Content Type: Working Paper / Publishing Institution: International Crisis Group / Topic: International Relations

1. Engaging Syria? U.S. Constraints and Opportunities

Publication Date:: 02-2009
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Candidate Obama pledged that his Middle East policy would include re-engagement with Syria; President Obama will find that the past is not easily overcome. The reasons behind his vow remain pertinent. Syria holds important cards in Lebanon, Iraq and Palestine, is Iran's most important Arab ally and has substantial influence over Hamas and Hizbollah. There are indications of potential common ground on which to build, from resuming Israeli-Syrian negotiations, to consolidating progress in Iraq to blunting the rise of jihadi militancy and sectarianism. But significant obstacles to healthy, mutually beneficial relations remain, along with a legacy of estrangement and distrust. They dictate the need for a prudent approach that seeks first to rebuild ties and restore confidence. It will be critical to reassure Damascus that the U.S. is interested in improving relations and resolving the Israeli-Arab conflict, not in regime change. It is also equally critical not to compromise on core principles such as Lebanon's sovereignty or the integrity of the international tribunal investigating the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, International Relations, and Foreign Policy
Political Geography:: United States, Iraq, Iran, Middle East, Arabia, and Syria

2. Turkey and Armenia: Opening Minds, Opening Borders

Publication Date:: 04-2009
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Turkey and Armenia are close to settling a dispute that has long roiled Caucasus politics, isolated Armenia and cast a shadow over Turkey's European Union (EU) ambition. For a decade and a half, relations have been poisoned by disagreement about issues including how to address a common past and compensate for crimes, territorial disputes, distrust bred in Soviet times and Armenian occupation of Azerbaijani land. But recently, progressively intense official engagement, civil society interaction and public opinion change have transformed the relationship, bringing both sides to the brink of an historic agreement to open borders, establish diplomatic ties and begin joint work on reconciliation. They should seize this opportunity to normalise. The politicised debate whether to recognise as genocide the destruction of much of the Ottoman Armenian population and the stalemated Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh should not halt momentum. The U.S., EU, Russia and others should maintain support for reconciliation and avoid harming it with statements about history at a critical and promising time.
Topic:: International Relations, Diplomacy, Genocide, Regional Cooperation, and Treaties and Agreements
Political Geography:: Russia, United States, Europe, Turkey, Caucasus, Asia, Soviet Union, Armenia, and Azerbaijan

3. China's Growing Role in UN Peacekeeping

Publication Date:: 04-2009
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Over the past twenty years China has become an active participant in UN peacekeeping, a development that will benefit the international community. Beijing has the capacity to expand its contributions further and should be encouraged to do so. China's approach to peacekeeping has evolved considerably since it assumed its UN Security Council (UNSC) seat in 1971, when it rejected the entire concept of peacekeeping. Now, with over 2,000 peacekeepers serving in ten UN peacekeeping operations worldwide, China's motivations for supporting and participating in peacekeeping have led it to adopt a case-by-case approach that balances those motivations against its traditional adherence to nonintervention. This pragmatic policy shift paves the way for China to provide much-needed personnel as well as political support and momentum for peacekeeping at a time when both conflicts and peacekeeping operations are becoming more complex. China's involvement also further binds it to the international system.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, International Relations, Foreign Policy, Peace Studies, and United Nations
Political Geography:: China and Beijing

4. Georgia and Russia: Clashing over Abkhazia

Publication Date:: 06-2008
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: With the dispute between Georgia and Russia in a new, dangerously confrontational phase, the risk of war in the South Caucasus is growing. Concerned by NATO's plans for further extension to former Soviet republics and Kosovo's unilateral but Western-orchestrated independence, Russia has stepped up manipulation of the South Ossetia and Abkhazia conflicts. Georgia remains determined to restore its territorial integrity, and hawks in Tbilisi are seriously considering a military option. Both sides need to recognise the risks in current policies, cool their rhetoric and cease military preparations. Russia should cease undermining its peacekeeper and mediator roles and be open to a change of negotiating formats. Georgia should adopt a new approach to the Abkhaz, encouraging their links to the outside world to lessen dependence on Russia and emphasising incremental confidence building to establish the mutual trust needed for successful negotiations. The U.S. and European Union (EU) should be firm and united in cautioning both Moscow and Tbilisi against military adventures.
Topic:: International Relations, NATO, and International Political Economy
Political Geography:: Russia, Europe, Asia, Soviet Union, Kosovo, Georgia, and Tbilisi

5. Ruling Palestine I: Gaza Under Hamas

Publication Date:: 03-2008
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The policy of isolating Hamas and sanctioning Gaza is bankrupt and, by all conceivable measures, has backfired. Violence is rising, harming both Gazans and Israelis. Economic conditions are ruinous, generating anger and despair. The credibility of President Mahmoud Abbas and other pragmatists has been further damaged. The peace process is at a standstill. Meanwhile, Hamas's hold on Gaza, purportedly the policy's principal target, has been consolidated. Various actors, apparently acknowledging the long-term unsustainability of the status quo, are weighing options. Worried at Hamas's growing military arsenal, Israel is considering a more ambitious and bloody military operation. But along with others, it also is tiptoeing around another, wiser course that involves a mutual ceasefire, international efforts to prevent weapons smuggling and an opening of Gaza's crossings and requires compromise by all concerned. Gaza's fate and the future of the peace process hang in the balance.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, International Relations, and Security
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Gaza

6. Timor-Leste: Security Sector Reform

Publication Date:: 01-2008
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Four years after Timor-Leste gained independence, its police and army were fighting each other in the streets of Dili. The April-June 2006 crisis left both institutions in ruins and security again in the hands of international forces. The crisis was precipitated by the dismissal of almost half the army and caused the virtual collapse of the police force. UN police and Australian-led peacekeepers maintain security in a situation that, while not at a point of violent conflict, remains unsettled. If the new government is to reform the security sector successfully, it must ensure that the process is inclusive by consulting widely and resisting the tempation to take autocratic decisions. A systematic, comprehensive approach, as recommended by the UN Security Council, should be based on a realistic analysis of actual security and law-enforcement needs. Unless there is a non-partisan commitment to the reform process, structural problems are likely to remain unresolved and the security forces politicised and volatile.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, International Relations, and Development
Political Geography:: United Nations, Australia, and Southeast Asia

7. North Korea-Russian Relations: A Strained Friendship

Publication Date:: 12-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: North Korea's relations with Russia have been marked by unrealistic expectations and frequent disappointments but common interests have prevented a rupture. The neighbours' history as dissatisfied allies goes back to the founding of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) with Soviet support and the Red Army's installation of Kim Il-sung as leader. However, the Soviets were soon written out of the North's official ideology. The Sino-Soviet split established a pattern of Kim playing Russian and Chinese leaders off against each other to extract concessions, including the nuclear equipment and technology at the heart of the current crisis. Since Vladimir Putin visited Pyongyang in 2000, diplomatic initiatives have come undone and grandiose economic projects have faltered. Russia is arguably the least effective participant in the six-party nuclear talks.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution and International Relations
Political Geography:: Russia, Europe, Asia, North Korea, and Pyongyang

8. Kosovo Countdown: A Blueprint for Transition

Publication Date:: 12-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Kosovo's transition to the status of conditional, or supervised, independence has been greatly complicated by Russia's firm support of Serbia's refusal to accept that it has lost its one-time province. Recognition of conditional independence has broad international, and certainly European Union (EU) and American, support. Under threat of Moscow's veto, the Security Council will not revoke its Resolution 1244 of 1999 that acknowledged Serbian sovereignty while setting up the UN Mission (UNMIK) to prepare Kosovo for self-government pending a political settlement on its future status. Nor will the Council be allowed to approve the plan for a conditionally independent Kosovo devised by the Secretary-General's special representative, Martti Ahtisaari, earlier this year and authorise the EU-led missions meant to implement that plan.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, International Relations, Development, and United Nations
Political Geography:: Russia, Europe, Kosovo, Moscow, and Serbia

9. Nigeria: Ending Unrest in the Niger Delta

Publication Date:: 12-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The Niger Delta is again at risk of sliding into chaos. The 29 May 2007 inauguration of new federal and state governments offered an opportunity to resolve longstanding conflicts afflicting the oil-rich, deeply impoverished region. Six months later, the opportunity is unravelling amid new violence and criminality. Decisive action is necessary to stop militant violence and criminal hostage-taking, initiate quick-impact development projects that can build public confidence in President Umaru Yar'Adua's administration and tackle constitutional and legal issues that have fuelled unrest in the region.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, International Relations, and Development
Political Geography:: Africa and Nigeria

10. Serbia: Maintaining Peace in the Presevo Valley

Publication Date:: 10-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Southern Serbia's Albanian-majority Presevo Valley is one of the rare conflict resolution success stories in the former Yugoslavia. Outwardly, it is increasingly normal, with no major incidents in over three years. Yet, tensions linger: massive unemployment is still the single largest problem but the shadow of Kosovo's future status darkens the political landscape. How Kosovo's final status is determined in the next months will have a profound impact. If formal partition or large-scale violence accompanies independence, the peace could unravel; in a worst case scenario, ethnic cleansing in southern Serbia would be accompanied by significant, cross-boundary, two-way refugee flows. All parties – local Albanian politicians, the Serbian government and the international community – need to work with greater urgency on developing the region's economy and ensuring that developments in Kosovo do not disrupt its peaceful progress.
Topic:: International Relations and Security
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Kosovo, Yugoslavia, Serbia, and Balkans

11. Pakistan: The Forgotten Conflict in Balochistan

Publication Date:: 10-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Violence continues unabated in Pakistan's strategically important and resource-rich province of Balochistan, where the military government is fighting Baloch militants demanding political and economic autonomy. President Pervez Musharraf's government insists the insurgency is an attempt to seize power by a handful of tribal chiefs bent on resisting economic development. Baloch nationalists maintain it is fuelled by the military's attempts to subdue dissent by force and the alienation caused by the absence of real democracy. Whether or not free and fair national and provincial elections are held later this year or in early 2008 will determine whether the conflict worsens.
Topic:: International Relations, Security, and Civil War
Political Geography:: Pakistan, Asia, and Balochistan

12. Southern Thailand: The Problem with Paramilitaries

Publication Date:: 10-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Thailand's increasing reliance on paramilitary forces and civilian militias is hindering efforts to tackle the insurgency in its majority Muslim southern provinces. A bewildering array of paramilitary organisations works alongside and often in parallel to the regular military and police. There are advantages to using irregular forces. They are quicker and cheaper to train and deploy and tend to have more flexible command structures. Locally recruited volunteers have better local knowledge than troops brought in from outside. But they are also inadequately trained and equipped, confuse already difficult command and control arrangements and appear in some cases to make communal tensions worse. While paramilitaries are likely to continue to be deployed in the South, the government should move toward consolidating security arrangements and, in the longer term, concentrate on improving its regular security forces.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, International Relations, and Civil War
Political Geography:: Southeast Asia and Southern Thailand

13. TURKEY AND EUROPE: THE WAY AHEAD

Publication Date:: 08-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The pro-reform AK Party's resounding victory in the July 2007 parliamentary elections gives both it and the European Union (EU) a chance to relaunch Turkey's accession process, which has floundered since 2005 due to Europe's enlargement fatigue and a neo-nationalist backlash in the country. That process, pursued with real application, has the capacity to help both sides. Popular opinion may show fatigue but leaders and diplomats need to keep avenues open for when political confidence returns, as past experience with the enlargement process suggests it can.
Topic:: International Relations and Foreign Policy
Political Geography:: Europe, Turkey, and Middle East

14. CÔTE D'IVOIRE :FAUT-IL CROIRE À L'ACCORD DE OUAGADOUGOU ?

Publication Date:: 06-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: L'accord de paix conclu le 4 mars 2007 à Ouagadougou entre Laurent Gbagbo et Guillaume Soro constitue un tournant majeur dans la résolution du conflit armé en Côte d'Ivoire, mais ne représente qu'un premier pas dans la bonne direction. Tous les Ivoiriens qui souhaitent une paix durable doivent maintenant se mobiliser pour exiger du gouvernement de transition la délivrance effective des titres d'identité prévus, la récupération des armes encore détenues par les milices, une véritable réforme du secteur de la sécurité et un processus électoral crédible. La communauté internationale a évité à la Côte d'Ivoire de sombrer dans le chaos au cours de ces quatre dernières années et doit maintenir intact son engagement militaire, politique et financier. L'évolution du processus de paix ne doit pas être dictée par les seules ambitions des deux signataires de l'accord de Ouagadougou mais aussi par l'objectif de la construction d'une paix durable en Côte d'Ivoire qui est cruciale pour la stabilité de toute l'Afrique de l'Ouest.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, International Relations, Civil War, Government, and Treaties and Agreements
Political Geography:: Africa

15. WHERE IS IRAQ HEADING? LESSONS FROM BASRA

Publication Date:: 06-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Amid the media and military focus on Baghdad, another major Iraqi city – Basra – is being overlooked. Yet Basra's experience carries important lessons for the capital and nation as a whole. Coalition forces have already implemented a security plan there, Operation Sinbad, which was in many ways similar to Baghdad's current military surge. What U.S. commanders call “clear, hold and build”, their British counterparts earlier had dubbed “clear, hold and civil reconstruction”. And, as in the capital, the putative goal was to pave the way for a takeover by Iraqi forces. Far from being a model to be replicated, however, Basra is an example of what to avoid. With renewed violence and instability, Basra illustrates the pitfalls of a transitional process that has led to collapse of the state apparatus and failed to build legitimate institutions. Fierce intra-Shiite fighting also disproves the simplistic view of Iraq neatly divided between three homogenous communities.
Topic:: International Relations, Security, Civil War, and War
Political Geography:: Iraq, Middle East, and Arabia

16. Serbia's New Government: Turning from Europe

Publication Date:: 05-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Serbia finally has a new government but one that is deeply divided between pro-Western and nationalist forces. Facing two difficult issues–Kosovo status and cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY)–its choice is between moving towards European integration or on to a more isolationist path. The government's composition, deep mistrust among many of its members and the parliament's nationalist majority suggest it will follow the second option. Pro-Western forces have suffered a significant setback, the government is vulnerable to manipulation by the security services and oligarchs, and the system of divided responsibility for the security services renders unlikely serious cooperation with the ICTY, especially the arrests of Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic. Although Kosovo independence could destabilise the government, it may surprise and last far longer and prove more stable than expected. The West should prepare for Serbia turning increasingly away from Europe and towards Moscow.
Topic:: International Relations, Government, and Nationalism
Political Geography:: Europe, Eastern Europe, Kosovo, Yugoslavia, Moscow, and Serbia

17. Kosovo: No Good Alternatives to the Ahtisaari Plan

Publication Date:: 05-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The debate on Kosovo's future status has reached a crucial point. The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has begun to consider elements of a draft resolution to determine the entity's future, which could be put to a vote in the coming weeks. The best way of ensuring regional peace and stability and lifting Kosovo out of an eight-year-long limbo, with a tired, temporary UN administration and an undeveloped, low-growth economy, is a resolution based squarely on the plan of UN Special Envoy Martti Ahtisaari. This would supersede UNSC Resolution 1244 (1999), define Kosovo's internal settlement and minority-protection mechanisms, mandate a new international presence and allow for supervised independence.
Topic:: International Relations, Development, and Peace Studies
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Kosovo, and United Nations

18. Colombia's New Armed Groups

Publication Date:: 05-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The disbanding of the paramilitary United Self-Defence Forces of Colombia (AUC) between 2003 and 2006 is seen by the administration of President Alvaro Uribe as a vital step toward peace. While taking some 32,000 AUC members out of the conflict has certainly altered the landscape of violence, there is growing evidence that new armed groups are emerging that are more than the simple “criminal gangs” that the government describes. Some of them are increasingly acting as the next generation of paramilitaries, and they require a more urgent and more comprehensive response from the government.
Topic:: International Relations, Defense Policy, and Arms Control and Proliferation
Political Geography:: Colombia and South America

19. Indonesia: How GAM Won in Aceh

Publication Date:: 03-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: When local elections were held in Aceh on 11 December 2006, conventional wisdom (shared by Crisis Group) was that candidates from the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM) would not do well. They might pick up two or three of the nineteen district races, but the biggest prize – the provincial governorship – was almost certainly out of reach. The old Jakarta-linked parties would benefit from deep pockets, established structures and a split in the former insurgency's leadership. Polls just before formal campaigning began showed GAM's governor/deputy governor slate – Irwandi Yusuf and Muhammad Nazar – virtually out of contention. But GAM won overwhelmingly, in what an analyst called “a perfect storm between the fallout from the peace accord and the failure of political parties to understand the changing times”. The challenge now is to govern effectively and cleanly in the face of high expectations, possible old elite obstructionism and some GAM members' sense of entitlement that it is their turn for power and wealth.
Topic:: International Relations, Civil Society, and Politics
Political Geography:: Indonesia and Asia

20. Southern Thailand: The Impact of the Coup

Publication Date:: 03-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The September 2006 coup in Thailand, despite its damage to democratic development, opened the way for improved management of the conflict in the Muslim South. Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont's interim government has overhauled some of its predecessor's worst policies and signalled willingness to address longstanding grievances. But verbal commitments in Bangkok have been difficult to translate into changes on the ground, and relations between security forces and local communities continue to be strained while violence mounts. Thais outside the South have exerted pressure for a return to heavy-handed crackdowns on suspected militants. The government must respond to the escalating attacks, but with care – widespread arbitrary arrests and civilian casualties would only increase support for insurgents.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, International Relations, and Democratization
Political Geography:: Asia, Thailand, and Bangkok

21. Venezuela: Hugo Chá¡vez's Revolution

Publication Date:: 02-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: After eight years in power, President Hugo Chávez won an overwhelming re-election in December 2006. Flush with oil revenues, bolstered by high approval ratings and at the start of a six-year term, he expresses confidence about advancing what he calls his Bolivarian Revolution, named after Simón Bolívar, the country's independence hero, and installing his still only vaguely defined “Socialism of the 21st Century”. There are concerns in Venezuela and much of the hemisphere, however, that to do so the ex-colonel and one-time coup leader may be willing to sacrifice democratic principles. He is not yet a dictator and for the most part has not tried to act in a dictatorial manner, but the trend toward autocracy is strong. If he continues to build personal power at the expense of other institutions and militarise much of the government and political life, there will be serious risks for internal conflict, especially if the oil boom that cushions the economy falters.
Topic:: International Relations, Development, and Politics
Political Geography:: South America and Tanzania

22. Ensuring Bosnia's Future: A New International Engagement Strategy

Publication Date:: 02-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: International policy in Bosnia is in disarray, and a new engagement strategy is required. The present High Representative, whose performance in 2006 has been much criticised, announced on 23 January 2007 that he would leave by mid-year. The Peace Implementation Council (PIC), to whom he reports and which is responsible for guiding implementation of the Dayton Peace Accords, meets on 27 February to decide the way forward. The most immediate issues to be resolved are whether the Office of the High Representative (OHR), and the robust 'Bonn powers' available to it, should continue in their present form.
Topic:: International Relations, Foreign Policy, and Peace Studies
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Iowa

23. Burundi: Democracy and Peace at Risk

Publication Date:: 11-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Since the new, democratically elected government came to power in September 2005, the first since 1993, there has been marked deterioration in Burundi's political climate. Led by the National Council for the Defense of Democracy-Forces for the Defense of Democracy (CNDD-FDD), the government has arrested critics, moved to muzzle the press, committed human rights abuses and tightened its control over the economy. Unless it reverses this authoritarian course, it risks triggering violent unrest and losing the gains of the peace process. The international community needs to monitor the government's performance, encouraging it to adopt a more inclusive approach and remain engaged even after UN troops depart in December 2006.
Topic:: International Relations, Democratization, and Peace Studies
Political Geography:: Africa and Burundi

24. Countering Afghanistan's Insurgency: No Quick Fixes

Publication Date:: 11-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Fierce battles rage in southern Afghanistan, insurgent attacks in the east creep towards the provinces surrounding Kabul and a new campaign of terrorist violence targets urban centres. The country's democratic government is not immediately threatened but action is needed now. This includes putting more international forces into the battle zones but insurgencies are never beaten by military means alone, and there are no quick fixes. Diplomatic pressure on Pakistan is needed, and the government of President Karzai must show political will to respond to internal discontent with serious efforts to attack corruption, work with the elected National Assembly and extend the rule of law by ending the culture of impunity. Afghanistan needs a renewed, long-term effort to build an effective, fair government that provides real security to its people.
Topic:: International Relations, Government, and Terrorism
Political Geography:: Pakistan, Afghanistan, Asia, and Kabul

25. Securing Congo's Elections: Lessons from the Kinshasa Showdown

Publication Date:: 10-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Hours before the first-round results of the Democratic Republic of the Congo's presidential elections were to be announced in Kinshasa on 20 August 2006, violence erupted between troops loyal to Vice President Jean- Pierre Bemba and those loyal to the incumbent, Joseph Kabila, providing dramatic proof of the fragility of the electoral process. Because both Kabila and Bemba will be tempted to use violence should they lose the second round, and the former in particular is very strong militarily, the Congolese government and the international community must move quickly to make secure the run-off as well as the provincial assembly elections on 29 October. Militias also threaten stability elsewhere in the country, notably in North Kivu and Ituri, but the capital is likely to be the most sensitive location again. A three-pronged strategy is required: improving security in Kinshasa, promoting a more responsible approach to the media and resolving some basic problems in the electoral process.
Topic:: International Relations, Democratization, and Politics
Political Geography:: Democratic Republic of the Congo and Kinshasa

26. Abkhazia Today

Publication Date:: 09-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Conflict over Abkhazia, squeezed between the Black Sea and the Caucasus mountains, has festered since the 1992- 1993 fighting. Internationally recognised as part of Georgia and largely destroyed, with half the pre-war population forcibly displaced, Abkhazia is establishing the institutions of an independent state. In twelve years since the ceasefire, the sides have come no closer to a settlement despite ongoing UN-mediated negotiations.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, International Relations, and Government
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Georgia, and Abkhazia

27. Papua: Answers to Frequently Asked Questions

Publication Date:: 10-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: No part of Indonesia generates as much distorted reporting as Papua, the western half of New Guinea that has been home to an independence movement since the 1960s. Some sources, mostly outside Indonesia, paint a picture of a closed killing field where the Indonesian army, backed by militia forces, perpetrates genocide against a defenceless people struggling for freedom. A variant has the army and multinational companies joining forces to despoil Papua and rob it of its own resources. Proponents of this view point to restrictions on media access, increasing troop strength in Papua of the Indonesian armed forces (TNI), payments to the TNI from the giant U.S. copper and gold mining company, Freeport, and reports by human rights organisations as supporting evidence for their views.
Topic:: International Relations, Government, and Human Rights
Political Geography:: Indonesia, Southeast Asia, and Guinea

28. Côte d'Ivoire: augmenter la pression

Publication Date:: 09-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Le Premier ministre Charles Konan Banny n'a pas pu mettre en œuvre la feuille de route qui devait doter la Côte d'Ivoire d'un gouvernement légitime et démocratique. Les Ivoiriens n'éliront pas leur président avant le 31 octobre 2006 comme le réclama it le Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU. Le pays est touj ours contrôlé par les anciens rebelles et les forces gouvernementales, séparés par une zone tampon fragile tenue par le s forces de maintien de la paix de l'ONU et de la France. La véritable guerre civile n'a peut-être pas encore eu lieu. Le deuxième report des élections s'inscrit dans une stratégie délibérée de la part des hommes politiques qui ne veulent pas d'une paix dont ils n'auraient pas la maîtrise et qui cherchent à évaluer le pouvoir d'une co mmunauté internationale qui doit prendre des décisions diffic iles en septembre: reporter les élections, maintenir l'autorité de Banny pendant encore six mois et demeurer activement engagée dans le pays. Un échec à ce stade augmenterait fortement le risque que ce pays, qui était autrefois l'un des plus prospères d'Afrique, continue à se rapprocher d'un bain de sang qui n'a été évité que de justesse depuis quatre ans.
Topic:: International Relations, Government, and Peace Studies
Political Geography:: Africa and France

29. Palestinians, Israel and the Quartet: Pulling Back from the Brink?

Publication Date:: 06-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Throughout years of uprising and Israeli military actions, siege of West Bank cities and President Arafat's de facto house arrest, it was hard to imagine the situation getting worse for Palestinians. It has. On all fronts – Palestinian/Palestinian, Palestinian/Israeli and Palestinian/ international – prevailing dynamics are leading to a dangerous breakdown. Subjected to the cumulative effects of a military occupation in its 40th year and now what is effectively an international sanctions regime, the Hamas-led Palestinian Authority (PA) government cannot pay salaries or deliver basic services. Diplomacy is frozen, with scant prospect of thaw – and none at all of breakthrough. And Hamas's electoral victory and the reactions it provoked among Fatah loyalists have intensified chaos and brought the nation near civil war. There is an urgent need for all relevant players to pragmatically reassess their positions, with the immediate objectives of: avoiding inter-Palestinian violence and the PA's collapse; encouraging Hamas to adopt more pragmatic policies rather than merely punishing it for not doing so; achieving a mutual and sustained Israeli-Palestinian ceasefire to prevent a resumption of full-scale hostilities; and preventing activity that jeopardises the possibility of a two-state solution.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, International Relations, and Politics
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

30. Somaliland: Time for African Union Leadership

Publication Date:: 05-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: On 18 May 2006, the self-declared Republic of Somaliland marked fifteen years since it proclaimed independence from Somalia. Although its sovereignty is still unrecognised by any country, the fact that it is a functioning constitutional democracy distinguishes it from the majority of entities with secessionist claims, and a small but growing number of governments in Africa and the West have shown sympathy for its cause. The territory's peace and stability stands in stark contrast to much of southern Somalia, especially the anarchic capital, Mogadishu, where clashes between rival militias have recently claimed scores of lives. But Somalia's Transitional Federal Government (TFG), which is still struggling to overcome internal divisions and establish its authority in southern Somalia, also claims sovereignty over the territory, and the issue is becoming an increasing source of tension. The African Union (AU) needs to engage in preventive diplomacy now, laying the groundwork for resolution of the dispute before it becomes a confrontation from which either side views violence as the only exit.
Topic:: International Relations and International Cooperation
Political Geography:: Africa, Europe, Balkans, and Somalia

31. Managing Tensions on the Timor-Leste/Indonesia Border

Publication Date:: 05-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The legacy of “losing” Timor-Leste (East Timor) continues to haunt Indonesia, affecting attitudes toward Aceh and Papua, heightening suspicions about foreign intervention, complicating relations with Australia and perpetuating fears for territorial integrity. Despite this legacy, the shared land border has been mostly peaceful: the policy focus there should be as much on establishing the infrastructure for legal trade as on improving security.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, International Relations, and Security
Political Geography:: Indonesia, Australia, Southeast Asia, and Papua

32. Guinea in Transition

Publication Date:: 04-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: For too long, public figures within and outside Africa have been timid about discussing Guinea's deep-rooted problems. Its strong anti-imperialist stance in the 1960s and beyond earned it respect among pan-Africanists, but the hands-off attitude that grew out of that respect has long since degraded into indifference and cynicism. The probability is now high that President Conté's term will end in a military takeover, which some seem prepared to accept before the fact, as if it were a means of preserving Guinea's sovereignty. But parts of Guinea's civilian elite are finally beginning to treat the country's future as their own collective concern, one not to be resolved by a third party, whether the army or foreign diplomats. They should be given every encouragement, including by relevant international actors, to do so.
Topic:: International Relations, Development, and Diplomacy
Political Geography:: Africa and Guinea

33. To Save Darfur

Publication Date:: 03-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The international strategy for dealing with the Darfur crisis primarily through the small (7,000 troops) African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) is at a dead end. AMIS credibility is at an all-time low, with the ceasefire it could never monitor properly in tatters. In the face of this, the international community is backing away from meaningful action. The African Union (AU) yielded to Khartoum's pressure on 10 March 2006 and did not ask the UN to put into Darfur the stronger international force that is needed. If the tragedy of the past three years is not to be compounded, the AU and its partners must address the growing regional crisis by getting more troops with greater mobility and firepower on the ground at once and rapidly transforming AMIS into a larger, stronger UN peacekeeping mission with a robust mandate focused on civilian protection.
Topic:: International Relations, Civil Society, and United Nations
Political Geography:: Africa and Sudan

34. The Cyprus Stalemate: What Next?

Publication Date:: 03-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The last round of Cyprus's drawn-out peace process ended in April 2004 when the Greek Cypriot community, which had long advocated reunification of the divided island on a bicommunal and bizonal basis, overwhelmingly rejected the UN-sponsored “Annan Plan”, which provided for just that. At the same time on the northern side of the Green Line, the Turkish Cypriot community, in a major reversal of its traditional preference for secession, backed reunification. The failure of the referendum did not stop a still-divided Cyprus being admitted to membership of the EU a week later. Notwithstanding clear continuing support for the Annan Plan, or some variation of it, among all other members of the EU and the wider international community, the present situation remains stalemated.
Topic:: International Relations, Peace Studies, and United Nations
Political Geography:: Turkey, Eastern Europe, Greece, United Nations, and Cyprus

35. The EU as a Security Actor - "security by being" and "security by doing"

Author:: Bjørn Møller
Publication Date:: 10-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: In the present report, the focus is placed on the European Union (EU) and its security policy. It commences with some context-setting, i.e. with clarifying the EU's place in the global and European security “architecture” and its relations with the United Nations, the OSCE and NATO, finding the latter to be more controversial than suggested by official declarations. It then proceeds with the analysis of the EU, finding its main contribution to regional security to be related to what the EU is and represents rather than to what it is andre presents rather than to what it is does. An analysis of the latter, i.e. the directly security-related institutions and activities of the EU under the auspices of the CFSP (Common Foreign and Security Policy) and the ESDP (European Security and Defence Policy) is also provided as well as an account of the “neighbourhood” programmes of the EU.
Topic:: International Relations, Security, and NATO
Political Geography:: Europe

36. Montenegro's Referendum

Publication Date:: 10-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Although there are some shoals still to be navigated, the narrow pro-independence victory in Montenegro's 21 May 2006 referendum should, on balance, increase rather than diminish stability in the western Balkans. It is in the interest of the European Union (EU), now that its previous policy of keeping Serbia and Montenegro together has run its course, to welcome the new state and speed its accession to international institutions. Podgorica still faces significant challenges associated with transition, but none should affect regional stability, and all can be resolved as the country moves forward with the Stabilisation and Association process towards EU membership. Given the positive international response to the referendum, Montenegro can aspire to becoming a “boring” country moving toward integration with Europe. But its opposition, and Belgrade, need to be persuaded not to renege on their commitments to the EU to accept the referendum result, lest this generate new uncertainties in the region as a Kosovo status decision approaches.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, International Relations, and Peace Studies
Political Geography:: Europe, Caucasus, Kosovo, Serbia, and Balkans

37. The EU/AU Partnership in Darfur: Not Yet a Winning Combination

Publication Date:: 10-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The African Union's (AU) intervention in Sudan's Darfur region tests the effectiveness of its own peace and security structures and those of the European Union (EU). The AU has taken the lead both in the political negotiations between the government and the rebels and in deploying a peace-monitoring mission, the AU Mission in Sudan (AMIS). It has had to rely on outside support for AMIS, with nearly two thirds of its funding coming from the EU's African Peace Facility. The results are mixed. If Darfur is to have stability anytime soon, and the two organisations are to fulfil their ambitions to be major players in crisis prevention and crisis resolution, AMIS must get more troops and a more proactive, civilian-protection mandate, and the EU needs to find ways to go beyond the present limitations of the African Peace Facility in providing assistance.
Topic:: International Relations and Politics
Political Geography:: Africa, Europe, and Sudan

38. Nagorno-Karabakh: A Plan for Peace

Publication Date:: 10-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Settlement of the long running Nagorno-Karabakh conflict -- the most significant obstacle to stability in the South Caucasus -- remains elusive, despite more optimistic noises recently from Azerbaijan and Armenia. Eleven years after the 1994 ceasefire, burgeoning defence budgets, increasing ceasefire violations, and continuing demonisation by each side of the other side are ominous signs that time for a peace agreement is running out. But a compromise can now be constructed around an approach that, while addressing all the matters in dispute, leaves the core issue of Nagorno-Karabakh's ultimate status open for later resolution, after other measures have been put in place.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, International Relations, and Peace Studies
Political Geography:: Caucasus, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and South Caucasus

39. Unifying Darfur's Rebels: A Prerequisite for Peace

Publication Date:: 10-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Insecurity in Darfur remains pervasive despite a decline in direct, large-scale fighting between the government and the two main rebel movements, the Sudan Liberation Army/Movement (SLA) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM). Maintaining the present uneasy status quo is not the answer. The Khartoum government continues to flout its numerous commitments to neutralise its allied proxy militia, the Janjaweed, and more than two million civilians displaced by the conflict will not return home without a comprehensive political settlement including security guarantees. But the problem is not just on the government side: discord within and between the rebel movements also needs to be resolved if there is to be a chance for sting peace.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, International Relations, and Peace Studies
Political Geography:: Africa and Sudan

40. Reforming Egypt: In Search of a Strategy

Publication Date:: 10-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Egypt's first multi-candidate presidential election, a response to U.S. pressure, was a false start for reform. Formal pluralism has never seriously limited the dominance of President Mubarak's National Democratic Party (NDP); extension to the presidential level is a token so long as the opposition is too weak to produce plausible candidates. If the further reforms Mubarak has promised are to be meaningful, they should be aimed at recasting state/NDP relations and, above all, enhancing parliament's powers. As a start, Mubarak should ensure free and fair November legislative elections. The legal opposition must make the case for these changes and overcome its divisions if it is to become relevant and be able to compete with the Muslim Brothers for popular influence. The U.S. and others should support judicial supervision of elections, refrain from pressing for quick, cosmetic results, and back a longer-term, genuine reform process.
Topic:: International Relations, Development, and Government
Political Geography:: United States, North Africa, and Egypt

41. Nagorno-Karabakh: Viewing the Conflict from the Ground

Publication Date:: 09-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh is the most significant obstacle to peace and stability in the South Caucasus. Eleven years into a ceasefire, the parties have been unable to sign a single document bringing them closer to a settlement. Whatever is being done at the internationally mediated negotiations, at ground level resumed war appears a real possibility. There is need to counter the hate propaganda and demonising engaged in by both sides and unlock the potential for confidence building and dialogue between average Azeris and Armenians before the memories of cohabitation fade and the divide becomes virtually unbridgeable.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, International Relations, and Peace Studies
Political Geography:: Caucasus, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and South Caucasus

42. Bridging Kosovo's Mitrovica Divide

Publication Date:: 09-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The international community has properly decreed that Kosovo's final status must not involve division of its territory. But this declaration has not been followed by sufficient action. Belgrade's policy of pursuing some form of partition is far advanced in the restive northern city of Mitrovica and its hinterland, and a major security, political and financial effort is required to save the situation. Capacity should be built immediately, and its implementation should begin once the Contact Group has declared its support for Kosovo's future as a functional, conditionally independent state within its present borders.
Topic:: International Relations, Security, and Government
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Kosovo

43. Authoritarianism and Political Party Reform in Pakistan

Publication Date:: 09-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Although the dangers are evident, the international community continues to support General Pervez Musharraf because of his perceived cooperation in the war on terror, ignoring unconstitutional constraints on the civilian opposition. However, the military's refusal to cede real power to civilians and its marginalisation of moderate parties has boosted religious extremists. Instability is worsening, and sectarian conflict threatens to spin out of control. Lacking robust international support for a democratic transition, mainstream parties struggle to survive, subjected to coercion and violence. They can be the most effective safeguard against the religious lobby's manifestly anti-Western agenda, but only if allowed to function freely in a democratic environment. They need outside help but must also get more serious about reforming themselves.
Topic:: International Relations, Politics, and Terrorism
Political Geography:: Pakistan and Asia

44. China and Taiwan: Uneasy Détente

Publication Date:: 09-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: After drifting toward crisis for much of 2004, the outlook for stability across the Taiwan Strait has improved. Constraints on Taiwan pursuing pro-independence initiatives that risk conflict with China will likely remain strong through to the end of President Chen Shui-bian's term of office in 2008. These include a reinvigorated political opposition and Chinese initiatives that have won some poplar support in Taiwan and weakened the drive for independence. Most importantly, the U.S. appears determined to deter not only a Chinese attack but also provocative Taiwan independence moves.
Topic:: International Relations and Politics
Political Geography:: United States, China, Taiwan, and Asia

45. Iran: What Does Ahmadi-Nejad's Victory Mean?

Publication Date:: 08-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The surprise election of Mahmoud Ahmadi-Nejad, who is being sworn in as president this week, has given rise to dire predictions about Iran's domestic and foreign policies and relations with the U.S. and the European Union. There are reasons for concern. Based on his rhetoric, past performance, and the company he keeps, Ahmadi-Nejad appears a throwback to the revolution's early days: more ideological, less pragmatic, and anti- American. But for the West, and the U.S. in particular, to reach and act upon hasty conclusions would be wrong. Iran is governed by complex institutions and competing power centres that inherently favour continuity over change. More importantly , none of the fundamentals has changed: the regime is not about to collapse; it holds pivotal cards on Iraq and nuclear proliferation; and any chance of modifying its behaviour will come, if at all, through serious, coordinated EU and U.S. efforts to engage it.
Topic:: International Relations, Government, and Human Welfare
Political Geography:: United States, Iraq, Iran, and Middle East

46. Can Haiti Hold Elections in 2005?

Publication Date:: 08-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Massive technical, political and security obstacles must be overcome very quickly or Haiti's elections -- municipal and local in October, parliamentary and presidential in November -- will have to be postponed. In particular the UN mission (MINUSTAH), other international actors and the transitional government need to move faster at registering voters, persuading the failed state's citizens that the exercise is meaningful, and disarming both urban gangs and former military. Otherwise, turnout is likely to be unsatisfactory, credibility of the outcome will suffer, and the government's legitimacy will be in question.
Topic:: International Relations, Security, and Government
Political Geography:: United Nations, Caribbean, and Haiti

47. The Jerusalem Powder Keg

Publication Date:: 08-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: While the world focuses on Gaza, the future of Israeli-Palestinian relations in fact may be playing itself out away from the spotlight, in Jerusalem. With recent steps, Israel is attempting to solidify its hold over a wide area in and around the city, creating a far broader Jerusalem. If the international community and specifically the U.S. are serious about preserving and promoting a viable two-state solution, they need to speak far more clearly and insistently to halt actions that directly and immediately jeopardise that goal. And if that solution is ever to be reached, they will need to be clear that changes that have occurred since Israelis and Palestinians last sat down to negotiate in 2000-2001 will have to be reversed.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution and International Relations
Political Geography:: United States, Middle East, Israel, Palestine, Jerusalem, and Gaza

48. Afghanistan Elections: Endgame or New Beginning?

Publication Date:: 07-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Elections for Afghanistan's National Assembly and Provincial Councils are a critical opportunity to achieve a sustainable peace in a country that is still emerging from a quarter century of conflict, created and exacerbated by ethnic, sectarian, regional and linguistic divisions. A representative and functional National Assembly could prove a crucial step in stabilising Afghanistan by allowing diversity of voices in decision-making. Provincial Councils could also help extend the authority of central government by introducing legally approved layers of devolution.
Topic:: International Relations, Government, and Peace Studies
Political Geography:: Afghanistan and Asia

49. Disengagement and Its Discontents: What Will the Israeli Settlers Do?

Publication Date:: 07-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Scheduled for 15 August 2005, Israel's disengagement from Gaza and parts of the northern West Bank has already begun. How Israel for the first time evacuates settlements in the Palestinian Occupied Territories will have profound implications for Israeli-Palestinian relations, but also for Israeli society. Regardless of one's assessment of the settlers and their enterprise -- regarded internationally as illegal, by many Israelis as irresponsible and by others as the embodiment of the Zionist project -- it is bound to be a traumatic event for Israel. If it should be mishandled, accompanied by violent settler resistance or Palestinian attacks, the prospects for subsequent peace would be much bleaker. The international community's interest is to press for complete disengagement and then a credible follow-on political process.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, International Relations, and Regional Cooperation
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and Gaza

50. The AU's Mission in Darfur: Bridging the Gaps

Publication Date:: 07-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The international community is failing in its responsibility to protect the inhabitants of Darfur, many of whom are still dying or face indefinite displacement from their homes. New thinking and bold action are urgently needed. The consensus to support a rough doubling of the African Union (AU) force to 7,731 troops by the end of September 2005 under the existing mandate is an inadequate response to the crisis. The mandate must be strengthened to prioritise civilian protection, and a force level of at least 12,000 to 15,000 is needed urgently now, not in nearly a year as currently envisaged.
Topic:: International Relations, Development, and United Nations
Political Geography:: Africa

51. Japan and North Korea: Bones of Contention

Publication Date:: 06-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Relations between Japan and North Korea continue to deteriorate due to concerns over Pyongyang's nuclear weapons program and past abductions of Japanese citizens. Nearly a decade and a half of efforts at normalising relations between the countries have faltered due to Pyongyang's unwillingness to give up that program or come clean over the abductions. For Japan, normalisation would help preserve regional stability and represent one more step toward closure on its wartime history; for North Korea, it would potentially produce the single greatest economic infusion for reviving its moribund economy. Indeed, the prospect of normalisation with Japan is one of the leading incentives that can be offered to North Korea in a deal to end the North's nuclear programs.
Topic:: International Relations, Nuclear Weapons, and Peace Studies
Political Geography:: Japan, Israel, and North Korea

52. Iraq: Don't Rush the Constitution

Publication Date:: 06-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The next stage in Iraq's political transition, the drafting and adoption of a permanent constitution, will be critical to the country's long-term stability. Iraqis face a dilemma: rush the constitutional process and meet the current deadline of 15 August 2005 to prevent the insurgents from scoring further political points, or encourage a process that is inclusive, transparent and participatory in an effort to increase popular buy-in of the final product. While there are downsides to delay, they are far outweighed by the dangers of a hurried job that could lead to either popular rejection of or popular resignation to a text toward which they feel little sense of ownership or pride.
Topic:: International Relations, Development, and Government
Political Geography:: Iraq and Middle East

53. Post-Election Zimbabwe: What Next?

Publication Date:: 06-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The 31 March 2005 parliamentary elections that confirmed the full control of President Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF government were neither free nor fair and disappointed those who hoped they might mark a turn away from the crisis that has dominated Zimbabwe's political life for the past five years. The post-election situation looks deceptively familiar. In fact, Mugabe's era is coming to an end, both the ruling party and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) face existential challenges, and the international community needs to urgently rethink strategies and find new ways to maintain pressure for a peaceful democratic transition.
Topic:: International Relations, Democratization, and Government
Political Geography:: Africa and Zimbabwe

54. Bosnia's Stalled Police Reform: No Progress, No EU

Publication Date:: 09-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The international strategy for Bosnia and Herzegovina risks derailment. It consists entirely of preparing the country for eventual European Union (EU) membership in the hope that integration processes will overcome ethno-political divides and their intertwined economic and criminal interests. However, the police reform needed to begin negotiations on a Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) with the EU appears hopelessly blocked. With integration stalled, the international community will have to maintain its High Representative in Sarajevo for at least two to three years, if not longer, to head off dangers of new conflict unless it acts decisively in the next several weeks to confront the chief obstacles to reform: the main Bosnian Serb political party and the Belgrade government of Prime Minister Vojis lav Kostunica.
Topic:: International Relations
Political Geography:: Europe, Bosnia, Eastern Europe, and Balkans

55. Élections au Burundi: Reconfiguration radicale du paysage politique

Publication Date:: 08-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Les élections générales au Burundi viennent de conduire à une transformation totale du paysage politique. La victoire remarquable de l ' ancienne rébellion du CNDD-FDD à tous les différents scrutins et l ' élection de son candidat à la présidentielle, Pierre Nkurunziza, le 19 août lui permettent dorénavant de contrôler les principales institutions du pouvoir. En outre ce changement politique important s ' inscrit dans un contexte où les corps de défense et de sécurité sont en profonde mutation et les anciens combattants du CNDD-FDD sont totalement intégrés dans ces nouvelles forces au sein desquelles ils occupent 40 pour cent des effectifs. Cela constitue une garantie substantielle contre d ' éventuelles tentatives de coup de force pour interrompre la poursuite de ce processus et donc la mise en oeuvre des réformes prévues par l ' accord d ' Arusha pour la paix et la réconciliation. Néanmoins les élections ne représentent qu ' un pas, certes important, vers une paix durable.
Topic:: International Relations, Democratization, and Government
Political Geography:: Africa and Burundi

56. North Korea: A Phased Negotiation Strategy

Publication Date:: 08-2003
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Time is slipping away for a peaceful resolution of the nuclear crisis on the Korean Peninsula.
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, International Relations, and Nuclear Weapons
Political Geography:: Israel, East Asia, and North Korea

57. Taiwan Strait III: The Chance of Peace

Publication Date:: 06-2003
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Apparently irreconcilable positions on the 'one China' principle have emerged between China and Taiwan over the last decade, with Taiwan for some time now asserting not only that it is a separate political entity but an independent sovereign country. China for its part remains absolutely unwilling to compromise its position that Taiwan and the mainland are part of one country, and has not renounced the use of force as a means of making that principle a reality. The risk of war between them must, accordingly, continue to be taken seriously.
Topic:: International Relations, Peace Studies, and Sovereignty
Political Geography:: China, Taiwan, and Asia

58. Taiwan Strait II: The Risk of War

Publication Date:: 06-2003
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: China's underlying position on its cross-Strait relations, however strong its current commitment to peaceful diplomacy, is that Taiwan must make sustained, visible progress toward a peaceful settlement or risk a resort to armed hostilities. It has also indicated that any move by Taiwan that might demonstrate its substantive rejection of this new demand could well be the last straw.
Topic:: International Relations, Sovereignty, and War
Political Geography:: China, Taiwan, and Asia

59. Dividing Papua: How Now To Do It

Publication Date:: 03-2003
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: A presidential instruction (Inpres) issued in January 2003 to divide Papua, Indonesia's easternmost province, into three parts has done more to create tension and turmoil there than any government action in years. The instruction undercuts a special autonomy law passed by the parliament in November 2001 that assumed the province to be a single territorial unit, and it has thrown Papua's administrative status into legal limbo. It undermines moderate intellectuals who saw special autonomy as a way of strengthening Papuan institutions and encouraging independence supporters to work within the Indonesian state. It has infuriated many Papuans, pro-independence and pro-autonomy alike, who have a deep attachment to Papua as a single political unit with a distinct history and who see the decree as a divide-and-rule tactic by Jakarta. All major religious leaders in the province have come out against it.
Topic:: International Relations, Development, and Politics
Political Geography:: South Asia and Indonesia

60. Pakistan: The Mullahs and the Military

Publication Date:: 03-2003
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The resurgence of the religious parties in the October 2002 elections portends ill for Pakistan's political, cultural and social stability. For the first time in the country's history, an alliance of six major religious parties – the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) – has won power in two provinces, vowing to Islamise state and society through Taliban-like policies. The MMA based its electoral campaign on Islam and anti-U.S. slogans, targeting President Pervez Musharraf's pro-U.S. policies and pledging the enforcement of Sharia law. It now runs the government in the Northwest Frontier Province (NWFP), bordering on Afghanistan, and shares power in Baluchistan.
Topic:: International Relations, Development, and Politics
Political Geography:: Pakistan, United States, South Asia, and Taliban

61. EU Crisis Response Capabilities: An Update

Publication Date:: 04-2002
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: In June 2001, ICG published a first report on EU crisis response capabilities, which presented a snapshot of the institutions, policies and processes for conflict prevention and crisis management as they stood at mid 2001. It described the respective roles in external relations matters of the three key EU institutions, Council, Commission and Parliament, and the evolving machinery for implementing more coordinated strategies in the formulation of general policy positions, conflict prevention and conflict management.
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, International Relations, Security, and Human Welfare
Political Geography:: Europe

62. Belgrade's Lagging Reform: Cause for International Concern

Publication Date:: 03-2002
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: For more than a decade Serbia was the driving force behind much of the instability in the Balkans. Following the overthrow of Slobodan Milosevic on 5 October 2000, it was hoped that Serbia would promptly reform the external policies of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) that had caused such disruption. To date, these hopes have been substantially disappointed.
Topic:: International Relations, Defense Policy, and Government
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Yugoslavia, Serbia, and Balkans

63. Bosnia: Reshaping the International Machinery

Publication Date:: 11-2001
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: After six years and billions of dollars spent, peace implementation in Bosnia and Herzegovina remains far from complete. Reshaping (ërecalibratingí, in local jargon) the international community (IC) presence is vital if the peace process is to have a successful outcome.
Topic:: International Relations, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Bosnia and Eastern Europe

64. Bosnia's Precarious Economy: Still not Open for Business

Publication Date:: 08-2001
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Bosnia's economic reality is still bleak. After more than five years and five billion dollars of Dayton implementation, the country seems only at the beginning of an economic transition that should have begun in 1996.
Topic:: International Relations, Development, and Economics
Political Geography:: Bosnia and Eastern Europe

65. EU CRISIS RESPONSE CAPABILITY: Institutions and Processes for Conflict Prevention and Management

Publication Date:: 06-2001
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: It is less than a decade since the European Union (EU) was formally established and set itself the ambitious project of developing a common foreign and security policy. Less than four years have passed since the signing of the Amsterdam Treaty which provided key institutional foundations of that policy. And it is less than eighteen months since many of the bodies responsible for implementing the most difficult aspects – those related directly to crisis response – have been created. This process may be well appreciated by those closely involved in it, but it is opaque and puzzling to many others. This report aims to clarify the process for those outside it. It describes the roles of the new bodies, their relationship to previously existing ones, and the basic fit between their functions and the goals of conflict prevention and management. This report is largely descriptive, but its analysis of the institutions and processes does provide a foundation for some recommendations for improvement as the EU carries its work forward.
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, International Relations, Security, and Human Welfare
Political Geography:: Europe

66. The European Humanitarian Aid Office (ECHO): Crisis Response in the Grey Lane

Publication Date:: 06-2001
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: This briefing paper examines in broad terms likely directions in the policy of the European Humanitarian Aid Office (ECHO) in the next two to three years, with special reference to its position in the development of European Union (EU) crisis response structures and processes. Its particular focus is on how ECHO has responded to the "grey area" dilemmas: whether and how to separate emergency humanitarian assistance from longer term development assistance, and from "political" projects generally. Section I provides an overview of ECHO's structure and funding; Section II describes how the grey area has been addressed to date; Section III discusses how the issue arises again in the context of the development of the EU's new conflict prevention and management ambitions; while the concluding Section IV draws upon recent experience in Macedonia to support the case for a more pragmatic approach to ECHO's role.
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, International Relations, Security, and Human Welfare
Political Geography:: Europe and Macedonia

67. HIV/AIDS as a Security Issue

Publication Date:: 06-2001
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: It is projected that, at current rates, more than 100 million people worldwide will have been infected with HIV by 2005. Where the epidemic has hit hardest, Sub-Saharan Africa, experts believe AIDS will eventually kill one in four adults. Seven countries already have adult prevalence rates above 20 per cent of the population.
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, International Relations, Security, and Human Welfare
Political Geography:: Africa, Russia, China, Europe, India, Asia, and Southeast Asia

68. Albania: The State of the Nation 2001

Publication Date:: 05-2001
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: This report describes the current situation in Albania, paying particular attention to relations with the country's Balkan neighbours, Kosovo, Montenegro, Macedonia and Greece. The recent upsurge in fighting in the Presevo Valley of southern Serbia and in Macedonia has damaged the reputation of all Albanians in the region and has once more raised the spectre of a Greater Albania. Consequently, the Albanian government has been at pains to stress that it does not support the ethnic Albanian insurgents and wishes to see the territorial integrity of Macedonia upheld. To this end, Tirana has requested NATO's assistance to secure the Albania-Macedonia border, and has called for a solution to the crisis through dialogue.
Topic:: International Relations, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Greece, Kosovo, Serbia, Balkans, Macedonia, Albania, Montenegro, and Tirana

69. The Macedonian Question: Reform or Rebellion

Publication Date:: 04-2001
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: In late February, violence flared in Albanian-inhabited villages in northern Macedonia close to the border with Kosovo. In mid March, the violence spread to Macedonia's second largest city, Tetovo. The rebels claimed to be defending themselves against Macedonian security forces, i.e. their own government, and to be fighting for Albanian national rights in Macedonia. The coalition government in Skopje promptly raised the alarm, blaming Kosovo Albanian elements for exporting rebellion to Macedonia, and calling for the NATO-led forces in Kosovo (KFOR) to seal the border. The rebels claimed they were local Albanians, numbering 2,000 and recruiting dozens of volunteers from the surrounding area every day.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, International Relations, and Ethnic Conflict
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Kosovo, Macedonia, and Albania

70. Montenegro: Time to Decide. A Pre-election Briefing

Publication Date:: 04-2001
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The extraordinary parliamentary election to be held in Montenegro on 22 April 2001 is focused on the single issue of the republics future status, whether in a continued federal union with Serbia, or as an independent state. The election was called following the break-up of Montenegros ruling coalition at the end of December 2000 over this very question. Following the ouster of Slobodan Miloević as president of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) in October 2000, Montenegrin President Milo Djukanović opted to formalise the republics break with the FRY, which in practice had already ceased to function in any meaningful sense. On 28 December 2000 two of the parties in the ruling .For a Better Life. (D.B) coalition, Djukanovićs Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) and the Social Democratic party (SDP), adopted a new Platform on relations with Serbia, which envisaged a loose association of fully independent states. The anti independence Peoples Party (NS) promptly left the DŽB coalition, thus precipitating the forthcoming election.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, International Relations, and Ethnic Conflict
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Yugoslavia, and Serbia

71. Bosnia's November Elections: Dayton Stumbles

Publication Date:: 12-2000
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Despite five years and five billion US dollars of international community investment in Bosnia, the 11 November Bosnian elections demonstrated once again that international engagement has failed to provide a sustainable basis for a functioning state, capable of surviving an international withdrawal.
Topic:: International Relations, Politics, and Treaties and Agreements
Political Geography:: United States, Bosnia, and Eastern Europe

72. Montenegro's Socialist People's Party: A Loyal Opposition?

Publication Date:: 04-2000
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The assertion of the primacy of Serbian rights over all other peoples by Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic has driven nearly every nationality of the former Yugoslavia toward the Republic's exits. Even Montenegro, once Serbia's closest political and military ally, has not been immune from the turmoil that Slobodan Milosevic has created and has opted to distance itself from Belgrade's controlling influence.
Topic:: International Relations, Non-Governmental Organization, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Yugoslavia, Serbia, and Montenegro

73. Albanians in Serbian Prisons: Kosovo's Unfinished Business

Publication Date:: 01-2000
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: With the immense challenges facing the international community in its effort to secure and rebuild Kosovo, one critical outstanding matter that has received very little attention is the ongoing detention in Serbian prisons of several thousand Kosovar Albanians. Arrested by Serbian forces in the course of the Kosovo conflict, these prisoners were hastily transferred to Serbian jails and penitentiaries in the wake of the Kumanovo military-technical agreement, which ended the NATO air campaign and established a timetable for the withdrawal from Kosovo of all Serb forces.
Topic:: International Relations, Ethnic Conflict, Human Rights, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Kosovo, Serbia, and Albania

74. Rule of Law in Public Administration: Confusion and Discrimination in a Post-Communist Bureaucracy

Publication Date:: 12-1999
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: To date, little attention has been paid to the role public administration plays in enforcing or violating the human rights and civil liberties of Bosnia and Herzegovina's citizens. Instead, much effort is concentrated on reforming the court system. Yet, the justice system in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) comprises far more than the court system. It also consists of "administrative justice," where small-scale rulings by seemingly minor municipal and cantonal officials in a variety of public administrative organs, exercise a huge influence on the lives and legal rights of ordinary citizens. Many of these rulings prevent citizens from exercising their legal rights and gaining access to due process of law.</p
Topic:: International Relations, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Eastern Europe

75. Trepca: Making Sense of the Labyrinth

Publication Date:: 12-1999
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The enterprise known as Trepca is a sprawling conglomerate of some 40 mines and factories, located mostly in Kosovo but also in other locations in Serbia and Montenegro. Its activities include chemical processing and production of goods as varied as batteries and paint. But the heart of its operations, and the source of most of its raw material, is the vast mining complex to the east of Mitrovicë/a in the north of Kosovo, famous since Roman times. This report examines the current position of the mines, together with the associated smelting complex at nearby Zvecan.
Topic:: International Relations, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Kosovo, Serbia, and Montenegro

76. Starting from Scratch in Kosovo: The Honeymoon Is Over

Publication Date:: 12-1999
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: After an unprecedented, multilateral military intervention in Kosovo succeeded in expelling Serb forces and enabling the return home of more than a million displaced persons, the international community embarked on the ambitious, long-term project of securing, rebuilding, and establishing the rule of law in Kosovo, while setting the territory on the path to self-governance. Visionary promises were made to the people of Kosovo, and careful planning was undertaken at NATO and United Nations headquarters and in many European capitals. But six months into the mission, the international community has so far not been able to deliver on its promises. No Kosovars of any ethnicity feel secure, tens of thousands of people remain without adequate shelter as winter sets in, civil registration has yet to get underway, there is as yet no agreed-upon, functional system of justice, and criminals – including suspected war criminals – continue to operate with effective impunity.
Topic:: International Relations, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Kosovo, and United Nations

77. Back To The Future: Milosevic Prepares for Life After Kosovo

Publication Date:: 06-1999
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: On 28 June 1989, Slobodan Milosevic stood on the site of the ancient Serb battleground of Kosovo Polje and delivered the speech that was to propel him to prominence and the leadership of. Ten years on, Milosevic remains firmly entrenched in power. He has survived three Balkan wars in Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo, economic sanctions, 78 days of NATO air strikes, and an indictment on charges of crimes against humanity and war crimes.
Topic:: International Relations, Government, Human Rights, and Politics
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Eastern Europe, Kosovo, Yugoslavia, Balkans, and Croatia

78. The New Kosovo Protectorate

Publication Date:: 06-1999
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The ICG Balkans Report N°66, "Kosovo: Let's Learn from Bosnia", of 17 May 1999 looked at how experience in Bosnia could be useful in Kosovo, and also at the extent to which the Rambouillet agreement of 23 February 1999 resembled the Dayton agreement of 21 November 1995.
Topic:: International Relations, Government, Politics, and United Nations
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Eastern Europe, and Kosovo

79. Milosevic's Aims in War and Diplomacy

Publication Date:: 05-1999
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The limits of the West's resolve to enforce a solution to the crisis in the Balkans were freshly exposed last week at a press briefing by U.S. President Bill Clinton. Speaking to reporters on 6 May 1999, Clinton admitted that Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic might well survive the current crisis and remain in power in Belgrade as long as he accepted the West's terms for a settlement in Kosovo and permitted refugees to return home. He also made clear that a NATO invasion of Yugoslavia from the north, the one option open to the West that would facilitate the forcible removal of the Milosevic regime and with it the greatest single source of instability in the Balkans, was something "our (NATO's) goals never entailed".
Topic:: International Relations, NATO, Diplomacy, Human Rights, Politics, and War
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Kosovo, and Yugoslavia

80. Why Will No One Invest In Bosnia and Herzegovina?

Publication Date:: 04-1999
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The donor countries hoped the governments of Bosnia and Herzegovina would use the promised $ 5.1 Billion post-war reconstruction aid to undertake the structural changes necessary to transition from communism to capitalism. As donor-aid diminished, private investment would replace it, stimulated by structural reforms. Unfortunately, this has not been the case. Indeed, interviews with Bosnian and foreign businessmen show a common reluctance to invest in BiH.
Topic:: International Relations, Economics, International Trade and Finance, and Politics
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Eastern Europe

81. Republika Srpska - Poplasen, Brcko and Kosovo: Three Crises and Out?

Publication Date:: 04-1999
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The early part of 1999 has been turbulent for Republika Srpska. Political life has been unsettled by three separate and hardly-related crises: the decision of the High Representative to remove from office the RS President Nikola Poplasen; the decision of International Arbitrator Roberts Owen to give the municipality of Brcko neither to RS nor to the Federation but to both as a condominium; and the NATO air-strikes on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY).
Topic:: International Relations, Security, NATO, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Kosovo, and Yugoslavia

82. Unifying The Kosovar Factions: The Way Forward

Publication Date:: 03-1999
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The Kosovo peace talks, held at Rambouillet (France) under the auspices of the sixnation Contact Group, have been suspended until 15 March 1999 after a provisional agreement was reached on granting substantial autonomy for Kosovo. However, neither the Kosovo Albanians nor Serbian delegates have yet signed the draft peace accord, which calls for a NATO peacekeeping mission in Kosovo, and in which the "final status" issue has been deliberately fudged. The immense complexities of the Kosovo question were dramatically illustrated at Rambouillet by the last-minute refusal of the Albanian delegation to sign the accord, due to pressure from a hardline faction of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) which refused to attend the talks.
Topic:: International Relations, Ethnic Conflict, Politics, Treaties and Agreements, and War
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Kosovo, and Serbia

83. Kosovo: The Road To Peace Critical Implementation Issues And a "Who's Who" of Key Players

Publication Date:: 03-1999
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: While last spring saw conflict erupt in Kosovo's central Drenica region when Serbian security forces attacked and killed residents of the villages of Prekaz and Likoshan, this spring brings the possibility of peace. The proposed deployment of a 28,000-strong international force for Kosovo will dramatically and immediately halt the sporadic low-intensity battles between Serbian security forces and ethnic Albanian rebels that have displaced 300,000 people. This peace will allow refugees to return to their homes, and provide the day-to-day sense of security on the ground that will enable Kosovo's transition to self-government.
Topic:: International Relations, Ethnic Conflict, Politics, Treaties and Agreements, and War
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Kosovo, and Serbia

84. Doing Democracy A Disservice: 1998 Elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Publication Date:: 09-1998
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The stakes in Bosnia's forthcoming elections, the fifth internationally-supervised poll since the end of the war, could not be higher, for Bosnia and Herzegovina (Bosnia) and also for the international community. Having invested enormous financial and political capital in the peace process, the international community expects a return on its investment. That is why leading international figures including US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright have entered the Bosnian political fray, urging Bosnians to back parties which "support Dayton" and threatening to withdraw aid if they do not. The elections will bring some changes so the event will be hailed as a triumph. However, they will not lay the ground for a self-sustaining peace process. That can only be achieved by political reform and, in particular, a redesign of the electoral system to guarantee Bosnians ethnic security.
Topic:: International Relations, Foreign Policy, Ethnic Conflict, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Eastern Europe

85. Kosovo's Long Hot Summer: Briefing on military, humanitarian and political developments in Kosovo

Publication Date:: 09-1998
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: During the past six months, Serbia's southern, predominantly Albanian province of Kosovo has emerged from international obscurity to become the world's most reported conflict zone. That said, the history of ethnic animosity in this contested land, the complexity of competing Serb and Albanian claims and the speed with which the fighting has escalated make it difficult to keep up with the events, let alone analyse and try to understand them. What had, on 1 January 1998, been a long-standing ethnic Albanian political aspiration, namely an independent Kosovo, had evolved, by 1 March 1998, into the military objective of a popular insurrection and had by, 1 July 1998, become part of the cause of an impending humanitarian catastrophe with hundreds of thousands of people displaced by the fighting.
Topic:: International Relations, Human Rights, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Kosovo, Serbia, and Albania

86. Inventory of a Windfall: Milosevic's Gains from the Kosovo Dialogue

Publication Date:: 05-1998
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: When on 15 May 1998 Slobodan Milosevic met with Ibrahim Rugova it was the first time that the Yugoslav president had met with an Albanian leader from Kosovo in close to a decade. The event, heralding weekly talks between Kosovo's Albanians and the Serbian government, has thus been hailed as a "dramatic turn-about" and "a first step toward peace in Kosovo". However, the fact that, after so many years of stale-mate, some kind of negotiations have begun, should not in itself be a reason for euphoria. Key to the success of any talks is the framework within which they take place. Negotiations concerning the future status of Kosovo may, as a result of the concessions offered to the Yugoslav president, have got off to an inauspicious start.
Topic:: International Relations, Diplomacy, Economics, Ethnic Conflict, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Kosovo, and Yugoslavia

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COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS