security agenda following eight years of neglect by a Bush administration preoccupied by the war in Iraq. The Obama administration spent nearly a year reviewing the situation in Afghanistan and vetting war options amid protracted interagency deliberation and partisan debate. By the end of 2009, President Obama affirmed his administration's commitment to degrading the capabilities of terrorist groups ensconced in Afghanistan and Pakistan and announced that, by the end of July 2011, the US would begin a conditions-based transfer of responsibility to the Afghan government and security forces, enabling the United States to diminish its kinetic military activities in favour of a more "typical" presence with Washington continuing to providing development and economic assistance, plus training for military and civilian personnel. Thus the counter-insurgency mantra of "clear, hold and build" became, under Obama, "clear, hold, build and transfer." This paper evaluates the viability of the "clear, hold, build and transfer" approach in light of the structural challenges to each element and the pressure to deliver results in a short time-frame amid difficult security conditions.
Topic:: Security, Terrorism, War, and Counterinsurgency
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, United States, and Central Asia

3989. NATO's Lisbon Summit: New Strategic Doctrine and the Missile Defence

Author:: Yalım Eralp
Publication Date:: 12-2010
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Global Research in International Affairs Center, Interdisciplinary Center
Abstract:: The Lisbon Summit was important for two reasons. Firstly, the acceptance of a new strategic concept, the seventh since NATO was founded. The new concept comes after the Al Kaide attacks, the Afghan and Iraq wars and a greater threat of proliferation of nuclear weapons. In addition, relations with Russia were reset, making them of strategic importance. The second important aspect is the acceptance of a missile defence system whereby all populations, territory and forces will be protected.
Topic:: Security, NATO, Terrorism, and War
Political Geography:: Russia and Iraq

3990. Parliamentary War Powers: A Survey of 25 European Parliaments

Author:: Sandra Dieterich, Hartwig Hummel, and Stefan Marschall
Publication Date:: 12-2010
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF)
Abstract:: This paper presents a survey of parliamentary 'war powers' based on a comprehensive and detailed review of the degrees and institutional forms of parliamentary involvement in military security policy-making. As our original research project focused on the involvement of European Union (EU) states in the recent Iraq war, we present data for the then 25 member and accession states of the EU as of early 2003. This survey of parliamentary war powers covers the legislative, budgetary, control, communicationrelated and dismissal powers of the respective parliaments relating to the use of military force. Referring to this data, we distinguish five classes of democratic nation-states, ranging from those with 'very strong' to those with only 'very weak' war powers of the respective national parliament.
Topic:: Security, Defense Policy, Democratization, Governance, and Law
Political Geography:: Iraq and Europe

3991. Measuring Security Sector Governance – A Guide to Relevant Indicators

Author:: Ursula C. Schroeder
Publication Date:: 01-2010
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF)
Abstract:: The growing frequency and scope of externally supported security sector reform processes has sparked demand for tools to assess changes in security sector governance in states around the world. This paper takes a first small step towards this goal. By mapping the diverse indicator sets relevant for security sector governance, it provides an overview of currently available data about the quality of security provision and security sector governance among states. In its first part, the paper specifies its understanding of security sector governance and discusses the uses and limits of qualitative and quantitative indicators to measure security sector governance. The paper then provides a comprehensive overview of existing security- and governance-related indexes and assesses their contribution to measuring change in security sector governance over time and across cases. Finally, the paper's extensive 'source guide for security sector governance indicators' provides brief profiles of the discussed indicators and their data sources, and outlines variations in the scope, coverage and methodology of the various indicators
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, Security, Defense Policy, and Governance
Political Geography:: United Nations

3992. The Role of Penal Reform in Security Sector Reform

Author:: Megan Bastick
Publication Date:: 01-2010
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF)
Abstract:: Penal reform activities have been carried on in Europe and the United States since at least the late eighteenth century. Security sector reform (SSR), a much newer concept, is a governance-driven approach that looks to strengthen the roles of both state and non-state actors to deliver security to individuals and communities. As such, attention to the penal system is important in any comprehensive SSR process. However, much SSR programming overlooks penal elements, and lessons learnt through long experience in penal reform have not been applied to other SSR activities. There is limited discourse between the penal reform community of practice and the wider SSR community.
Topic:: Security, Governance, Law, and Prisons/Penal Systems
Political Geography:: United States and Europe

3993. The limitations of European Union reports on arms exports: the case of Central Asia

Author:: Mark Bromley and Paul Holtom
Publication Date:: 09-2010
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Stockholm International Peace Research Institute
Abstract:: All European Union (EU) member states are required to submit information on arms export licences and arms exports for inclusion in the EU annual reports on arms exports. The example of Central Asia— Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan—shows that the data in these EU annual reports has only a limited utility for monitoring exports of arms and military equipment. The specific case of Uzbekistan, which was subject to an EU arms embargo between 2005 and 2009, shows that certain transfers of apparent concern have been reported but not investigated, while other transfers have not appeared in the annual reports.
Topic:: Security, Defense Policy, Arms Control and Proliferation, International Trade and Finance, and Weapons of Mass Destruction
Political Geography:: Europe, Central Asia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan

3994. Researcher Trauma, Safety and Sexual Violence Research

Author:: Elizabeth Dartnall, Jan Coles, Shazneen Limjerwala, and Jill Astbury
Publication Date:: 05-2010
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: The Sexual Violence Research Initiative
Abstract:: "I remember well the initial physical sensation I experienced. It was deep bone chilling coldness, which came whenever the women told meabout the depths of their horror, terror and torture. [...] Whenever I am writing from that emotional place of horror I still experience deep seated coldness and my ears feel congested and I feel flu like. This lasts for the length of time that I am immersed in such [emotionally] deep writing." (SVRI discussion board 2009, female researcher, North America).
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, Security, Health, Human Rights, and Human Welfare
Political Geography:: North America

3995. Leaving the Civilians Behind: The "Soldier-diplomat" in Afghanistan and Iraq

Author:: Edward Burke
Publication Date:: 03-2010
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: PRISM
Institution:: Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS), National Defense University
Abstract:: The militarization of aid in conflict zones is now a reality and is likely to increase exponentially in the future. Stability operations are critical to the success of any viable counterinsurgency strategy. Yet in much of Afghanistan and Iraq, civilian officials working alone have proven incapable of successfully distributing and monitoring stabilization funds or implementing associated operations; thus, they have required close cooperation with the military. Many North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) countries have not adequately addressed deficiencies in models of civil-military cooperation, with severe repercussions for the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mission in Afghanistan. Meanwhile, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and some government development agencies complain that the delivery of aid by the military can exacerbate the targeting of civilian aid workers. Highlighting the failure of civilian agencies to cooperate effectively with the military may provide temporary vindication to skeptics within the NGO community, but such criticism does not solve the critical dilemma of how to deliver reconstruction and humanitarian assistance to the most violent parts of Afghanistan and Iraq or other nonpermissive environments.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Security, and NATO
Political Geography:: Afghanistan and Iraq

3996. Forging a U.S. Policy Toward Fragile States

Author:: Pauline Baker
Publication Date:: 03-2010
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: PRISM
Institution:: Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS), National Defense University
Abstract:: Of the many foreign policy challenges of the 21st century, one of the most complex and unpredictable is the problem of fragile and failing states, which often leads to civil war, mass atrocities, economic decline, and destabilization of other countries. The political era stemming from such challenges not only threatens civilians who are in harm's way, but also endangers international peace. Since the 1990s, such crises have become more prominent on the agendas of the major powers, intergovernmental institutions, humanitarian organizations, and vulnerable states themselves. Indeed, while the number of violent conflicts, particularly interstate wars, declined after the end of the Cold War, the duration and lethality of internal conflicts are rising. Casualty figures are considerably higher when “war deaths” beyond the battlefield and deaths resulting from infrastructure destruction are included. While Iraq and Afghanistan have dominated the public discourse on fragile states, the problem is not confined to these countries or their neighbors. Indeed, it is likely that global trends in civil conflicts will present more, not fewer, challenges to international peace and security, particularly in states where there is a history of instability, demographic pressures, rich mineral resources, questionable political legitimacy, a youth bulge, economic inequality, factionalized elites, and deep-seated group grievances.
Topic:: Security, Cold War, and Economics
Political Geography:: United States

3997. Lessons from Liberia's Success: Thoughts on Leadership, the Process of Peace, Security, and Justice

Author:: John Blaney
Publication Date:: 03-2010
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: PRISM
Institution:: Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS), National Defense University
Abstract:: The ending in 2003 of the 14-year civil war in Liberia and the subsequent progress made there is a 21st-century success story not only for Liberians, but also for Africa, the United Nations (UN), the United States, and many others. Over 50,000 people lost their lives during this struggle, with great suffering endured elsewhere in West Africa as well. economically and socially, the country of Liberia, historically long renowned as sub-Saharan Africa's shining example, was decimated by this conflict and by rampant mismanagement and corruption. Today, Liberia still has serious problems, but under the leadership of President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, impressive progress continues. There is stability, basic living standards are up, children go to school, development assistance projects blossom from many quarters, new Liberian security institutions are matriculating, and even private sector investment is responding with additional badly needed jobs. How was Liberia afforded the priceless opportunity of becoming one of the greatest turnaround stories of the 21st century?
Topic:: Security and Peace Studies
Political Geography:: Africa, United Nations, and Liberia

3998. Nonstate Security Threats in Africa: Challenges for U.S. Engagement

Author:: Andre Le Sage
Publication Date:: 12-2010
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: PRISM
Institution:: Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS), National Defense University
Abstract:: This article provides an overview of Africa's irregular, nonstate threats, followed by an analysis of their strategic implications for regional peace and stability, as well as the national security interests of the United States. After reviewing the elements of the emerging international consensus on how best to address these threats, the conclusion highlights a number of new and innovative tools that can be used to build political will on the continent to confront these security challenges. This article is intended as a background analysis for those who are new to the African continent, as well as a source of detailed information on emerging threats that receive too little public or policy-level attention.
Topic:: Security
Political Geography:: Africa and United States

3999. An Undisciplined Defense: Understanding the $2 Trillion Surge in US Defense Spending

Author:: Carl Conetta
Publication Date:: 01-2010
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Project on Defense Alternatives
Abstract:: The rise in US defense spending since 1998 has no precedent in all the years since the Korean war. It most readily compares with two earlier, but lesser spending surges: the 1958-1968 surge of 43% and the 1975-1985 surge of 57%. The post-Cold War retrenchment of the US military reached its limit in 1998 with DoD's budget settling at an ebb point of $361.5 billion (2010 USD). If we treat the 1998 budget level as a “baseline” and project it forward to 2010 (adjusting for inflation), we find that the total amount of funds that have been given to DoD above this level during the years 1999-2010 is $2.15 trillion (in 2010 dollars). This figure constitutes what we call the post-1998 spending surge. (All told, DoD budget authority for the period was $6.5 trillion in 2010 dollars).
Topic:: Security, Defense Policy, Arms Control and Proliferation, and War
Political Geography:: United States

4000. Regionale Ordnungen in politischen Räumen. Ein Beitrag zur Theorie regionaler Ordnungen

Author:: Nadine Godehardt and Oliver W. Lembcke
Publication Date:: 02-2010
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: German Institute of Global and Area Studies
Abstract:: Seit einiger Zeit stehen Regionen (wieder) auf der Agenda der Theoriediskussionen in den Internationalen Beziehungen. Es ist u.a. von einer „emerging regional architecture of world politics“ die Rede und von der Zukunft eines „multiregional system of international relations“ oder sogar einer „world of regions“. In dieser Perspektive geht es gegenwärtig nicht mehr allein um die Frage, welche Strukturvorgaben des internationalen Systems für eine neue Weltpolitik zu berücksichtigen sind. Vielmehr ist mit Blick auf die regionalen Ordnungen erforderlich zu fragen, wann und unter welchen Umständen die Strukturen und Akteurskonstellationen für regionale Kontexte überhaupt Bedeutung haben. Allerdings ist der politiktheoretische Status der Regionen in den Internationalen Beziehungen alles andere als klar. Mit diesem Beitrag werden zwei Ziele verfolgt: Einerseits wird die bisherige Diskussion mithilfe von drei Schlüsselkonzepten – Kooperation, Regionale Sicherheitskomplexe und Externalitäten – strukturiert; andererseits wird das konzeptionelle Verhältnis von Regionen, politischen Räumen und regionalen Ordnungen diskutiert. Dabei werden Kriterien – geografische Lage, politische Entscheidungen, Drittwirkungen dieser Entscheidungen – vorgestellt, die eine weiterführende Analyse verschiedener Typen regionaler Ordnungen ermöglichen.
Topic:: International Relations, Security, Regional Cooperation, and Political Theory

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COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS