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Begin New Search Political Geography Africa Content Type Policy Brief

101. Our climate future depends on conflict dynamics in Congo

Author:
Peer Schouten, Judith Verweijen, and Fergus Simpson
Publication Date:
11-2022
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS)
Abstract:
The Congo Basin rainforest – the second largest on earth – absorbs four percent of global CO2 emissions and constitutes a crucial line of defense against cataclysmic climate change. However, a complex mix of illegal resource exploitation and conflict is currently threatening the rainforest. To curb these threats and their global consequenses, we need to understand the interplay between resources, conflict and environmental protection in Congo.
Topic:
Agriculture, Climate Change, Development, Environment, Poverty, Food, Non State Actors, Armed Forces, Inequality, Fragile States, Violence, Police, and Justice
Political Geography:
Africa and Democratic Republic of the Congo

102. Russia´s comprehensive approach and the increased use of the Wagner Group challenges the West in Africa

Author:
Karen Philippa Larsen and Flemming Splidsboel Hansen
Publication Date:
02-2022
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS)
Abstract:
In the 2010s, Russia gradually returned to the African continent, where the Soviet Union was an influential actor for decades. The culmination of Russia’s public reorientation to Africa so far has been the high profile Russia-Africa Summit held in Sochi in October 2019. In his opening address to the Summit, Russian President Vladimir Putin noted how “representatives of all 54 African states and leading regional organizations are gathered here. This is indeed the first meeting of such a scale, and this is a convincing testament to the mutual desire to develop contacts in all directions, to strengthen the multifaceted partnership”. Russia has many interests in Africa. One fundamental interest relates to the international distribution of power. As a self-defined great power with an ambition to extend its influence still further beyond its immediate regional setting, Russia is almost compelled to attempt to gain a stronger presence in Africa. Both trade and the exploration of energy and minerals support this ambition, but its other tools include economic support (including by writing off debt), military support (for instance through the provision of training assistance or even the deployment of troops), as well as political support (for instance by using Russia’s weight as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council to publicly defend regimes under pressure or even to prevent the passing of critical statements or the introduction of sanctions). To illustrate, in January 2022, the Russian delegation to the United Nations strongly opposed the introduction of new sanctions against the interim government in Mali, noting that “we have always been guided by the principle of African solutions to African problems”. Other interests relate to trade (with a turnover of USD 20bn in 2020) and to the exploration of natural resources. Within the field of trade, Russian arms exports stand out. In the years 2016-2020, Russian arms exports to African states accounted for 18 per cent of all Russian arms exports, a 23 per cent increase over the period of 2011-2015. By contrast, Russia’s share of the global arms market decreased by 22 per cent in the decade of 2011-2020. This latter development is a clear sign of a very competitive market, and it suggests that emerging markets, such as Africa, will become increasingly important to Russian arms producers. The main importers are Egypt, Algeria, and Angola (where Russian producers supply 41 per cent, 69 per cent, and 64 per cent, respectively, of national imports).
Topic:
Wagner Group, Military, and Private Military Companies (PMCs)
Political Geography:
Africa, Russia, Eurasia, and Denmark

103. A Likely Failure: What are the prospects of success for African Union’s effort to mediate in the Tigray War?

Author:
FARAS
Publication Date:
10-2022
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Future for Advanced Research and Studies (FARAS)
Abstract:
Weeks into resumed fighting between the Ethiopian government and regional rebel militias, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), rivals have agreed to the African Union’s (AU) invitation to sit at the negotiation table, set to be held in Pretoria, South Africa. The first round of negotiations has been delayed, however, indicating tensions and the possibility of returning to armed conflict again.
Topic:
African Union, Mediation, Armed Conflict, and Regional Politics
Political Geography:
Africa, Ethiopia, and Tigray

104. Regional Expansion: Implications of Al-Shabab's escalation of attacks inside and outside Somalia

Author:
FARAS
Publication Date:
08-2022
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Future for Advanced Research and Studies (FARAS)
Abstract:
Somalia recently witnessed a remarkable escalation of attacks by the al-Shabab, not only inside Somalia but also in the Horn of Africa, especially in Kenya and Ethiopia, as the terror group is seeking to expand across the region.
Topic:
Non State Actors, Violent Extremism, Al-Shabaab, and Regional Politics
Political Geography:
Kenya, Africa, Ethiopia, and Somalia

105. A New Populist President: William Ruto’s victory and Kenya’s future

Author:
FARAS
Publication Date:
08-2022
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Future for Advanced Research and Studies (FARAS)
Abstract:
Across Kenya, anticipating supporters of outgoing government candidate Raila Odinga had anxiously been listening in on radios or staring at television screens, waiting for the country’s presidential elections results. Their favourite candidate had lost the elections. At Nairobi’s national election centre, Chairman of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC), Wafula Chebukati, had announced Ruto’s narrow win but fled the building quickly after. Chaos ensued: police forces stormed the hall as Odinga supporters punched through to the stage. Chairman Chebukati left the centre under police protection, national music blaring through the speakers. The country seems to be on the verge of another wave of violent unrests.
Topic:
Populism, Domestic Politics, and Presidential Elections
Political Geography:
Kenya and Africa

106. NIGAL: Algeria, Niger, & Nigeria revive talks on Saharan Gas Pipeline

Author:
FARAS
Publication Date:
07-2022
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Future for Advanced Research and Studies (FARAS)
Abstract:
Algeria, Niger, and Nigeria held talks on June 20 and 21, 2022 in the Nigerian capital Abuja on the revival of a decades-old project to pipe gas across the Sahara, a potential opportunity for Europe to diversify its gas sources, media reported. Alegria’s Minister of Energy and Mines Mohamed Arkab said the meeting was “important and successful”, setting the “first building block” for a project that’s been just an idea for over 15 years. It was agreed to continue consultations through the technical team that was formed in Abuja and tasking it to prepare the necessary feasibility studies for the project. It was also agreed that the three ministers should meet again no later than the end of July in Algeria.
Topic:
Regional Cooperation, Gas, Economy, and Pipeline
Political Geography:
Africa, Algeria, Nigeria, Niger, and Sahara

107. Berlin’s Hesitation: Implications of German Foreign Minister’s tour to Mali and Niger

Author:
FARAS
Publication Date:
05-2022
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Future for Advanced Research and Studies (FARAS)
Abstract:
German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock, on April 12 and 13, made an important visit to Mali and Niger that is set to determine the future of Germany’s military presence in Mali. The German government is divided into those who support a continued presence in Mali and those who push for complete withdrawal of the German troops from the African country.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Armed Forces, European Union, and Counter-terrorism
Political Geography:
Africa, Europe, Germany, Mali, and Niger

108. French Anticipation: Algerian mediation between Mali and the ECOWAS

Author:
FARAS
Publication Date:
02-2022
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Future for Advanced Research and Studies (FARAS)
Abstract:
On January 24, 2022, an Algerian delegation arrived in Bamako, the capital of Mali, led by the Algeria’s special envoy for the Sahel and Africa Boudjemaa Delmi. The visit was part of the initiative proposed by Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune to mediate between Mali and the members of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to resolve the tension which has escalated between the two parties following the strict sanctions imposed by the ECOWAS on Bamako. The sanctions were imposed in response to the decision of Mali's junta to extend the transition period for five more years.
Topic:
Diplomacy, African Union, Mediation, Regional Politics, and ECOWAS
Political Geography:
Africa, France, Algeria, and Mali

109. The Russian Role! The domestic and regional dimensions of the military coup in Burkina Faso

Author:
FARAS
Publication Date:
02-2022
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Future for Advanced Research and Studies (FARAS)
Abstract:
In January 24, 2022, members of the army in Burkina Faso announced their seizure of power and the dismissal of Burkinabé President Roch Marc Kaboré. One of the officers who seized power delivered a statement on state television, signed by Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba, Head of the Patriotic Movement for Safeguard and Restoration (MPSR), announcing the overthrow of the government, thus joining Burkina Faso to Mali and Guinea, in the third military coup in West Africa in just eight months.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Domestic Politics, Coup, and Military
Political Geography:
Africa, Russia, France, and Burkina Faso

110. An Alternative Approach to U.S. Sahel Policy

Author:
Alex Thurston
Publication Date:
11-2022
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft
Abstract:
The Sahel region of Africa is in freefall. Upwards of 19 million people need humanitarian assistance, five coups have occurred since 2020, jihadists and militias are killing thousands, and security forces and Russian mercenaries abuse civilians with impunity. The Sahel’s primary external actor, France, pursues intensive counterterrorism with the aim of helping Sahelian national authorities to reassert legitimacy; France also seeks to retain influence over its former colonies. But French policy has floundered. Anti-French sentiments drove France mostly out of Mali, one epicenter of the Sahel crisis, and many other Sahelians resent perceived French encroachments on their sovereignty. The United States lacks a real policy for the Sahel. Rather, U.S. policy drifts and reacts. Important humanitarian and development programs are overshadowed by securitized rhetoric and undermined by the considerable U.S. military activity in the Sahel, including vestiges of the “War on Terror.” The White House’s 2022 National Security Strategy, its Africa Strategy, and a forthcoming Sahel Strategy envision diverse efforts going beyond counterterrorism, but they read as laundry lists of priorities rather than as concrete plans of action. The vagueness of existing policy risks allowing obsolete assumptions and programs to continue.
Topic:
Security, Foreign Policy, Counter-terrorism, and Military
Political Geography:
Africa, France, Mali, and Sahel

111. Understanding the Firm-Level Export Diversification Characteristics in Botswana

Author:
Pinkie Gertrude Kebakile
Publication Date:
01-2022
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Botswana Institute for Development Policy Analysis
Abstract:
This Policy Brief unravels interesting insights pertaining to firm-level export diversification characteristics in Botswana, which is an approach that views export diversification at the micro-level. The following are the key highlights from the Policy Brief: • Exporters whose export portfolios are varied in terms of products and export markets, commonly referred to as multi-product multi-destination exporters in the literature fetch high export values, which is a prerequisite for sustained economic growth in the country. • The growth and diversification of Botswana’s export bundle is undermined by the exporters’ inability to break into new export markets. • The main policy message is therefore that to transition from the upper-middle income status to high-income status by 2036, the country needs to nurture and develop the multi-product multi-destination exporters. Targeted interventions aimed at developing these exporters are therefore called for.
Topic:
Business, Economic Growth, Diversification, Exports, and Trade
Political Geography:
Africa and Botswana

112. Boko Haram’s Pan-Nigerian Affiliate System after the Kankara Kidnapping: A Microcosm of Islamic State’s ‘External Provinces’

Author:
Jacob Zenn
Publication Date:
01-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The Jamestown Foundation
Abstract:
On December 11, 2020, around 300 male students were kidnapped from a Kankara, Katsina State school in northwestern Nigeria (TheCable, December 13, 2020). The attack was inconsistent with typical northwestern Nigeria banditry operations involving smaller-scale kidnapping and extortion, pillaging, and assassination of local political enemies that have escalated in northwestern Nigerian in recent years. The attack was, however, consistent with the past activities of the Boko Haram faction led by Abubakar Shekau. Shekau’s faction is responsible for the mass killing of male students in their dormitories in 2013 and the Chibok kidnapping of more than 200 female students in Borno State, northeastern Nigeria in 2014. Furthermore, the Kankara kidnapping reflected Boko Haram’s “affiliate system” because the attack was conducted by Boko Haram’s northwestern Nigerian “affiliate” in the Katsina-Niger-Zamfara state axis, which is comprised primarily of bandits (“Niger” refers to Niger State, Nigeria, not the Republic of Niger).
Topic:
Terrorism, Islamic State, and Boko Haram
Political Geography:
Africa and Nigeria

113. The Growing Complexity of Farmer-Herder Conflict in West and Central Africa

Author:
Leif Brottem
Publication Date:
07-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Africa Center for Strategic Studies
Abstract:
The rise of farmer-herder violence in Africa is more pernicious than fatality figures alone since it is often amplified by the emotionally potent issues of ethnicity, religion, culture, and land.
Topic:
Agriculture, Religion, Culture, Ethnicity, Conflict, Land, and Farming
Political Geography:
Africa

114. Collaborative Policing and Negotiating Urban Order in Abidjan

Author:
Maxime Ricard and Kouame Felix Grodji
Publication Date:
11-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Africa Center for Strategic Studies
Abstract:
Community-based security groups are emerging in African cities in response to rising crime and overstretched police forces. Experience from Abidjan shows that collaboration with the police, avoiding coercive tactics, and retaining citizen oversight councils are key to the effectiveness of these groups.
Topic:
Civil Society, Crime, Urban, Police, and Community Engagement
Political Geography:
Africa and Ivory Coast

115. The Arab Spring: A Decade Later

Author:
Mario Stefanov
Publication Date:
05-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Institute for Development and International Relations (IRMO)
Abstract:
This year marks the tenth anniversary of the outbreak of the so-called Arab Spring. Suicide of an unemployed young man in the Tunisian city of Sidi Bouzid on 17 December 2010 has enticed the protesters to take to the streets and it has triggered and open rebellion against Tunisian autocrat Zine El Abidine Ben Ali - who on 14 a decade later, it can be stated with certainty that the revolutions of the Arab Spring were not successful. These revolutions have not ushered in neither modernization nor democratization of the Arab countries, which was the revolutions declared objective. To the contrary, even Tunisia, a country said to have had a successful revolution, had also replaced one dictatorship with another. Effects of the violent upheavals of January 2011 boarded on plane and fled to Saudi Arabia, escaping in front of the revolutionary chaos. Successful toppling of Ben Ali has set off a string of uprising in the Arab countries that are today known as the Arab Spring. Nowadays, the Arab Spring in other Arab countries include strengthening od forces of Islamist extremism, conflicts on ethnic, religious and sectarian divisions, civil wars, total economic destruction of the most of the Arab countries caught by the revolutionary wave, dissolution of formerly strong Arab states, and triggering the waves of migrations that still flow toward Europe. A decade after the outbreak of the Arab Spring revolutions the question of their real source remains unanswered, as well as the question to which extent these revolutions were stirred by internal forces in the Arab States of the Middle East and North Africa, or influenced by the factors from the outside. The question whether the revolutions of the Arabs Spring were just an acute geopolitical incident or a part of a long- term process, also remains unanswered. The tenth anniversary is an opportunity to reflect upon and analyze the facts and indications that manifest whom these revolutions benefited, and whom they harmed.
Topic:
Social Movement, Democracy, Arab Spring, Protests, Revolution, and Modernization
Political Geography:
Africa, Middle East, North Africa, and MENA

116. Preventing Violent Extremism in the Balkans and the MENA

Author:
Morten Boas
Publication Date:
10-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Middle East Research Institute (MERI)
Abstract:
Strengthening societal resilience is considered vital for the prevention of violent extremism. This, however, requires a nuanced approach and comprehensive review of past policies. PREVEX is a European Union funded project, implemented by a consortium of 15 international research centres in Europe, MENA region and the Balkans. MERI is our partner in Iraq.
Topic:
Military Strategy, Violent Extremism, Conflict, and Peace
Political Geography:
Africa, Middle East, North Africa, and MENA

117. An assessment of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative

Author:
Busisipho Siyobi
Publication Date:
01-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Good Governance Africa (GGA)
Abstract:
The Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) Secretariat should take the lead in developing intervention mechanisms that ensure a strong civil society representation in the multi-stakeholder groups, to enable real public participation and obtain local legitimacy of the Initiative: This can be done through actively identifying and partnering with relevant grassroot civil society organisations that work directly with mining-affected communities. Implementing countries should work more collaboratively with the EITI to investigate any reported revenue discrepancies highlighted in the country-specific EITI reporting: This can be enforced by implementing countries in alignment with their guiding principles of regulatory bodies and the national EITI Multi-Stakeholder Group (MSG) in the effort to fight against corruption and ensure local ownership of the EITI process.
Topic:
Civil Society, Corruption, Natural Resources, Governance, Regulation, Mining, and Extractive Industries
Political Geography:
Africa

118. Rebuilding Constitutionalism and Rule of Law in Zimbabwe

Author:
Stephen Buchanan-Clarke and Sikhululekile Mashingaidze
Publication Date:
08-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Good Governance Africa (GGA)
Abstract:
Recommendations to the Zimbabwean government Commit to a new, inclusive pathway for a mediated, citizen-centred national dialogue to align with and enact the principles set out in the Zimbabwe Constitution of 2013, to resolve the current constitutional crisis and legitimacy question. Comprehensive legal, political, and economic reform is critical. Commit to the drafting and passing of a comprehensive electoral law consistent with the 2013 Constitution that guarantees the independence of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), allows for the appointment of an independent ZEC chair from outside of Zimbabwe, and prevents government from interfering with the work of the commission. Ensure a comprehensive delimitation exercise, extend the voter registration process, and ensure there is a transparent and comprehensive verification process to develop a credible voters’ roll. This would include allowing independent interested stakeholders from civil society, the media, and opposition parties access to inspect the voters’ roll prior to elections. Promote a free and fair election campaign environment for all players, and actively guard against voter intimidation by establishing a special body to investigate complaints of political violence and allow external independent observers early access to all voting stations prior to election day. Restore independence and citizen trust in the county’s public institutions through, for example, the institution of an independent and impartial judicial committee tasked with restoring judicial independence and making recommendations for complete judicial reform, to eradicate judicial corruption, ensure the independence of judges and improve the functioning of the courts. End partisanship in the police force, starting with undertaking investigations into allegations of human rights violations against the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) and other security sector agencies, and ensuring those responsible for such abuses are held accountable under the law.
Topic:
Government, Human Rights, Reform, Elections, Constitution, Rule of Law, Police, and Inclusion
Political Geography:
Africa and Zimbabwe

119. Zimbabwe media policy briefing

Author:
Sikhululekile Mashingaidze and Stephen Buchanan-Clarke
Publication Date:
10-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Good Governance Africa (GGA)
Abstract:
The 2013 Zimbabwean Constitution’s well-articulated provisions for media freedom are in stark contrast to the fragility of the country’s current media landscape, 41 years after the attainment of independence. The Zimbabwe Media Commission (ZMC) is a constitutional body mandated with functions that include the duty to uphold, promote and develop media freedom, enforce good practices and ethics, as well as fair competition and diversity. However, that the ZMC chairperson and its eight other members are presidential appointees poses a challenge for ZMC’s operational independence. The 2013 Constitution’s Part 5. Section 248. Part 1a) notes that a chairperson is ‘…appointed by the President after consultation with the Committee on Standing rules and orders;’ and Part b cites eight other members appointed by the President from a list of 12 nominees submitted by the same committee. This is a structural problem within the Constitution itself, as it enables disproportionate executive influence and curtails the commission’s independence in its primary mandate to uphold, promote and develop freedom of the media. Sections 61 and 62 of the Constitution, however, outline ordinary citizens’ and journalists’ rights to freedom of expression, freedom of the media and the right of access to information. Although subject to restrictions in contexts of defence, public security, or professional confidentiality, these freedoms include citizens’ right of access to information for public accountability and stipulate journalists’ right to protection of the confidentiality of their sources of information. The Constitution further specifies the freedom of all state-owned media to independently determine the editorial content of its broadcasts, be impartial and afford fair opportunity for the representation of divergent views and dissenting opinions.
Topic:
Governance, Media, Constitution, and Journalism
Political Geography:
Zimbabwe and Africa

120. Strengthening basic Education in Ghana

Author:
Paul Osei-Kuffour and Kofi Asare
Publication Date:
03-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Ghana Center for Democratic Development
Abstract:
The lack of adequate qualified teachers in rural schools, inadequate financing of basic education at the school/district level and delayed release of the Capitation Grant, lack of teacher accountability, lack of transparency, accountability, and value for money in education spending and low parental support for basic education continue to plague equitable progress in basic education.
Topic:
Education, Government, Public Sector, Rural, and Public Service
Political Geography:
Africa and Ghana

121. Reflections on Success Hope for a Women, Peace and Security Future

Author:
Molly Hamilton
Publication Date:
06-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
By interweaving an analysis of the achievements with reflections from Women, Peace and Security (WPS) giants, this Policy and Practice Brief (PPB) seeks to flip the narrative around by focusing on the achievements in advancing and promoting women’s participation in peace processes, and highlighting all the reasons to celebrate the advances in the WPS agenda.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Security, Women, Peace, and WPS
Political Geography:
Africa

122. The Impact of the Covid-19 Pandemic on Border Communities: The Case of Chipinge – Zimbabwe

Author:
Owen Mangiza and Joshua Chakawa
Publication Date:
04-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
This Policy and Practice Brief (PPB) discusses the implications of the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic on border communities, principally in relation to border controls by governments and trans-border activities by community members living close to the border in Zimbabwe.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Government, Border Control, Pandemic, Community, and COVID-19
Political Geography:
Africa and Zimbabwe

123. Firm performance, trade linkages, and the growth of SMEs in Tanzania

Author:
Josaphat Kweka, Julian Boys, and Amrita Saha
Publication Date:
03-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
United Nations University
Abstract:
The private sector and enterprises have a key role to play in the development of the Tanzanian economy. This Policy Brief provides insights and solutions that could offer business sectors the vital policy support that they need to develop and grow.
Topic:
Development, Economy, Economic Growth, and Trade
Political Geography:
Africa and Tanzania

124. Better livelihoods through income diversification in Tanzania

Author:
Oliver Morrissey and Milla Nyyssölä
Publication Date:
04-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
United Nations University
Abstract:
Diversifying income sources is an important livelihood strategy for households in low-income countries. Having several sources of income helps in increasing total income, and in spreading the risks. New findings on the benefits of income diversification from Tanzanian households can inform policy aiming to develop welfare at the grassroots level and beyond.
Topic:
Labor Issues, Diversification, and Livelihoods
Political Geography:
Africa and Tanzania

125. Walking a Tightrope: The Transition from UNAMID to UNITAMS in Sudan

Author:
Daniel Forti
Publication Date:
02-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
International Peace Institute
Abstract:
The UN’s transition in Sudan started out in 2014 as a process to close the African Union–United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID) in the face of waning international support and overwhelming pressure from an autocratic regime. But in 2019, Sudan’s revolution and ongoing political transition radically transformed how the UN engages with Sudan. UNAMID’s closure in December 2020 and the start-up of a new special political mission, the UN Integrated Transition Assistance Mission in Sudan (UNITAMS), now constitute one of the most complex reconfigurations the organization has ever attempted. This paper examines the ongoing UN transition in Sudan, focusing on the establishment of UNITAMS and UNAMID’s exit from Darfur.The paper evaluates the transition across four themes pertinent to the transition of UN peace operations: the creation of a shared political vision for the transition, national engagement in the process, efforts to comprehensively plan the transition, and the dynamics of international financial support and partnerships. In order to sustain the UN’s reconfiguration in Sudan while supporting Sudan’s own political transition, the UN should consider the following: Articulating a forward-looking political compact with Sudan to guide UN support to the political transition; Rapidly expanding support for urgent peacebuilding and protection priorities in Darfur; Continuously evaluating the UN’s operational presence and substantive impact outside of Khartoum; Encouraging the Sudanese government to provide regular updates on the implementation of the Juba Peace Agreement and its national protection of civilians plan; Providing frequent, detailed assessments of UNAMID’s drawdown and liquidation; Undertaking a nationwide campaign to raise awareness of UNITAMS; and Considering additional reforms to the UN’s peace and security pillar on mission planning processes. In addition, to support the efforts of the UN and the Sudanese transitional government, UN member states could consider the following: Increasing financial support to coherently address Sudan’s peacebuilding and development needs; Maintaining a close relationship between the UN Security Council and the AU Peace and Security Council on Sudan; and Sustaining international attention on Sudan’s transition and maintaining UN support.
Topic:
United Nations, Peacekeeping, and Transition
Political Geography:
Africa and Sudan

126. When jihadists broker peace: Natural resource conflicts as weapons of war in Mali’s protracted crisis

Author:
Boubacar Ba and Signe Marie Cold-Ravnkilde
Publication Date:
01-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS)
Abstract:
Following Mali’s coup d’état of 18 August 2020, the transitional government is yet to present a roadmap for peace in central Mali outlining a new strategy for dialogue with armed non-state actors. To support this process, it is important that Mali’s international donors identify already-existing local peace agreements and support local-level dialogue with all parties to conflicts. Recommendations: Immediate de-escalation of conflicts is needed through disarmament of militias and rebuilding of trust between local communities and Mali’s armed forces, with a strong focus on protecting civilians. Mali needs a national, comprehensive strategy for how to include jihadists and local militias in dialogue, reconciliation and dispute resolution. International donors need to identify already-existing local peace agreements and support local-level dialogue between all parties to conflicts. Long-term solutions regulating equal access to natural resources for different population groups are key.
Topic:
Agriculture, Climate Change, Democratization, Environment, Terrorism, Water, Food, Non State Actors, Governance, Fragile States, Investment, Peace, and Land Rights
Political Geography:
Africa and Mali

127. Integrating community development in public procurement of renewable energy generation: Lessons from South Africa

Author:
Mikkel Funder, Holle Wlokas, and Karen Holm Olsen
Publication Date:
03-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS)
Abstract:
Renewable energy is key to combatting climate change, but it is critical to ensure a just energy transition that benefits all. Denmark’s development cooperation supports the growth of large-scale renewable energy schemes in several countries, but what is good for recipient governments and Danish exports is not automatically good for the poor. In recent years large-scale wind- and solar schemes in developing countries have increasingly met with local resistance from communities who do not feel they benefit from such projects. How can Denmark help ensure that renewable energy projects contribute to community development in the areas where projects are situated? This policy brief provides lessons learnt and associated recommendations from one particular attempt to address this issue, namely South Africa’s efforts to incorporate community development as a criteria in the auction schemes through which renewable energy is procured. This policy is implemented through the nationwide REIPPP programme, which is among the few of its kind globally. While South Africa’s REIPPPP is not perfect and still developing, the programme does exemplify the basic principle that governments can build requirements for privately owned wind- and solar projects into procurement schemes. Requirements to finance community development, support Community Trusts, and allocate shares to communities are thus examples of approaches that could be developed and adapted elsewhere. In addition, the South African programme includes scoring and - performance criteria in the tendering and monitoring process that align with South Africa’s Black Economic Empowerment policy. The South African experience also, however, illustrates how public, private and community interests may differ in terms of what community development is and how it should be supported. This highlights the importance of developing democratic and inclusive structures for debating and decision-making on the use and allocation of benefits from large-scale renewable energy projects. Drawing on the lessons from South Africa and other similar schemes, the policy brief recommends that Danish development cooperation should: Support the incorporation of community benefits in regulatory frameworks for public procurement of private renewable energy generation Support development of practice frameworks for community engagement in the renewable energy sector Support community co-ownership of renewable energy generation and democratic governance of benefit sharing arrangements The policy brief is the result of collaborative research between DIIS, Stellenbosch University and the UNEP DTU Partnership. It forms part of the wider TENTRANS project, funded by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark and administered by Danida Fellowship Centre.
Topic:
Climate Change, Development, Environment, Poverty, Natural Resources, Inequality, and Emerging States
Political Geography:
Africa and South Africa

128. Renewable energy in Africa is about more than climate change: Aid needed for both clean energy and local capacity

Author:
Rasmus Hundsbæk Pedersen and Ole Winckler Andersen
Publication Date:
03-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS)
Abstract:
Development assistance for new renewable energy in Sub-Saharan Africa is increasingly being used to mobilise additional private capital. Recipient countries do not always share the priorities of donors. Realism and long-term support are key. RECOMMENDATIONS: Continue funding, but also acknowledge different interests and objectives, in order to move new renewable energy to scale. Balance the support for market development with support to government entities. Support longer-term capacity-building to ensure energy sector sustainability in recipient countries. Adopt flexible approaches and ensure independent advice to governments and institutions.
Topic:
Climate Change, Development, Foreign Aid, and Renewable Energy
Political Geography:
Africa, Europe, Denmark, and Sub-Saharan Africa

129. The Status of Amnesty Provisions in Situations of Transition under the African Charter

Author:
Solomon Dersso
Publication Date:
05-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR)
Abstract:
This policy paper presents a review of the analysis of the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights on the legal validity of amnesty provisions under the African Charter. It examines how the obiter dictum of the Commission in Thomas Kwoyelo v. Uganda advances its jurisprudence on amnesty and the parameters the Commission has set for evaluating amnesty provisions.
Topic:
Human Rights, Legal Theory, Violence, Peace, and Reconciliation
Political Geography:
Africa

130. Transitional Justice in Africa: What's Human Rights Got to Do with It?

Author:
Elsabe Boshoff
Publication Date:
05-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR)
Abstract:
The African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights has the potential to play a significant role in the development of holistic transitional justice approaches by providing a framework for states based on the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and related regional human rights instruments. This policy brief presents ways in which the African Commission's 2019 Study on Transitional Justice and Human and Peoples' Rights in Africa develops a comprehensive human rights-based framework for transitional justice processes on the continent, as well as ways in which transitional justice can be mainstreamed in the African Commission's own work.
Topic:
Human Rights, International Cooperation, Transitional Justice, and Humanitarian Crisis
Political Geography:
Africa

131. The African Union Transitional Justice Policy: Expanding the Frontiers of Transitional Justice

Author:
Solomon Dersso
Publication Date:
05-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR)
Abstract:
The African Union Transitional Justice Policy (AUTJP), adopted in 2019, is the culmination of a nearly decade-long legislative process. It endows the African Union with a full-fledged justice architecture in combination with its human rights architecture and the Malabo Protocol on the criminal jurisdiction of the African Court. This policy brief provides a summary of the salient elements of the AUTJP and a discussion on the importance of the policy for societies in transition. It outlines what this policy means in terms of the role of the African Union and how it can be used by affected groups and advocacy organizations, as well as the prospects and challenges for implementation.
Topic:
International Cooperation, Transitional Justice, Regionalism, and African Union
Political Geography:
Africa

132. Charting the Course for Transitional Justice in Africa: Recommendations of the 2017–2020 African Transitional Justice Forums

Author:
Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation
Publication Date:
06-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR)
Abstract:
From 2017 through 2020, the Department of Political Affairs of the African Union Commission and the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation organised annual African Transitional Justice Forums—multistakeholder platforms for identifying solutions rooted in collective and national experiences, sharing best practices to advance an African transitional justice discourse and practice, and generating new ideas on how to support transitional justice processes on the continent, while facilitating cooperation. The ideas and experiences shared at these Forums have contributed to the development, dissemination and implementation of the 2019 African Union Transitional Justice Policy, in addition to critical reflection on how to elaborate its provisions. This policy brief presents the main recommendations of the four African Transitional Justice Forums.
Topic:
International Cooperation, Transitional Justice, Peace, and African Union
Political Geography:
Africa

133. COVID-19, Transitional Justice and Victims' Experiences in Africa

Author:
Olivier Kambala
Publication Date:
06-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR)
Abstract:
This policy paper explores the situation of victims vis-à-vis transitional justice processes in selected African countries when COVID-19 appeared. It looks at the performance of these transitional justice processes and attempts to ascertain the prospects for the African Union Transitional Justice Policy (AUTJP) to improve remedies for victims. It also suggests ways to orient the AUTJP's scope to alleviate victims' plight, including through synchronisation with other regional processes, during and beyond COVID-19.
Topic:
International Cooperation, Transitional Justice, Public Health, Pandemic, African Union, and COVID-19
Political Geography:
Africa

134. Transitional Justice in Crisis Situations: Addressing Violent Extremism, Beyond a Militarised Approach

Author:
Hafsa Maalim and Melvis Ndiloseh
Publication Date:
06-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR)
Abstract:
This policy paper draws from the discussions of the Fourth African Transitional Justice Forum, held on 26–28 October 2020 under the theme "Silencing the Guns in the Context of COVID-19: Progress, Problems and Prospects." Following an overview of the growing threat posed by violent extremism in Africa, the paper highlights limitations of militarised approaches. It further builds a case for mobilising transitional justices measures to address violent extremism, and proposes the tools enshrined in the African Union Transitional Justice Policy (AUTJP) as a viable option.
Topic:
International Cooperation, Transitional Justice, Peace, Reconciliation, and African Union
Political Geography:
Africa

135. Enlivening Transitional Justice within the African Union's Agenda of Silencing the Guns: Looking Beyond 2020

Author:
Andrew Songa
Publication Date:
07-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR)
Abstract:
The African Union (AU) declared 2020 the year of "Silencing the Guns: Creating Conducive Conditions for Africa's Development." The motivation for this theme was to provide impetus for activities to advance the 2013 Solemn Declaration to realise a conflict-free Africa by 2020. This policy paper argues that the AU and its member states must maintain fidelity to the noble objectives of the Solemn Declaration and utilise the extended 10-year period for the AU Master Roadmap on Practical Steps to Silence the Guns by the Year 2020 to ensure that actionable programmes which further peace, security and justice are achieved. A lot of normative progress has been achieved in the last decade, as the 2019 adoption of the AU Transitional Justice Policy indicates, yet the persistent challenge lies in the effective implementation of these instruments at the regional, national and local levels.
Topic:
Development, International Cooperation, Peace, Reconciliation, and African Union
Political Geography:
Africa

136. Torture Victims Have a Right to Rehabilitation: A Guide for Service Providers to Assist Victims of Torture in Securing their Right to Rehabilitation

Author:
Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation
Publication Date:
07-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR)
Abstract:
The PARI Network has developed a Rehabilitation Manual that speaks to victims' rights against torture. It is a guide for service providers to assist victims of torture in securing their right to rehabilitation. The overall objective of the Manual is to enhance African service providers' understanding of torture and how they can assist torture survivors in securing their right to rehabilitation. This is because rehabilitation is more than just care for those who have been tortured. It is a human right which belongs to every victim, regardless of who or where they are.
Topic:
Human Rights, Torture, Rehabilitation, and Victims
Political Geography:
Africa

137. Climate Focused Transitional Justice

Author:
Jasmina Brankovic, Augustine Njamnshi, and Christoph Schwarte
Publication Date:
07-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR)
Abstract:
The Covid-19 pandemic has created human suffering on a global scale, but also a window of opportunity to rethink how we live, work and play. For the time being, calls for a green recovery that builds back better by cutting greenhouse gas emissions, protecting the environment and creating a fairer, more equitable society have become commonplace. This could help to build new momentum in international efforts to combat climate change and rebuild lost trust and goodwill between parties in the intergovernmental negotiations through new collective approaches. If we are serious about creating a better future, transitional justice can provide some important guidance on the way forward. It would provide a framework to deal with past inequitable use of the global environment in a transparent and inclusive manner and shape a new path of international solidarity and collaboration. This paper provides a brief overview of the concept of transitional justice, its techniques and potential relevance in the climate negotiation context.
Topic:
Climate Change, International Cooperation, Transitional Justice, Pandemic, and COVID-19
Political Geography:
Africa

138. A Spiraling Crisis: The different scenarios of Ethiopia’s civil war amid Tigray’s military advancement

Author:
FARAS
Publication Date:
08-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Future for Advanced Research and Studies (FARAS)
Abstract:
Over the past nine months, Ethiopia has been reeling under a civil war that broke out between the federal government and the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF). The conflict, however, saw two important developments, with the first being that the war has spilled over the region’s border into Amhara and Afar. The second development is that Addis Ababa refused to allow corridors via Sudan for humanitarian aid bound for Tigray Region. Addis Ababa took this stand despite the United Nation’s warning that 400,000 people are left on the verge of famine in the beleaguered region and that 90 per cent of the population need lifesaving food aid.
Topic:
Security, Civil War, Military Affairs, Crisis Management, and Humanitarian Crisis
Political Geography:
Africa, Ethiopia, and Tigray

139. Tax Disobedience in Côte d’Ivoire

Author:
Joseph Kone
Publication Date:
06-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Afrobarometer
Abstract:
Since the end of its civil war in 2011 and the installation of President Alassane Dramane Ouattara, Côte d’Ivoire has seen one of the highest rates of economic growth in Africa, sometimes referred to as a new “Ivoirian miracle” (Dionne & Bamba, 2017). As the economy has grown and the state has rebuilt capacity, tax revenues have increased steadily, growing by 37% between 2013 and 2017. In many African states, «import and export taxes constitute the backbone of tax regimes. Revenues are supplemented by indirect taxes, in the form of excise and sales taxes» (D’Arcy, 2011). In the case of Côte d’Ivoire, the government relies heavily on taxes on the export of cocoa and other agricultural products, in addition to taxes on industrial and commercial profits, income, telecommunications, petroleum products, imports, as well as a value-added tax (Ministère du Budget et du Portefeuille de l’Etat, 2020). Even in states with high levels of coercive capacity, citizens’ willingness to pay taxes is a significant determinant of revenues collected. This willingness becomes even more important in contexts of relatively low state capacity, such as has existed in post-conflict Côte d’Ivoire. In fact, a substantial – and growing – proportion of Ivoirians question the state’s right to collect taxes, a fact that could present a significant challenge to the government’s ability to collect revenues in order to rebuild essential state services and avoid excessive debt. This paper focuses on a particular form of tax non-compliance: tax disobedience, or individuals’ refusal to pay taxes and fees as a form of protest. Specifically, it examines several individual-level factors that might be associated with tax disobedience, including lack of a cash income, assessments of public services and elected representatives, accessibility of information, and effective connections with the Ivoirian nation. Our analyses of data from the Afrobarometer Round 7 survey (2017) suggest that some of the conventional wisdom on tax compliance is not supported in the case of tax disobedience in Côte d’Ivoire. While we find, as expected, that individuals who think state performance is improving in delivering key services are less likely to express a willingness to engage in tax disobedience, we find no such link with lived poverty; poorer Ivoirians are no more or less likely than their wealthier counterparts to endorse tax disobedience. Surprisingly, assessments of elected representatives and of corruption in the tax system are not significantly associated with tax disobedience, either. Perceived access to government information and identification with the Ivoirian nation do show associations with tax disobedience, but these links run counter to our expectations: Citizens who think they could access information held by public bodies are significantly more likely to say they engaged or would engage in tax disobedience, as are people who identify more closely with the nation than with their ethnic group. These analyses suggest the need for more research on a crucial question facing African states: Who pays taxes, and who doesn’t?
Topic:
Civil Society, Tax Systems, Revenue Management, and Tax Evasion
Political Geography:
Africa and Côte d'Ivoire

140. Who gets Involved? Insights on Civic Engagement in Africa and Implications for Fostering Volunteerism

Author:
Carolyn Logan, Josephine Appiah-Nyamekye Sanny, and Kangwook Han
Publication Date:
03-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Afrobarometer
Abstract:
The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) set ambitious targets for countries and societies to improve lives and livelihoods around the world. While the expectations of meeting these goals largely fall on governments, it is widely recognized that joint efforts by citizens and their governments will be needed to achieve the best outcomes. Citizen action takes place in many forms and forums, including organizing and working together on shared goals, providing mutual support and assistance, campaigning or advocating for shared needs, and engaging with governments, making demands on them, and holding them to account. While some citizens may become involved in a formal capacity, such as through paid employment in nongovernmental advocacy or service organizations and through employment with governments or other service providers, large numbers will – and must – be engaged in a voluntary capacity. Understanding the nature of this voluntary engagement is a key goal of this analysis. Advocates of volunteerism in Africa have been plagued by a lack of data on who engages in voluntary service, how much they contribute, in what formats, and what the outcomes are. Only a handful of governments have collected data on this topic. Yet our ability to foster and build support for volunteerism is partly dependent on how well we understand the ways people are already engaging every day in these critical but uncompensated contributions in pursuit of the public good. Afrobarometer data can help to fill this void. Although Afrobarometer has not collected data with the explicit aim of studying volunteerism, for more than 20 years it has captured extensive, nationally representative data on respondents’ levels of political and civic participation (much of which can be classed as volunteerism) across seven rounds of surveys in 38 countries. This includes membership in religious and civic organizations and participation in individual and collective efforts to engage with leaders and to voice community needs. In particular, in addition to membership in associations, Afrobarometer tracks the contact of respondents with political and community leaders, their attendance at community meetings, and their efforts to join with others to address issues or express their views. These kinds of civic engagement are the cornerstone of volunteerism to solve problems and improve lives. Understanding who engages, under what circumstances, and why provides a foundation on which to more effectively promote civic engagement and volunteerism in pursuit of the SDGs and other development objectives. This paper explores Afrobarometer data on civic engagement with four main goals: specify how Afrobarometer indicators of civic engagement link to core understandings of volunteerism and its various typologies; map profiles and patterns of the people who engage in volunteerism, especially at the country level; model voluntary civic engagement to identify the key factors and contexts that facilitate or inhibit it at both the individual and country levels; and use these profiles and models to identify entry points for activists who want to foster or support voluntary civic engagement. Our analysis identifies several factors that shape voluntary civic engagement, from socio- demographic ones such as education and wealth to citizens’ socio-political engagement, their personal sense of efficacy, and their overall trust in their governments. Country contexts are important, as we see wide cross-country differences in levels of volunteerism. Among other aspects, wealthier countries, on average, report less volunteerism, while democracies report more. We have found evidence that confronting unmet needs – whether one’s own or those of others – is a major motivating factor of voluntary engagement. These findings suggest a number of opportunities and entry points for increasing citizen engagement. The paper is organized in four parts. Part A begins with a discussion of knowledge on volunteerism and participation, highlighting the lack of evidence and data sources on Africa and how civic engagement intersects with volunteerism. Part B develops descriptive profiles of the participants in voluntary civic engagement. Part C explores key driving factors at the individual and country levels. The final section presents recommendations for acting on these findings.
Topic:
Development, Sustainable Development Goals, Sustainability, and Civic Engagement
Political Geography:
Africa

141. Policy Brief 1: Building Capacity for Development of Factoring in Africa to accelerate trade development and support AfCFTA

Author:
The African Capacity Building Foundation
Publication Date:
03-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF)
Abstract:
This Policy Brief developed by the African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF) and the African Export–Import Bank (Afreximbank) explores the opportunities offered by factoring which provides a solution to address the financing gap for Small and Medium enterprises (SMEs) to support Africa’s structural transformation particularly in trade development as part of the African Continental Free trade Agreement (AfCFTA). The aim of the Policy Brief is to examine the capacity imperatives for the development and use of factoring as an innovative trade financing tool to advance the AfCFTA. The Policy Brief notes that Africa performance in the factoring market needs to improve significantly based on a number of key indicators – such as share in global factoring, including international factoring, innovation such as reverse factoring, number of factoring companies, turn-over per factoring companies and factoring GDP penetration. The Policy Brief also highlights that Africa’s factoring volume of about US$27 billion representing a share representing a share of 0.84% in the global factoring market of approximately US$3,300 billion a year in 2019 is extremely low. It therefore argues that Africa needs a coordinated approach to capacity development to successfully develop and use factoring.
Topic:
Development, Economic Growth, Trade, and Banking
Political Geography:
Africa

142. ‘Designed in Ethiopia’ and ‘Made in China’: Sino-Ethiopian technology collaboration in South-South relations

Author:
Jos Meester
Publication Date:
02-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
Abstract:
This policy brief provides an examination of China’s rise in relation to its African partners. It takes into account geopolitical concerns, but homes in on China’s Belt and Road Initiative, its means of expanding into Africa. It examines the role of the Digital Silk Road in the use of Chinese artificial intelligence and technology transfers on surveillance and the risks of repression. The brief aims to move beyond the politicised narratives surrounding Chinese involvement in Africa by testing them against practical initiatives on the ground. It examines Ethiopia, particularly its burgeoning tech hub known as the ‘Sheba Valley’, in order to understand China’s role in development in African countries. Ethiopia is a critical case because of: the country’s strong relations with China, leading Ethiopia to model its developmental state model on the Chinese one and incentivising civil servants to learn from the Chinese experience; Ethiopia’s attempt to develop its relatively advanced ICT hub (the Sheba Valley) in collaboration with China’s Shenzhen-based ICT hub; Ethiopia’s historically heavy surveillance and repressive practices, in part modelled on China’s practice of prioritising development over democratic reform.
Topic:
International Cooperation, Science and Technology, Geopolitics, Surveillance, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and Artificial Intelligence
Political Geography:
Africa, China, Asia, and Ethiopia

143. ‘A careful foot can step anywhere’: The UAE and China in the Horn of Africa: Implications for EU engagement

Author:
Jos Meester and Guido Lanfranchi
Publication Date:
06-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
Abstract:
Over the last decade, the UAE and China have vastly expanded their economic, political and military footprint in the Horn of Africa, and their actions now have the potential to shape developments in the region. Room for cooperation between Abu Dhabi and Beijing exists on issues such as maritime security, regional stability, and economic development. Moreover, the two countries’ interaction could lead to improvements in the Horn’s underdeveloped infrastructure by triggering a race to investment. Yet, development and stability in the region might suffer if the strategic interests of external players take precedence over local ones, or if local elites (mis)use external support for narrow domestic political calculations. The EU and its member states have high stakes in the Horn’s stability. To optimise their engagement, European policymakers should be aware of the implications of the Emirati and Chinese presence, and they should strive to improve cooperation among the wide range of external players active in the Horn.
Topic:
Economics, International Cooperation, Politics, Military Affairs, Economic Development, and Economic Stability
Political Geography:
Africa, China, Asia, and Horn of Africa

144. ‘Of Cattle and Conflict’ – Rethinking responses to pastoralism-related conflicts

Author:
Jos Meester
Publication Date:
08-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
Abstract:
Disputes over natural resources such as water and land among pastoralist groups and between mobile pastoralists and sedentary farmers have a long history and are turning increasingly violent. Competition over scarce natural resources is often put forward as the key driver of farmer-herder conflicts, disregarding the significant role governance is playing in conflict dynamics. Oversimplifications of the pastoralist-conflict equation and a lack of understanding of pastoralist systems and the way they are governed has led to inappropriate interventions further undermining pastoralism. Policies and interventions in response to pastoralism-related conflicts often do not take an integrated approach but are based on sectoral policies and are not conflict sensitive as they fail to take into account the political economy driving farmer-herder conflicts. Comparing the cases of Burkina Faso, Somalia and South Sudan, this paper analyses how pastoralist resource governance in combination with its specific underlying political economy differentially affects the dynamics of conflict around pastoral resources. Reflecting upon three agendas that inform the thinking about pastoralism as well as donor interventions – climate change, food security and governance – this paper provides some recommendations on how to take underlying political economy into account for sensible and effective programming.
Topic:
Agriculture, Natural Resources, Conflict, and Pastoralism
Political Geography:
Africa, Somalia, South Sudan, and Burkina Faso

145. A warm war: Sudan and Ethiopia on a collision course

Author:
Al Jazeera Center for Studies
Publication Date:
02-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Al Jazeera Center for Studies
Abstract:
Border conflict between Sudan and Ethiopia is fed by current conflicts rooted in historical disagreements, and may develop into a regional crisis that will expand to include Egypt, which considers the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam a threat to its national security.
Topic:
National Security, War, and Conflict
Political Geography:
Africa, Sudan, and Ethiopia

146. EU-Africa relations in the light of the Covid-19 pandemic. State of play and prospects

Author:
Alexandre Kateb
Publication Date:
02-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Robert Schuman Foundation (RSF)
Abstract:
According to official statistics, the African continent has been relatively spared by the Covid-19 pandemic compared to Europe, America and Asia. The factors behind the low incidence of coronavirus in Africa are not fully understood. According to the WHO, the African continent has benefited from certain structural factors such as the limited international connectivity of most African countries, with the exception of some regional "hubs" such as Johannesburg, Casablanca, Addis Ababa and Nairobi. Incidentally, the most 'connected' African countries such as Morocco and South Africa have incurred the highest prevalence rates of Covid-19, which may lend credence to this explanation.
Topic:
International Relations, European Union, Pandemic, and COVID-19
Political Geography:
Africa and Europe

147. Public development aid should refocus on agriculture and education in Africa

Author:
Louis Caudron
Publication Date:
03-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Robert Schuman Foundation (RSF)
Abstract:
On 18 December 2020, the European Commission welcomed the political agreement reached between the European Parliament and the Member States allocating €79.5 billion to a new Neighbourhood, Development Cooperation and International Cooperation Instrument (NDCI) for the period 2021- 2027. Since its creation, the European Union has been a major player in public aid granted by rich countries to developing countries. The European Development Fund (EDF) was launched by the Treaty of Rome in 1957 and for decades provided aid to the former colonies in Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific (ACP). The eleventh EDF, covering the period 2014- 2020 with a budget of €30.5 billion, will be replaced by the NDICI (Neighbourhood, Development and International Cooperation Instrument). The Union and its Member States are the world's largest donor of official development assistance. Their contribution of €74.4 billion in 2018 represents more than half of the OECD countries’ Official Development Assistance ($150 billion in 2018).
Topic:
Agriculture, Development, Education, and Foreign Aid
Political Geography:
Africa and Europe

148. A Comprehensive Evaluation on Korea’s ODA to Rwanda’s Agriculture Sector and Its implications for Strategic Approaches

Author:
Young Ho Park, Minji Jeong, and Soo Hyun Moon
Publication Date:
01-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Korea Institute for International Economic Policy (KIEP)
Abstract:
There has been a growing consensus in the national and international aid architecture that sporadic or scattered aid modality should be avoided. This study conducted a comprehensive cluster evaluation on Korea’s agricultural ODA to Rwanda between 2013 and 2017, with two newly devised indexes: Cluster Performance Index (CPI) and Resource Allocation Index (RAI). Every Korean agricultural ODA project was categorized into five clusters and numerically evaluated against criteria widely used in the evaluation of development projects: relevance, efficiency, effectiveness and sustainability. Our cluster evaluation reveals that projects are mostly planned appropriately, but in some clusters, large amounts of the budget have been invested in poorly planned projects. Regarding efficiency, there was considerable room for improvement in all clusters. Particularly, in the Monitoring and Evaluation (M&E) category, all clusters scored below average. Concerning performance evaluation, all clusters scored relatively high in effectiveness, specifically in goal achievement. Lastly, in terms of sustainability, risk management was found to be relatively inadequate in all clusters. Based on the lessons from the aforementioned observations and analysis results, this study suggests ODA quality can be improved by optimizing budget allocation, improving monitoring efficiency, creating synergistic effects through cluster linkage, and developing agricultural value chain program.
Topic:
Agriculture, Foreign Aid, Economy, and Value Chains
Political Geography:
Africa, Asia, Korea, and Rwanda

149. Managing Senegal’s Oil and Gas Revenues

Author:
William Davis, Andrew Bauer, and Papa Daouda Diene
Publication Date:
12-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Natural Resource Governance Institute
Abstract:
As of late 2021, Senegal is on the cusp of becoming a significant oil and gas producer. The revenues that it can expect to mobilize present it with an important opportunity to speed the country’s development by increasing public investment. In preparation for this, Senegalese authorities are currently revising the country’s framework for managing its oil and gas revenues, which remains a work in progress. The authors of this report evaluate various aspects of Senegal’s policy framework for managing oil and gas revenues and share recommendations as to how it could be strengthened.
Topic:
Oil, Natural Resources, Gas, and Revenue Management
Political Geography:
Africa and Senegal

150. Step by Step: Closing the Implementation Gap in Senegal's Petroleum Licensing Process

Author:
Papa Daouda Diene and Nicola Woodroffe
Publication Date:
12-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Natural Resource Governance Institute
Abstract:
Historically, Senegal has experienced significant “implementation gaps” between rules and implementation of these rules in its petroleum licensing process. Causes have included lack of legal clarity, duplicative and conflicting institutional roles, and lack of institutional capacity. However, Senegal has made good progress on closing this implementation gap. As of 2020, Senegal’s implementation gap in the petroleum licensing process as measured by the Resource Governance Index is very small and reflects recent government reforms, investments and disclosures. Despite major progress in closing the implementation gap in the licensing process, Senegal has significant room for improvement in the transparency of the oil and gas licensing process. Senegal’s government should work to improve laws on the disclosure of assets of public officials and the disclosure of the identities of the beneficial owners of companies applying for and obtaining licenses.
Topic:
Natural Resources, Regulation, Legislation, and Policy Implementation
Political Geography:
Africa and Senegal

151. Socioeconomic Impacts of Climate Change in the Mediterranean

Author:
Octavi Quintana
Publication Date:
11-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
IEMed/EuroMeSCo
Abstract:
The Mediterranean Basin enjoys very at- tractive geographical, climatic, and cultural features. It hosts a high-density population mainly in the coastal areas, of over 500 million people which has doubled in the last 40 years, and it is still increasing at a high pace. The region faces severe threats including water stress, impaired food production, food security, desertification, severe pollution to mention just a few. These threats have been exacerbated in the last decades by increased demography, migration to urban areas, tourism (the first tourist destination in the world), and very importantly, climate change. The Mediterranean suffers from an increase of temperature 20% higher than the world average. It is a real hotspot of climate change. The present monography, sponsored by the European Institute of the Mediterranean (IEMed), addresses the socioeconomic impact of climate change. There are a lot of studies on the biophysical impact of climate change. Its socioeconomic impact has been less studied probably because of its complexity. Important knowledge gaps do exist. The purpose of gathering knowledge on the socioeconomic impact of climate change is to advise decision-makers on the difficult decisions to be taken to mitigate and adapt to climate change in a region facing severe threats that climate change only exacerbates. For decision-makers, the socioeconomic impact is more relevant than the biophysical impact of climate change.
Topic:
Climate Change, Environment, Pollution, and Socioeconomics
Political Geography:
Africa, Europe, Middle East, and Mediterranean

152. Belgian Troops for Takuba: What’s at Stake?

Author:
Nina Wilen
Publication Date:
12-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
EGMONT - The Royal Institute for International Relations
Abstract:
Belgium is once again considering a significant troop contribution to one of the French-led military operations in the Sahel region – this time Task Force Takuba. Recent years’ discussions have stimulated debate about the risks and benefits linked to such a deployment but failed to result in any political consensus. Against this background, this brief answers the questions: What? Why? and So What? Belgium is once again considering a significant troop contribution to one of the French-led military operations in the Sahel region – this time Task Force Takuba. Recent years’ discussions have stimulated debate about the risks and benefits linked to such a deployment but failed to result in any political consensus. Against this background, this brief answers the questions: What? Why? and So What?
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Military Strategy, Military Intervention, and Humanitarian Crisis
Political Geography:
Africa, Europe, Belgium, and Sahel

153. Building blocks for regional cooperation on Transitional Justice

Author:
Valerie Arnould
Publication Date:
12-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
EGMONT - The Royal Institute for International Relations
Abstract:
This policy brief is a report on the expert workshop on AU-EU cooperation on transitional justice which was organised in October 2021 by Egmont – The Royal Institute for International Relations, the University of Leuven, the Belgian Federal Public Service Foreign Affairs, the European External Action Service and the African Union. The workshop sought to examine some of the challenges and lessons learned so far from AU and EU support for transitional justice. Discussions focused on four areas: transitional justice’s contribution to peacebuilding, the role of civil society in transitional justice, the integration of a socioeconomic dimension to transitional justice and the gendering of transitional justice.
Topic:
Diplomacy, Regional Cooperation, European Union, and Africa Union
Political Geography:
Africa and Europe

154. Accountability in Policing COVID-19: Lessons from the Field

Author:
Anna Myriam Roccatello and Mohamed Suma
Publication Date:
09-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ)
Abstract:
As countries around the world roll out their COVID-19 vaccination programs and gradually reopen their economies and borders, the coronavirus continues to ravage vulnerable communities. Moreover, these same communities have borne the brunt of the economic disruption caused by the pandemic, which decimated livelihoods, increased poverty, and exacerbated inequalities in many countries. Early in the pandemic, countries rushed to shut their borders and impose emergency measures, such as curfews, travel restrictions, and community lockdowns. States deployed security forces to enforce these measures, some of which resulted in widespread human rights violations, including torture, killings, and intimidation of persons perceived as failing to comply with their orders. Colombia, Kenya, Lebanon, and Uganda—all countries where ICTJ works—are among those whose security agencies weaponized their powers under these emergency measures and often used brutal means to keep people off the streets. While constitutional police forces committed the bulk of these abuses, a growing number of paramilitaries, citizen vigilantes, and other nonstate forces have also committed human rights violations while enforcing the emergency measures. However, the COVID-19 pandemic underscores states' obligation to protect the inherent right to life and the subsequent right to health. Moreover, national and international human rights laws allow states to temporarily suspend certain rights and invoke special powers that would be considered an infringement of civil liberties in normal situations. Thus, the suspension of those rights is justified by the need to protect the collective good. This paper analyzes the emerging trends of draconian regular policing and vigilante policing during the pandemic in Colombia, Kenya, Lebanon, and Uganda. The paper also describes how armed nonstate groups have come to exercise control in communities where there is no government presence to enforce emergency lockdown and other measures, with little regard for the principles of proportionality and non-discrimination. In all contexts, since the outbreak of the COVID-19, regular police and paramilitary forces have increased their powers, which they have abused extensively. As a result, some policing practices have become deadlier than the virus itself and have exposed the profound frailties of democratic governance.
Topic:
Reform, Criminal Justice, Crisis Management, Institutions, Police, and COVID-19
Political Geography:
Uganda, Kenya, Africa, Middle East, Colombia, South America, and Lebanon

155. Why Europe Should Build Legal Migration Pathways with Nigeria

Publication Date:
07-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Center for Global Development
Abstract:
The youth population within Nigeria is rapidly increasing, but despite their high levels of education and skills, many are struggling to find meaningful work opportunities at home. At the same time, Europe’s working-age population is declining, resulting in employers in these countries facing large and persistent skill shortages within a range of mid-skill professions. Despite the large benefits that facilitating migration between Nigeria and Europe could bring, and despite the overtures of both European governments and the European Union, few mutually beneficial migration partnerships exist. Over the last year, CGD has been working with the World Bank to understand how our Global Skill Partnership migration model could be implemented between Nigeria and Europe. The full results of this work have now been published in a new report, Expanding Legal Migration Pathways from Nigeria to Europe: From Brain Drain to Brain Gain. The report explores both why Nigeria and Europe should implement migration partnerships and develops a framework as to how they can do so. This framework is then applied to three sectors and partner countries: a healthcare partnership between Nigeria and the United Kingdom (UK), a construction partnership between Nigeria and Germany, and an ICT partnership with various European states. This brief focuses on the first part of this equation, the why: understanding the opportunity that lies before us to better link the labor markets of Nigeria and Europe and the innovation that could do just that.
Topic:
Migration, Immigration, Border Control, and Immigration Policy
Political Geography:
Africa, Europe, and Nigeria

156. Women and COVID-19 in MENA

Author:
Amaney Jamal and Mary Clare Roche
Publication Date:
06-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Arab Barometer
Abstract:
Key Findings: Women more concerned about COVID-19 than men COVID-19 increased family stress Perceptions of gender based violence tended to decrease during the pandemic Structural barriers to work more pressing than cultural barriers
Topic:
Gender Issues, Women, Pandemic, and COVID-19
Political Geography:
Africa, Middle East, North Africa, and MENA

157. New African Union Commission (2021-2025) Challenges and Issues After the Reform Initiated by Paul Kagamé

Author:
Benjamin Augé and Félicité Djilo
Publication Date:
12-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Institut français des relations internationales (IFRI)
Abstract:
The election of the Commission to run the African Union (AU) on February 6 and 7, 2021 was an important step towards implementing its institutional reform. The Commission is the institution’s real government, setting the pan-African organization’s objectives under the leadership of the Heads of State who meet once a year at the Assembly. The Chadian Moussa Faki, who was re-elected as AU Commission (AUC) Chairperson, has the onerous task of undertaking this reform, initiated by the former AU Chair, Rwandan president Paul Kagamé, between 2016 and 2018. The African Union (AU) has been led for the past year by a new Commission whose results will be closely scrutinized by the organization's member countries. The Covid-19 pandemic has largely contributed to slowing down the institutions in Addis Ababa, handicapping the South African and Congolese presidencies. The Senegalese presidency is eagerly awaited to exit the AU from the theme that has dominated debates for 24 months into Covid-19. The reform of the African Union initiated by Rwandan President Paul Kagame is beginning to be implemented, but its results will have to be assessed in the long term. The AU's Peace and Security Council (PSC) is in the hands of Nigerian Bankole Adeoye after 18 years of Algeria's stranglehold. The PSC is facing a multitude of a multitude of crises - civil war in Ethiopia, Cabo Delgado in Mozambique, English-speaking provinces of Cameroon, coups d'état in Mali, Guinea and transition in Chad - the management of which remains particularly politicized.
Topic:
Diplomacy, Reform, and African Union
Political Geography:
Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa

158. Partnering for Africa’s digital future: Opportunities for the United States, South Korea, and India

Author:
Aleksandra Gadzala Tirziu
Publication Date:
04-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Atlantic Council
Abstract:
Technological competition between the United States and China poses a special dilemma for African nations, whose prosperity depends on doing business with both Beijing and Washington. Although President Joe Biden is expected to assume a softer policy stance toward China—one couched in the language of human rights and liberal values, rather than power and strategic capabilities—competition will persist, driven by Beijing’s ambition to control the key technologies of the future. Rising US-China tensions may eventually force African nations to take sides. Speaking at the 2020 Munich Security Conference, then-US Defense Secretary Mark Esper warned allied nations that the use of Chinese company Huawei’s fifth-generation (5G) technology could compromise future intelligence cooperation with the United States. That’s a real problem for Africa because, together, Huawei and Chinese phone maker ZTE have built nearly 80 percent of Africa’s third-generation (3G) network infrastructure, while Huawei has built 70 percent of all fourth-generation (4G) networks and is competing to build all the future 5G networks in Africa. Chinese mobile-phone maker Transsion Holdings controls 64 percent of Africa’s feature phone market, and more than 40 percent of its smartphone market, and social media platforms such as TikTok and Vskit are fast becoming popular among Africa’s connected youth. For African leaders, disassociation from Beijing is becoming less and less feasible—or attractive. So too is closer alignment with the United States. Washington simply cannot match the large volumes of funding that Beijing extends to the continent. Recent conduct by leading US technology companies, including by Facebook and Google following the 2020 US presidential election, has additionally prompted a global pushback against US “big tech” that could make it harder for the US public and private sectors to compete and hold sway in African markets. Fortunately, there is a third way, both for African countries looking to avoid the crossfires of US-China competition, and for US policymakers seeking to bolster US competitiveness and influence in the region. The solution hinges on closer cooperation with emerging powers, notably South Korea and India, which have recently demonstrated their determination to better understand Africa’s challenges and prospects, and to figure out how their citizens could collaborate with African businesses and governments. For example, in his 2018 address to Uganda’s parliament, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi outlined “ten guiding principles for India-Africa engagement” that center on cooperation in digitalization, clean-energy technologies, and cybersecurity—a marked detour from the policies that have historically shaped India-Africa ties. South Korea-Africa relations under President Moon Jae-In have also entered a new phase, with an emphasis on commercial linkages and people-to-people collaboration. Both South Korea and India are rapidly expanding their technological capabilities, and their foreign policies also align well with US interests in the region, and vis-à-vis China. For Washington, cooperation with these emerging powers could keep the door open to US influence in Africa, and could help ensure that Beijing’s strategic foothold in the continent does not deepen. For African countries, such partnerships could help bypass the “either-or-ism” implicit in US-China competition, while encouraging greater diversity and agency in their foreign affairs. There is real opportunity for African states to realize the potential that such alliances could create, and to become significant multilateral actors, able to leverage their distinct assets and pursue their own interests. This report explores how.
Topic:
Science and Technology, Economy, Business, Space, and Innovation
Political Geography:
India, Korea, and Africa

159. Generational Dynamics of Economic Crisis and Recovery: Prospects for Younger and Older Persons

Author:
Nicole Goldin
Publication Date:
11-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Atlantic Council
Abstract:
Economic shocks affect young and older age groups disproportionately and highlight the insecurity of the youth labor market and volatility of older people’s savings. The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated youth labor market challenges and caused young people to either lose jobs or work fewer hours. It also undermined the financial security of older people who tend to own small businesses given that half of the small businesses either closed down or lost significant revenue during lockdowns. Furthermore, COVID-19 exacerbated the digital divide between generations. While younger people are more likely to be technologically savvy, older generations often lack digital literacy to adapt to online work or virtual communications platforms. Dr. Goldin argues that to alleviate the disproportionate suffering experienced by young and elderly age groups during the pandemic, policymakers should increase targeting of social-protection measures, facilitate private-sector investment in education and training, invest in improving digital services and infrastructure, ensure access to financial services, and collect age-disaggregated data on economic and COVID-related indicators.
Topic:
Women, Internet, Economic Growth, Youth, Resilience, COVID-19, Digital Policy, and Inclusion
Political Geography:
Africa, South Asia, Middle East, East Asia, and Latin America

160. What role for NATO in the Sahel?

Author:
Chloe Berger
Publication Date:
12-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
NATO Defense College
Abstract:
Since the collapse of the Libyan regime in 2011, the Sahel region has gradually gained significance within the NATO environment. The chaos in Lib- ya has accelerated the interconnection of North African and Sahelian dynamics, creating a complex environment with serious implications for both the stability of North Africa and the Mediterranean Basin. The Sahel region suffers from a paradoxical situation. In view of the multiple national (Sahel armed forces), regional (African Union (AU), Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)) and internation- al actors (United Nations, European Union, and also non-African states) present on the ground, the situation is often dubbed a “security traffic jam”. Some NATO Allies who have traditionally wielded influence in this region, have also invested in regional stabilization and development efforts for a long time. For the first time at the June 2021 NATO Summit, Al- lies have explicitly voiced their concerns over the “dete- riorating situation in the Sahel region”.1 As the “newest addition” in this already “crowded” environment, and at a time of review of its Strategic Concept, the Alli- ance must demonstrate its added value; identify “niche” areas where it can complement and strengthen existing efforts; while considering the Sahelian countries’ aspira- tions and specific needs.
Topic:
Security, Defense Policy, NATO, International Cooperation, and Military Strategy
Political Geography:
Africa, Europe, North America, and Sahel

161. Funding the ERP: Analysis of funding for the implementation of the Education Response Plan (ERP) for refugees and host communities

Author:
Oxfam Publishing
Publication Date:
12-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Oxfam Publishing
Abstract:
This paper is an analytical review of the financial performance of the Education Response Plan for refugees by the end of June 2020. This analysis gives an in-depth review of the education financing for Government of Uganda supported schools in refugee settlements in Lamwo District Local Government. The total contribution of the Government of Uganda to the actual ERP spend was USD 11.86 million (9.38%). The multilateral donors contributed most to the ERP between year 0 and year 1, with a total contribution of USD 38.69 million (31%). This paper was written by The Centre for Budget and Tax Policy.
Topic:
Education, Refugees, Public Spending, and Schools
Political Geography:
Uganda and Africa

162. More Local is Possible: Recommendations for enhancing local humanitarian leadership and refugee participation in the Gambella refugee response

Author:
Freddie Carver, Elizabeth Deng, and Yotam Gidron
Publication Date:
12-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Oxfam Publishing
Abstract:
The Gambella region of western Ethiopia hosts over 300,000 South Sudanese refugees in seven camps. The refugee response is dominated by UN agencies and international NGOs and staffed mostly by Ethiopians from outside of Gambella, creating a gap between humanitarian actors and the people they seek to assist. In order to realize commitments to localization and refugee participation made in the Charter for Change, the Grand Bargain and the Global Compact for Refugees, it is critical for refugees and local populations to be more involved in shaping and leading the delivery of aid. This could be achieved through increasing the role played by Gambella-based NGOs, engaging with faith-based actors, facilitating diaspora initiatives and supporting the development of refugee-led organizations.
Topic:
Refugees, Leadership, Humanitarian Intervention, and Local
Political Geography:
Africa and Ethiopia

163. An African Response to COVID-19: From principled first response to just recovery

Author:
Ray Deepayan Basu
Publication Date:
04-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Oxfam Publishing
Abstract:
In November 2020 Oxfam and SOAS facilitated an online high-level event to bring together African and international policy and public-health professionals to discuss their experiences during the COVID-19 pandemic, and offer insights into strategies and policies they have enacted in their respective contexts. Speakers tackled a wide range of issues, including government strategies and policies implemented, public health messaging and community engagement, varying threads of intersectionality and an honest discussion about gaps and additional support. This ‘outcomes’ paper draws out the key themes, trends and recommendations emerging from the discussions to inform a people-not-profit-centric Covid response.
Topic:
Public Health, Pandemic, Community, and COVID-19
Political Geography:
Africa

164. In Our Own Words: Perspectives from local actors in the Horn, East, and Central Africa

Author:
Elizabeth Deng
Publication Date:
02-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Oxfam Publishing
Abstract:
Oxfam is committed to supporting the participation of local actors in humanitarian and development responses. This includes ensuring their opinions and perspectives about priorities, needs, and appropriate ways of addressing issues are part of public debate. Oxfam advocates for their presence and participation in coordination meetings and other spaces for decision-making. We also provide support to local actors to write and publish their opinions and perspectives. This paper is a compilation of eight opinion pieces written by local actors in the Horn, East, and Central Africa region, with editing and publishing support from Oxfam. The pieces were originally published by Devex, Citizen Digital, Media Congo, IPS News, African Arguments, Nile Post, and WeInformers.
Topic:
Development, Local, Humanitarian Crisis, and Participation
Political Geography:
Africa

165. Overcoming The Challenge Of Fiscal Transition In Cameroon

Publication Date:
01-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:
On 16 November 2020, Cameroon’s government published the 2030 National Development 2020- Strategy (SND30), which operationalises the second phase of the emergence vision for 2035. This 10-year plan aims to implement favourable conditions for sustainable economic growth and an accumulation of national wealth through structural changes essential for industrialisation. The strategic objectives to be achieved can be summarised as follows: achieve approximately a double-digit economic growth attain the 25% threshold as the share of manufacturing production in GDP reduce poverty to less than 10% in 2035 consolidate the democratic process and strengthen national unity while respecting the diversity that characterises the country To achieve these clearly defined objectives, public authorities must increase their efforts to encourage local production. In other words, local producers need to be supported and supervised by being rewarded with a package of tax relief measures. The challenge is to promote the “made in Cameroon” and progressively reduce the dependence on manufactured products’ imports.
Topic:
Economics, Economic Growth, Tax Systems, and Fiscal Policy
Political Geography:
Africa and Cameroon

166. Obtaining Construction Permits In Cameroon: Dealing With The Law

Author:
Dinga Tambi and Henri Kouam
Publication Date:
03-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:
Infrastructure is a prerequisite for economic development. It forms the backdrop of sustained economic progress, creates employment opportunities and improves citizens’ quality of life. To this end, the World Bank created the “Doing Business Index” to measure the performance of countries. Admittedly, construction permits comprise a sub-category of the overall index where Cameroon ranks from 166th in 2019 to 167th in 2020. This article looks at current legislation for obtaining construction permits, the various parties involved and the implications for Cameroon’s economic development.
Topic:
Infrastructure, World Bank, Business, and Economic Development
Political Geography:
Africa and Cameroon

167. Assessing The Mechanism Of The Issuance Of Construction Permits In Cameroon

Author:
Jean-Cedric Kouam
Publication Date:
03-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:
The building permit is a preliminary declaration that allows for the verification of a construction initiative in a given locality, in line with the respect of town planning and architectural rules in force. In Cameroon, this document issued by the local council authority is mandatory for any possible new construction or modification of an existing construction. Therefore, any construction without an official permit is liable to a penalty of 30% of the estimated cost of the building. According to Law No.2004/003 of April 21, 2004 governing the Cameroonian Urban Planning Code and the decree of 23 April 2008; the process of obtaining this document has been considerably shortened. Yet, it remains quite complex. This complexity is evident in the plurality of procedures, requirements, norms, offices, conditions, actors, documents, and stakeholders involved in the process. All these are accompanied by the heavy financial burden, time-consuming processes, boycotts, administrative bottlenecks and corruption; all of which lead to unorganized and slow urban development. Moreover, within this complexity, is the reality that such mechanisms differ from one place to another across the national territory; thereby creating some sought of uncertainty, non-uniformity, and lack of trust in the system. The improvement in the issuance mechanism of Construction Permits in Cameroon is very vital for a country that has the ambition to achieve its economic emergence by 2035.
Topic:
Infrastructure, Regulation, Business, and Economic Development
Political Geography:
Africa and Cameroon

168. The Promise Of Digital Health In Africa

Author:
Odette Kibu, Dr. Asahngwa Constantine, Wilfred Ngwa, Charlotte Bongfen, Ronald Gobina, Nkengafac Fobellah, and Denis Foretia
Publication Date:
03-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:
Digital Health holds enormous potential to improving access to health care services. It has been well documented that the African health sector is facing challenges in the delivery of high quality healthcare both in terms of development of high quality programs and also in increasing access to health care services. Despite decades of foreign assistance, few countries in the region are able to spend even the $34-$40 per person per year that the World Health Organization (WHO) considers the minimum necessary to provide a population with basic health care. In spite of the billions of dollars of international aid dispensed, an astonishing 50 percent of Sub-Saharan Africa’s total health expenditure is financed by out-of-pocket payments from its largely impoverished population. Interventions that aim at increasing access to high quality healthcare in a cost effective way have the potential to greatly transform the health sector. Digital healthcare technology stands out in the 21st century as a major game changer for the health sector and the African continent is well positioned to benefit greatly since technology can help tackle the rising burden of disease and major obstacles in infrastructure and the environment.
Topic:
Science and Technology, World Health Organization, Health Care Policy, Digital Policy, and Global Health
Political Geography:
Africa, Cameroon, and Sub-Saharan Africa

169. Market Research: A Key Determinant Of Success For SME Start-Ups In Cameroon

Author:
Dinga Tambi and Dr. Fuein Vera Kum
Publication Date:
03-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:
Small and Medium-sized Enterprises (SMEs) are regarded as vectors for job and wealth creation throughout the world. They contribute to generating growth as well as redistributing wealth in both developed and developing countries [1]. In Cameroon, SMEs constitute 95% of the country’s economy and also helps in job creation especially among the youths [2]. This, to a greater extent, means that their successes or failures have significant implications for economic growth. To be successful, and to stand out as a pillar of national growth in the country, SMEs need to invest in essential practices that nurture a high level of mastery of the contextual factors that foster their growth. They also need to demonstrate an understanding of factors that may impede the growth trajectory they require to be the drivers of economic growth which they represent. Hence, it becomes imperative for SMEs to invest in market research. This will help them to grow and develop sustainably and not quickly go out of business. Market research is a fundamental determinant for the success and growth of SMEs. However, this is not always the case in Cameroon as most local investors fail to carry out market research before their establishment and in the course of their operations that can help them grow sustainably. Most SMEs in Cameroon do not survive after the incubation phase. According to business and finance experts, this happens due to the absence of market research and the inability of these enterprises to create a specialized market for themselves and their products [3].
Topic:
Business and Economic Development
Political Geography:
Africa and Cameroon

170. The Concept Of Africapitalism And The Role Of The Private Sector In Africa’s Socio-Economic Development

Author:
Dinga Tambi and Dr. Fuein Vera Kum
Publication Date:
03-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:
Development is one of the main priorities of the United Nations. Development is a multidimensional concept that seeks to achieve a higher quality of life for all people. Economic development, social development and, environmental protection are interdependent and mutually reinforcing components of sustainable development. Africa is one of the fastest-growing continents in the world today. The private sector plays a great role in terms of job creation and employment. Constrained by a crippling environment and burdensome government policies for decades, Africa still hosts a majority of the least developed countries of the world. The private sector is said to have a major role to play in Africa’s development, a situation which Elumelu (2019) describes as ‘Africapitalism.’ According to Elumelu (2019) Africapitalism represents the belief that the private sector in Africa has a critical role to play in the continent’s development. For Africapitalism to hold, some basic principles have be put in place. These include entrepreneurship, long-term investments, investment in strategic sectors, and regional connectivity amongst others. Africapitalism lays emphasis on private sector growth as the primary driver of Africa’s development. It calls for a new kind of capitalism for Africa: one that focuses on long-term investment in key sectors of the economy to spark the growth of African-owned businesses, stimulate the creation of jobs, and guarantee sustainable economic growth. Essentially, africapitalism embodies a private sector-led approach to solving some of Africa’s most intractable economic growth and development problems.
Topic:
Economics, Capitalism, Business, Economic Development, Private Sector, and Job Creation
Political Geography:
Africa

171. State-Centric Approach to Resolving the Anglophone Conflict in Cameroon: What Prospects?

Author:
Francis Tazoacha
Publication Date:
04-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:
The Nkafu Policy Institute, a think–thank of Denis and Lenora Foretia Foundation, Simbock, Yaoundé, Cameroon, hosted a webinar on January 26, 2021 on the theme: “Can the Anglophone Crisis be Solved Through a State-Centric Approach?” Hosted in partnership with the National Endowment for Democracy based in Washington DC, the webinar sought to know if the ongoing conflict in North West and South West Cameroon can be resolved through a state–centric approach. Bringing together about 68 participants, the January 2021 webinar sought to provide a platform for knowledge sharing and dialogue on the anglophone conflict and brainstorming to see if the state alone can resolve the conflict without the involvement of other stakeholders. The meeting sought to address a widely recognized need for the government of Cameroon to ensure greater involvement of civil society organizations, regional bodies, the United Nations, the African Union, Nation States and international mediators in the sustainable resolution of the conflict. For the past four years, the socio-political climate of the Anglophone regions of Cameroon has been very volatile. The long-standing grievances among the Anglophone population in the North West and South West Regions of Cameroon concerning marginalisation particularly in the educational and legal systems by the Francophone-dominated government led to widespread protests in October 2016.1 The conflict escalated from a peaceful demonstration that was met with a heavy crackdown from the government security forces in 2017. As a result, the situation morphed into an armed conflict with increasing support by the population in the Anglophone regions to seek independence from Cameroun – French Cameroon – as an independent “Republic of Ambazonia.” Since 2017, the conflict has continued unabated without any party seeming to surrender and thus end the war. Despite attempts from the national and international communities to intervene and resolve this destructive conflict, it has nevertheless, resulted in an impasse.2 The government of Cameroon opted for a military strategy from the very beginning of the peaceful protest that quickly changed into an armed conflict. Some pundits attribute this escalation to November 30, 2017 when President Biya, upon his return from Abidjan, Ivory Coast – after attending the 5th African Union-European Union Summit – declared to pressmen at the Yaoundé Nsimalen International Airport that he would put an end to the series of killings of forces of law. He also said he would order in general and the massacres around Mamfe in the South West Region, at the time all claimed to have been perpetrated by “Anglophone separatists.”
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Conflict Prevention, Conflict, Nation-State, and African Union
Political Geography:
Africa and Cameroon

172. Assessing SSR Opportunities and Challenges During the Transition in Mali

Author:
Flore Berger
Publication Date:
02-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF)
Abstract:
Five months after the coup d'état in Mali, the main questions about the 18-month transition period - Who will be the key players? What will the priorities be? - have been answered. But while the transition period opens up new opportunities, there remain many challenges and obstacles to significant progress in security sector reform.
Topic:
Security, Governance, Reform, Leadership, Coup, and Transition
Political Geography:
Africa and Mali

173. Protecting Women from Intimate Partner Homicide in Post-Conflict Societies: Policy Options for Rwanda

Author:
Clementine Kanazayire
Publication Date:
09-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Social Science Research Council
Abstract:
This policy briefing note addresses the challenges and opportunities for identifying women victims of intimate partner violence (IPV) who are at an increased risk of being killed by their partners. It is based on the findings of an APN-supported research project and makes specific recommendations aimed at reducing the rate of intimate partner homicide (IPH) against women in Rwanda. During the genocide against Tutsis, rape was used as a weapon against Tutsi women to humiliate and destroy the targeted group.1 The 2003 Consti- tution of the Republic of Rwanda amended in 2015 marked the turning point for gender equality in the country by putting in place provisions, policies, and programs to increase women’s role in socioeconomic reconstruction. Among other actions, it reserved 24 out of 80 seats in parliament exclusively for women representatives. Rwanda is one of the African countries that domestically implemented UN Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS). Regarding this agenda’s call for the abolition of gender-based violence (GBV) in all its forms, the government of Rwanda ratified Law No. 59/2008 on Prevention and Punishment of Gender-Based Violence, which was reinforced by Law No. 68/2018 of 30/08/2018 on Determining Offences and Penalties in General, and the Organic Law No. 01/2012/OL of 02/05/2012, which instituted the penal code for marital rape, forced marriage, child defile- ment, and human trafficking. Subsequently, institutions and programs were established for preventing GBV and providing integrated medical, psychological, and legal services to victims of GBV. Over the past years, Rwanda has made important prog- ress toward gender equality and heightened awareness of GBV, which has resulted in an increase in the reporting of cases of GBV. However, given that IPV in some cases leads to homicide, it continues to pose a major challenge. This brief is based on an adaptation of the Danger Assessment Instrument (DA-20), which measures the risk of IPH in Rwanda for women who have already experienced intimate partner violence. After adaptation, a version of DA-25 has been developed for the Rwan- dan context and its predictive validity has been tested on a sample of 424 women living in the northern region of Rwanda who responded to two scales: Woman Abuse Screening Tool (WAS-8 short scale), which assesses IPV, and DA-25.
Topic:
Gender Issues, Genocide, Women, Protected People, and Domestic Violence
Political Geography:
Africa and Rwanda

174. Peacebuilding Agencies and Farmer-Herder Conflicts in Nigeria's Middle Belt Region: Successes and Policy Challenges

Publication Date:
01-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Social Science Research Council
Abstract:
This policy briefing note evaluates the responsiveness of peacebuilding agen- cies to the farmer-herder conflict in Nigeria’s Middle Belt region. Although conflicts have occurred between farmers and herders in the region over centuries marked by symbiotic relationships,1 its resurgence since 1999 has assumed a worrisome trend. The Middle Belt states of Benue, Kaduna, Kogi, Nasarawa, Niger, and Plateau, have been the epicenter of the conflict and in some cases, witnessed the complete takeover and renaming of conquered farming communities by invading herdsmen
Topic:
Peacekeeping, Conflict, Rural, and Farming
Political Geography:
Africa and Nigeria

175. The Future Africans Want: When Optimism Is Power

Author:
E. Gyimah-Boadi and Joseph Asunka
Publication Date:
07-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
European Union Institute for Security Studies
Abstract:
The middle of a pandemic that has stopped the world in its tracks may seem like a surprising time to focus our attention on Africa’s future. Covid-19 has triggered lockdowns and school closures, caused job losses, postponed elections (1) and forced us to fix our gaze on the here and now: on staying healthy today, on putting food on the table today, on protecting people’s rights and dignity today. However, a shock like this pandemic also creates an imperative for strategic foresight. As Africa prepares for a post-Covid world, we must take stock of people’s lived experiences and expectations if we are to build back better. What are Africans’ aspirations for their lives and those of their children? How are they thinking about the future and what can they do to shape it? What assets are citizens willing to invest to further their collective ambitions, and how can governments and development actors best harness them? This policy Brief taps into Afrobarometer (2) survey data to map people’s aspirations for the next decade and their willingness to take action to achieve their goals (detailed information on Afrobarometer surveys and methods can be found in endnote 2). Rather than using abstract scenarios or models to build a vision of the future, we asked people directly where they want to go and how they think they can get there (3). Our analysis is grounded in the perspectives of ordinary citizens, their views on the interactions they have with their governments and their reports of the actions they take to participate in policy processes and influence their governments, defined as ‘citizen engagement’. The responses to the surveys show that Africans’ aspirations go well beyond economic and social security: they evince a desire for self-sufficiency and autonomy as well as democratic, accountable and responsive governance. Citizens are largely ready and willing to take action and even to put their own financial resources into the pot in order to realise their ambitions. Examples abound of citizens joining together to do everything: from fighting corruption in the management of local natural resources in Ghana (4), to initiating local awareness-raising and relief campaigns in response to Covid-19 in Cameroon, Kenya, South Africa and South Sudan. (5) Yet too often, governments resist and fail to listen to citizen voices, respond to popular expectations and build the governance systems their people demand. This leaves an enormous resource— the energy and will of millions of citizens — untapped, a luxury that African governments cannot afford as they look to the future and consider how to achieve the ambitious targets of the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the African Union’s Agenda 2063. If they are to make effective use of their people’s assets, decision-makers will need to increasingly engage with their publics by opening doors to information sharing and real collaboration. By expanding the space for African voice and agency in all arenas, from problem-solving to policymaking, the power of citizen actions can be unleashed across the continent. In this opening Brief of the Imagine Africa series, we consider what Africans want their future to look like 10 years down the road and then review current trends in what they say they are getting. The growing gap between ambition and reality discussed in the second and third sections highlights the need for changes in how governments and citizens interact. The fourth section showcases what African citizens can bring to the table in terms of resources, energy, activism and engagement, but also reveals that African governments are not always receptive to these inputs. We conclude with a discussion of what African decision-makers and international supporters can do to more effectively leverage the power of citizen action and engagement.
Topic:
Development, Domestic Policy, COVID-19, and Future
Political Geography:
Africa, Sahel, Horn of Africa, and Sub-Saharan Africa

176. Pivoting to African Conflict Prevention? An Analysis of Continental and Regional Early Warning Systems

Author:
Amandine Gnanguênon
Publication Date:
02-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
European Union Institute for Security Studies
Abstract:
Early warning systems (EWS) are at the heart of conflict prevention strategies, particularly as a component of operational prevention. EWS support decision-makers with timely information, analysis and response options. Although the first generation of EWS have been around since the 1970s and 1980s, they did not come to prominence until the 1990s. In the aftermath of the war trauma in Somalia and the Mano River region (Liberia and Sierra Leone) and the 1994 Rwanda genocide, African EWS – in particular those of the Organisation of African Unity, its successor, the African Union (AU), and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) – were developed to address threats to human security. These EWS have served as a strong foundation for early warning and early action (EWEA) in the continent. Many lessons have been learned in particular from West Africa’s experience, namely from the ECOWAS Early Warning and Response Network (ECOWARN), launched in 2003. ECOWARN has the capability to reform institutions from within the organisation and take grassroots perspectives into account, positioning it as the most advanced regional EWEA system in Africa. Creating the AU in 2002 marked a shift from non-intervention to non-indifference at the continental level. The African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) was an opportunity for African states to display strong political will to develop conflict prevention and resolution mechanisms, by establishing the Continental Early Warning System (CEWS) as one of the APSA’s five components. Over the years, multiple reinforcements have provided African institutions and member states with human, logistical and financial capacities to monitor, analyse and develop tailored and timely responses and policy options to address security challenges. Yet the EWEA gap, at both continental (CEWS) and regional (ECOWARN) levels, remains substantial and affects the full operationalisation of the prevention agenda. Why have political decision-makers not implemented those preventive tools adequately? How can closer relationships between regional and continental EWS in Africa bridge the EWEA gap? To answer these questions, this Conflict Series Brief investigates the challenges and opportunities of cooperation between ECOWARN, the most sophisticated African regional EWEA system, and CEWS, a continental hub for data collection and analysis. It begins by analysing the impact of a lack of clear and systematic collaboration between regional and continental organisations on the development of the overall African EWS. While challenges remain in the institutional division of labour between the AU and ECOWAS, there has been progress in designing their EWS and implementing data collection and analysis. The second part of this Brief argues that the persistent EWEA gap lies in three main challenges on which CEWS and ECOWARN have focused their efforts: the lack of regular interaction between early warning (EW) officials and decision-makers, the unpredictability of conflict dynamics and the political dimensions of conflict responses. The Brief concludes by presenting some lessons learned for Africa’s prevention agenda.
Topic:
Conflict Prevention, Reform, Conflict, and African Union
Political Geography:
Africa

177. Curse or Blessing? How cheap oil influences conflict dynamics

Author:
Matteo Ilardo
Publication Date:
03-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
European Union Institute for Security Studies
Abstract:
When the price of oil goes down, there is often a sigh of relief among oil-importing countries, as cheap oil means a boost for the economy and increased savings for consumers and businesses. As a result, most of Europe tends to notice price shocks only when prices go up: consumers are squeezed while producers accumulate enormous wealth. Yet, for oil-exporting countries cheap oil means increased poverty and tighter budgets – a recipe for instability and conflict. This Conflict Series Brief analyses the effects of the recent pandemic-induced oil price shock on three vulnerable, conflict-affected countries. This is done by testing the two competing theories of the resource curse and of the rentier state, each offering a different interpretation of the oil-conflict nexus: The resource curse theory posits that an abundance of natural resources, and in particular oil, raises the probability, frequency, and intensity of conflict. The rentier state theory sees the presence of oil as having a positive effect on peace, as regimes use revenues to either buy off political opposition or suppress it. The recent price crash and its effects on conflicts in South Sudan, Libya and Iraq provide empirical support to the analysis. This Brief argues that both the stabilising and destabilising mechanisms identified in the two grand narratives are simultaneously at play in oil-rich countries. It shows that oil prices occupy a central role in determining which theory provides the most accurate outcome prediction. As a result, we hope to get a better understanding of the often-counterintuitive role that the resource plays in the onset of civil war. Building on the experience of the 2020 pandemic price plunge, the Brief ends with an overview of the future challenges that cheap oil will entail for producers and for Europe as oil demand peaks and the world moves away from fossil fuels.
Topic:
Civil War, Energy Policy, Oil, War, Natural Resources, and Conflict
Political Geography:
Africa, Middle East, and North Africa

178. Salafi-Jihadism in Africa: A winning strategy

Author:
Giovanni Faleg and Katariina Mustasilta
Publication Date:
06-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
European Union Institute for Security Studies
Abstract:
Violent extremism keeps spreading in Africa, showing notable resilience despite years of counter-extremism and prevention efforts by governments and international actors*. In addition to killing thousands, it costs the affected regions an estimated $97 billion in lost informal economic activity each year. Today, armed actors engaging in violent extremism in the continent are mainly affiliated with Islamist militant groups and organisations and particularly Salafi-jihadist ideology. Recent data indicates a dangerous expansion of Salafi-jihadist armed groups — often simply labelled as violent extremist or terrorist organisations — beyond the traditional hotspots in the Sahel, Lake Chad Basin and the Horn of Africa to West Africa’s coastal states and Central and Southern Africa. The proliferation of militants linked to the Islamic State (IS) in particular and the infighting and complex ties among groups affiliated to different jihadist networks are raising growing alarm among observers. The worrying trend is reflected in the increase of acts of violence designated as terrorism. According to the Global Terrorism Index (GTI), sub-Saharan Africa was the second region in the world affected by deadly terrorism in 2019, superseding the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) for a second consecutive year. Whereas globally the lethality of terrorism is somewhat decreasing, many countries in sub-Saharan Africa are experiencing a contrasting trend. Burkina Faso experienced the largest increase in terrorism in the world in 2019 with nearly 600 people killed in terrorist attacks. Terrorism was assessed to have increased significantly also in Mozambique, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Niger, among others. Seven out of the ten countries most impacted by terrorist violence in 2019 are located in the region. Similar developments continued in 2020. What makes Salafi-jihadist groups appear ‘invincible’? This Conflict Series Brief analyses how Salafi-jihadism spreads across Africa and explores its potential future trajectories. The first section of the Brief analyses the broader picture emerging from recent extremism-affiliated armed violence trends in the region. The second section analyses three aspects making these extremist groups particularly resilient and facilitating their spread in the continent. Based on the findings, the third section demonstrates the dangers of such adaptability, using two foresight scenarios for 2025. Finally, the concluding section outlines the main policy implications: what needs to change to prevent violent extremism from derailing Africa’s Agenda 2063 ?
Topic:
Terrorism, Violent Extremism, Salafism, Conflict, Islamism, and Jihad
Political Geography:
Africa and Sahel

179. Still Not There: Global Violent Deaths Scenarios, 2019–30

Author:
Gergely Hideg and Anna Alvazzi del Frate
Publication Date:
02-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Small Arms Survey
Abstract:
The year 2018 was characterized by a decrease in lethal violence in several of the world’s hotspots, primarily due to a significant de-escalation of the armed conflicts in Iraq, Myanmar, South Sudan, and Syria. The homicide rate also decreased marginally due to population growth outpacing the nominal increase in killings between 2017 and 2018. These two trends jointly resulted in a modest positive change in the rate of violent deaths globally in 2018 which, at 7.8 violent deaths per 100,000 population, is at its lowest since 2012. Still Not There: Global Violent Deaths Scenarios, 2019–30, a Briefing Paper by the Survey’s Security Assessment in North Africa (SANA) project provides an updated trend analysis of global violent deaths and develops global-level scenarios for the years leading to 2030. Based on 2018 figures from the Small Arms Survey’s Global Violent Deaths (GVD) database, the paper also includes a specific analysis of developments in Northern Africa and the five nations of the G5 Sahel region. It finds that under a business-as-usual scenario, Northern Africa’s violent death rate would remain relatively stable by 2030. By contrast, under the same scenario, the fatality rate in the G5 Sahel region would increase significantly.
Topic:
Arms Control and Proliferation, Conflict, Violence, and Death
Political Geography:
Africa, Iraq, Syria, Myanmar, and South Sudan

180. Social Dialogue as a Tool to Fight Inequality & Recover After a Pandemic

Author:
Liv Tørres
Publication Date:
07-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Center on International Cooperation
Abstract:
Si vis pacem, cole justitiam” – “If you desire peace, cultivate justice,” is the motto enshrined in the foundations of the International Labour Organization’s (ILO) building in Geneva, established in 1919. World War I, the Russian Revolution, and the fear of communism that followed, had convinced world leaders that, “universal and lasting peace can be established only if it is based upon social justice,” as they stated in the 1919 Versailles Treaty. Widespread injustice, inequalities, and exclusion were the enemies of peace. Many would argue they are no less relevant today. Over the past 100 years, “social compacts” and “social dialogue” are frequently referenced all over the world as tools to achieve shared growth and prosperity, better working conditions, higher living standards, and higher productivity. Social dialogue is often seen as a miraculous recipe for sustainable development, decent work, and growth, especially in times of crisis or recovery. This was seen in South Africa, where institutions were established as part of the effort to rebuild after Apartheid. It has also occurred periodically in Latin America when social issues have become contentious. The concept was evoked in the U.S.’ New Deal of the 1930s following the economic “crash,” as well as in crisis-torn Scandinavia in the same decade. Now, social dialogue has emerged again among those who are now planning priorities for next decade in the face of massive challenges amidst the COVID-19 pandemic. Liv Tørres considers the following questions in this paper: what actually is social dialogue and what value may it hold for post-pandemic management and recovery?
Topic:
Inequality, Peace, COVID-19, Injustice, and Dialogue
Political Geography:
South Africa and Africa

181. Africa Megatrends: Looking over the Horizon into the Future

Author:
Olli Ruohomäki
Publication Date:
03-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Finnish Institute of International Affairs
Abstract:
Africa is an enormous continent composed of several regions and 54 states, populated with more than 1.3 bil- lion people. Tere are more than 1,500 languages and diverse cultures. Both low-income and high-income countries and disparate levels of development are found on the continent. There is both concern and hope in the air regard- ing the trajectory that Africa’s development will take. Dwelling solely on negative news about confict, polit- ical turmoil, hunger and refugees is not constructive. Neither is seeing Africa through ‘rose-tinted glasses’ as a continent full of promise for trade and investment prospects. Rather, a balanced and realistic vision that looks over the horizon into the future is required. Talking about the diverse and vast continent as a whole is fraught with potential accusations of sweeping generalizations and even arrogance. Nonetheless, this is exactly what the business of forecasting is all about. To put it another way, predicting the future is essentially about painting the canvas with broad strokes and seeing the big picture. It is then up to area studies, sociology, anthropology, political science and similar disciplines to dwell on the more nuanced and detailed case studies. Hence, despite the complexity that forecasting the future of Africa entails, it is possible to outline the main contours of the trajectory of change that in- forms the course of developments on the continent.1 It is with this in mind that this Briefng Paper exam- ines seven megatrends that are shaping the future of Africa
Topic:
Climate Change, Democratization, Environment, International Trade and Finance, Regional Cooperation, Urbanization, Conflict, Regionalism, and Population Growth
Political Geography:
Africa

182. Resolving Human Wildlife Conflict in Botswana Through Social Protection

Author:
Israel R. Blackie
Publication Date:
05-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Botswana Institute for Development Policy Analysis
Abstract:
This policy brief is based on a national tracer survey covering 66 villages in Botswana. The main aim of the study was to ascertain the magnitude and social impacts of human wildlife conflict (HWC) on victims and their families. In addition, the study sought to assess the relevance and effectiveness of the ex gratia compensation scheme to victims of wild animals’ attack which was introduced in 2015. The key findings reveal that local people exposed to life threatening wildlife attacks express fear and animosity towards wild animals, and also feel rejected and disappointed from a fragmented government service delivery system. Major policy recommendations to be considered by government and other stakeholders include provision of comprehensive therapeutic rehabilitation and reconstructive surgery to HWC victims, comprehensive compensation according to the severity of injuries sustained, and establishment of an Ex Gratia Scheme or Ex Gratia Tribunal.
Topic:
Economics, Environment, International Political Economy, Sustainability, Ecology, and Wildlife
Political Geography:
Africa and Botswana

183. Free to choose: A new plan for peace in Western Sahara

Author:
Hugh Lovatt and Jacob Mundy
Publication Date:
05-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR)
Abstract:
The recent violent end of the ceasefire in Western Sahara means the EU and the UN should pay renewed attention to resolving the longstanding conflict between the native Sahrawis and Morocco. Various peace-making efforts over the years have led the Sahrawis’ representative organisation, Polisario, to make concessions to Morocco. However, Morocco remains insistent on an autonomy option for the Sahrawis – not independence. The UN should pursue a “free association” option for Western Sahara – a third way that offers a realistic means of fulfilling Sahrawi self-determination. France, along with the US, should encourage this by removing their diplomatic protection for Morocco both within the EU and at the UN. Correctly aligning the EU’s political and trade relations will be vital to bringing this conflict to a close. It is in EU member states’ interest to ensure a stable southern neighbourhood.
Topic:
Territorial Disputes, European Union, Decolonization, Peace, and Trade
Political Geography:
Africa, Europe, Morocco, and Western Sahara

184. Analysing EU’s Sahel strategies: A civilian approach in the era of pragmatism

Author:
Vojtěch Freitag
Publication Date:
08-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Europeum Institute for European Policy
Abstract:
This April, the EU has unveiled and adopted a brand-new long-term 2021 Sahel strategy, which should reflect the turbulent development and better coordinate the multiple policies and instruments the EU pursues in the region. Does it signal a notable change in EU’s course of action in Sahel? How does it relate to the ‘pragmatist turn’ in the EU’s foreign policy? And what particular issues do the three CSDP missions face?
Topic:
Foreign Policy, European Union, and Pragmatism
Political Geography:
Africa, Europe, and Sahel

185. The EU-MENA Partnership: Time for a Reset

Author:
Marc Otte
Publication Date:
02-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
EGMONT - The Royal Institute for International Relations
Abstract:
The storm raging across the Southern Neighbourhood, as the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region is also known in European terminology, is not about to subside any time soon. Beyond crisis management, current dysfunctions need a long-term, sustained and transformative approach. That was the spirit of the Barcelona Declaration and the original concept of the European neighbourhood policy. Obviously, it didn’t work as expected. The question is why, and how to put the train back on the tracks.
Topic:
Diplomacy, International Cooperation, Treaties and Agreements, and Conflict
Political Geography:
Africa, Europe, Middle East, and North Africa

186. Reflections on a decentralized approach to transitional justice in the DR Congo

Author:
Valerie Arnould
Publication Date:
04-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
EGMONT - The Royal Institute for International Relations
Abstract:
After decades of conflict, state violence and widespread impunity, recent political changes in the Democratic Republic of the Congo seem to be creating renewed prospects for the establishment of transitional justice processes. President Tshisekedi has signalled his interest in creating such processes, while local activists and the UN mission in the DRC are using this opportunity to further press their long-standing demands in this area. This policy brief is inspired by discussions that took place at a workshop organised in January 2021 in Kinshasa by civil society groups to outline what transitional justice in the DRC should look like. While many important points were discussed on this occasion, one interesting question that was raised was whether it might be feasible and appropriate to engage in decentralised approaches to transitional justice. This brief aims to contribute to this reflection by outlining the three forms that such decentralisation could take – minimal, maximal and grounded – and how it might be put into practice in the DRC.
Topic:
Civil Society, Transitional Justice, Conflict, State Violence, and Transition
Political Geography:
Africa and Democratic Republic of Congo

187. Towards a renewed transitional justice in the D.R. Congo

Author:
Mutoy Mubiala
Publication Date:
04-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
EGMONT - The Royal Institute for International Relations
Abstract:
This paper examines the efforts by the current Congolese Government to relaunch a transitional justice process to address past and current widespread and mass crimes perpetrated in the DRC. The agenda for a renewed transitional justice coincides with the celebration of the 10th anniversary of the United Nations’ 2010 report mapping human rights violations in the DRC committed between 1993 and 2003 (‘Mapping Report’). The brief examines and explores the prospects for a renewed transitional justice process in the country, while identifying internal and external opportunities and the challenges ahead.
Topic:
Transitional Justice, Humanitarian Crisis, Transition, and Human Rights Violations
Political Geography:
Africa and Democratic Republic of Congo

188. Decolonising Human Rights Protection in Africa: Impunity Rhetorically Repackaged?

Author:
Stef Vandeginste
Publication Date:
06-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
EGMONT - The Royal Institute for International Relations
Abstract:
Pointing out the need to decolonise human rights protection in Africa, authorities at the level of the African Union (AU) and its member states have initiated a number of institutional reforms. Purportedly aimed at enhancing accountability for human rights violations, in reality these continental mechanisms offer very little prospect to victims. In terms of the individual criminal responsibility of perpetrators, the 2014 Malabo Protocol is no more than an empty shell. In the area of state responsibility, the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights is facing an existential threat because of AU member states withdrawing their declarations to allow individual victims and NGOs to directly access the Court. Ultimately, the rhetorical hijacking and political misuse of the decolonisation paradigm is leaving African victims of human rights violations worse off.
Topic:
Human Rights, International Cooperation, Decolonization, Humanitarian Crisis, and African Union
Political Geography:
Africa

189. Leveraging Extractive Industries to Address Ghana’s Fiscal Challenges: Lessons From the Pandemic

Author:
Andrew Bauer and Denis Gyeyir
Publication Date:
02-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Natural Resource Governance Institute
Abstract:
Ghana’s economy and public finances have been hard hit by the dual shocks of the coronavirus pandemic and the oil price crash. Despite the downturn, the government has managed the pandemic better than most countries. Ghana's early response to the pandemic means the country is expected to be one of the world’s few economies that may continue to grow this year in nominal terms. Importantly for public finances, the Ghanaian government is becoming more dependent on extractive production. Just four years ago, in 2016, extractive revenues represented just 5 percent of fiscal revenues. In 2018, mineral revenues represented more than 3 percent of non-aid fiscal revenues. In 2019, oil revenues represented nearly 10 percent of non-aid fiscal revenues. The government expects oil, gas and mineral receipts to double between now and 2022, which would constitute a five-fold increase in resource dependence in six years unless other sources of revenue can be mobilized. Revenue mobilization is essential since Ghana remains a country at high risk of debt distress. Any further economic or financial shock could draw the government into a debt spiral and default. The Ghanaian government has responded in three ways: committing to macroeconomic stability and fiscal discipline, debt monetization and working to mobilize revenues. In this briefing, the authors discuss each of these strategies and offer recommendations for the government's current debt management policy.
Topic:
Oil, Finance, Economy, and COVID-19
Political Geography:
Africa and Ghana

190. Opportunities and Challenges for Senegal in Oil and Gas Production: Lessons Learned from Other New Producers

Author:
William Davis and David Mihalyi
Publication Date:
05-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Natural Resource Governance Institute
Abstract:
Senegal, with significant reserves of natural gas, appears to be on the verge of becoming a significant hydrocarbon producer. This resource wealth presents the country with opportunities, but also risks. NRGI's new paper reviews the recent experience of other “new producers”, mainly in Africa, and attempts to draw lessons for Senegal on how to make the most of its hydrocarbon resources, taking into account both the changing context due to the coronavirus pandemic and the ongoing transition to renewable energy. Countries face a number of challenges in managing revenues from natural resources. This brief focuses on some of the challenges affecting countries as they prepare for production from oil and gas finds. First, international experience has shown that a number of countries have succumbed to the “presource curse, where overoptimism regarding the future benefits from the sector undermines government policies and ultimately leads to disappointing outcomes. As such, it is important to manage public expectations around what the finds will mean for the economy, and resist pressure to embark on unsustainable borrowing, public spending or investment plans based on overly-optimistic forecasts of the revenues that will flow from these resources. There are also challenges around putting in place an appropriate governance framework to prevent revenues from being lost to tax avoidance/evasion and mismanagement. In the context of the coronavirus pandemic, these challenges are particularly difficult, as countries grapple with fears of losing out on investment, and weigh whether to use resource wealth to finance temporary spending needs to stabilize the economy.
Topic:
Oil, Natural Resources, Gas, Renewable Energy, COVID-19, and Revenue Management
Political Geography:
Senegal and Africa

191. NRGI Impact: Demystifying Ghana’s Agyapa Royalties Deal

Author:
Natural Resource Governance Institute
Publication Date:
06-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Natural Resource Governance Institute
Abstract:
As the coronavirus pandemic struck Ghana in March 2020, its government introduced sweeping social and health measures, but with a hefty price tag: the IMF subsequently projected the government deficit to reach 9.5 percent of GDP. Ghana’s gold wealth was seen as a possible solution. The government proposed creation of a new company, Agyapa Royalties Ltd. The Agyapa plan involves assigning most gold mining royalties from Ghana’s industrial gold production to an offshore company and selling 49 percent of the shares for approximately $500 million. When information on the Agyapa IPO surfaced in social media in early August 2020, NRGI convened discussions with a group of key Ghanaian civil society organizations (CSOs). This group coalesced into a 25-member “Alliance of CSOs Working on Extractives, Anticorruption and Good Governance.” Analysis by NRGI and the CSOs exposed important governance vulnerabilities in the deal, including risk of undervaluation; loss of control over gold sector governance; loss of ability to repay existing loans; limited consultation and questions on transparency and accountability provisions; and corruption risks. NRGI helped the alliance to broaden its advocacy agenda beyond just seeking transparency around the deal terms and politically exposed persons involved. NRGI suggested solutions to ensure an adequate valuation of Ghana’s gold and to protect the sovereign rights of the government to adjust fiscal terms and control decisions made by Agyapa Royalties. The alliance held several press conferences which led Ghana’s top media to actively report on the deal. NRGI connected with key international media outlets, with the Financial Times and the Economist citing NRGI analysts and Ghanaian members of the alliance. Following two months of coordinated pressure from civil society, a special prosecutor’s report outlined potential corruption risks and infringement of procurement legislation, validating some of the risks raised by civil society. The future of the deal is still pending, but civil society successfully placed the issue at the top of the national agenda.
Topic:
Civil Society, Media, Journalism, COVID-19, and Revenue Management
Political Geography:
Africa and Ghana

192. Surplus or Shortage? The Challenge of Setting a Domestic Supply Obligation for Tanzania’s Offshore Gas BRIEFING20 JULY 2021

Author:
David Manley and Thomas Scurfield
Publication Date:
07-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Natural Resource Governance Institute
Abstract:
One of the priorities of Tanzania’s new president is negotiating a way forward for the country’s long-planned offshore gas project. A key issue in this negotiation is the amount of gas that the government will take in the form of a domestic supply obligation (DSO). To increase the country’s energy supply, it wants a larger DSO than the currently agreed amount of around 8.5 percent of reserves. This report analyzes the implications of a larger DSO for meeting Tanzania’s energy needs, for the offshore project and the government revenues it can generate. It builds on previous NRGI analyses by the authors.
Topic:
Energy Policy, Natural Resources, Gas, Regulation, Legislation, Tax Systems, Commodities, and Revenue Management
Political Geography:
Africa and Tanzania

193. NRGI Impact: Safeguarding Ghana’s Petroleum Funds and Ensuring a Resilient Recovery

Author:
Natural Resource Governance Institute
Publication Date:
11-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Natural Resource Governance Institute
Abstract:
Before the coronavirus pandemic struck Ghana, the country’s economy was relatively strong, with growth forecast at around 5.8 percent in 2020. A month after the country’s first recorded coronavirus case, with both national and global restrictions put in place, the IMF revised this figure down to 1.5 percent. The pandemic also exposed Ghana, with its reliance on mining and oil revenues, to sudden volatility in commodity prices. A significant drop in oil prices caused by the pandemic delayed government plans to increase oil production and reduced expected oil revenues, on which Ghana’s 2020 budget forecasts were built. In order to address short-term needs and raise funds to finance an ambitious coronavirus alleviation program, the government obtained a credit line of $1 billion from the IMF in April 2020, as well as support packages from the World Bank and the African Development Bank. But, with aims to reduce dependence on foreign funds, the government turned its attention to oil revenues to fund the pandemic response. Officials floated plans to free up around $200 million for contingency spending by amending the Petroleum Revenue Management Act (PRMA) to allow the use of the Ghana Heritage Fund and to request a cap on the Ghana Stabilization Fund. These were met with protests. The Ghana Heritage Fund was established to save and invest a portion of oil revenues in safe assets to benefit future generations once oil deposits are depleted. Around nine percent of petroleum revenues flow into this fund annually, which, as of June 2020, held around $608 million in allocations and interest on investments. The Ghana Stabilization Fund was set up to balance the budget in times of shocks to the economy and unanticipated shortfalls in oil revenues. The minister of finance, subject to parliamentary approval, can cap accruals to the fund. Excess funds above the cap can then be used for debt servicing or for contingency spending.
Topic:
Natural Resources, COVID-19, and Revenue Management
Political Geography:
Africa and Ghana

194. Transforming Livelihood Systems: Meeting needs in a changing world

Author:
Merry Fitzpatrick, Hassan Alattar Satti, and Manal Hamid Ahmed
Publication Date:
03-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Feinstein International Center, Tufts University
Abstract:
This is the second in a series of learning briefs under the Taadoud II: Transition to Development project, a collaboration led by Catholic Relief Services. The collaboration includes Catholic Agency for Overseas Development (CAFOD), Norwegian Church Aid (NCA), World Vision, and Feinstein International Center, Friedman School of Nutrition Science and Policy at Tufts University. The project is funded by UK Aid. The learning brief series aims to promote awareness and understanding of natural resource use and management in Darfur to support the Taadoud II program and wider programs and policies to effectively build resilient livelihoods. Livelihood strategies are the way people support themselves. People change their strategies as their opportunities, risks, and limitations change. A change in a household’s strategies can affect members of the household differently. Often changes that benefit a household as a whole increase women’s risk and labor burdens. Furthermore, when nearly all livelihood strategies depend on natural resources, changes to the strategies will change demands on natural resources. How one set of households changes the way they use natural resources will affect other households who also depend on those same resources. This could cause conflict over those resources and deplete them.
Topic:
Agriculture, Climate Change, Natural Resources, Food, Food Security, and Livelihoods
Political Geography:
Africa and Darfur

195. Humanizing Security in Cabo Delgado

Author:
Luis Nhachote
Publication Date:
10-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Good Governance Africa (GGA)
Abstract:
In February 2021, civil society organizations in Mozambique and South Africa with international allies, established a coalition focusing on the Cabo Delgado crisis. It aimed to spotlight the violence in Cabo Delgado and push for accountability and improve the living conditions and human rights situation in the region. Notwithstanding recent developments to secure the region through various militaristic means, the threat to civilians, and their livelihood continues unabated. This alone necessitates a study into the drivers of the conflict, the key actors involved, and make recommendations to policy makers on possible ways to quell it. The report is an attempt to broaden the narrative of the conflict in Cabo Delgado and illustrate the complexity and nuance at the root of the violence. While the popular narrative on this conflict is that it’s a terrorist insurgency, reports of violations by government security agencies, proxies and links to Multi-National Corporations (MNCs) engaged in extracting gas in this region have emerged.1 This report is intended to build on existing reports about the perpetrators of violence and also shed light on other lesser-known elements that are driving the conflict, as well as highlighting the social injustice suffered by the ordinary women, children and men of this region.
Topic:
Security, Conflict, Violence, and Civilians
Political Geography:
Africa, South Africa, Mozambique, and Cabo Delgado

196. Enhancing Citizens’ Participation In Cross Border Security: The Case Of Ghana

Author:
Nana Kwabena Aborampah Mensah, Mawusi Yaw Dumenu, and Alessandro Anibi
Publication Date:
07-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Ghana Center for Democratic Development
Abstract:
Border security issues are of concern to governments, parcularly aer the 9/11 a acks. In Africa, the recent spread of the Jihadist movements across the Sahel region, coupled with the perceived threat of terrorism and issues of porous borders, have compelled many governments to secure their borders. However, many African countries face the difficult task of securing their borders. Numerous challenges encountered in this regard means that boundaries have become transnaonal crime zones. In recent mes, global security threats and terrorist acts are increasingly gaining ground in the West African Sub-Region. Ghana being part of the region, is at risk of being affected. Given these challenges, many countries have introduced new border management strategies with the twin objecves of improving security and facilitang trade and transit. Consequently, the Ghana Center for Democrac Development (CDD-Ghana) implemented a Border Security Project to raise security consciousness and enhance cizen parcipaon in cross-border security in Ghana through its Security Sector Governance program. A vital component of the project was cizens' involvement in the design and implementaon of counter-terrorism measures. With the assumpon that security is a transnaonal phenomenon with border communies sharing similar ethnic idenes and families on both sides and depending economically on each other, the project used inclusive and parcipatory mechanisms and tools to ensure that the voices of a broad range of stakeholders, including residents of border communies, were central to border management strategies. Therefore, empowering border communies while building the capacies of Border Agencies and increasing the physical presence of the State in border areas is very important to enhance interacon with local populaons be er, to arculate legimate law and order efforts, as well as to protect and promote the informal cross-border trade that is oen crical to their livelihoods and food security.
Topic:
Security, Violent Extremism, Transnational Actors, and Borders
Political Geography:
Africa and Ghana

197. Reforming Constitutional Governance in Ghana

Author:
Kojo Asante and Nicholas Opoku
Publication Date:
08-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Ghana Center for Democratic Development
Abstract:
Manifestos are increasingly becoming an important polical contract in Ghana's highly compeve electoral polics. The preparaon of manifestos offers cizens and civil society organizaons (CSOs) a unique opportunity to mobilize and unite behind crical socio-economic and governance issues, and compel polical pares to prescribe reforms or proposals to them, with the view of implemenng such proposals when voted into office. The expectaon is that following this process, cizens and CSOs, working closely with the media, will hold polical pares to account for their proposed reforms to these issues. In line with this, the Ghana Center for Democrac Development (CDD-Ghana) ahead of the 2020 general elecons, embarked on The Manifesto Project with the view of highlighng crical problem areas in ten (10) sectors that hinder naonal development and progress and prescribe soluons for polical pares to comprise in their respecve manifestos. The issues were captured in a report tled 'The Manifesto Project: Promong responsive and responsible manifestos for inclusive development'. As a new government has been formed in 2021 following the outcome of the 2020 elecons, it is our expectaon that government will take steps towards addressing the key sector-specific issues highlighted. In the area of governance, some perennial challenges and gaps persist. This policy brief outlines the key issues idenfied as constung crical problem areas and gaps in Ghana's efforts towards ensuring good governance, with a view to informing and influencing agenda-se ng and policy for inclusive development.
Topic:
Civil Society, Politics, Governance, Reform, and Constitution
Political Geography:
Africa and Ghana

198. Decentralization And Local Governance Reform: Towards Accountable Local Government And Better Service Delivery In Ghana

Author:
Mohammed Awal
Publication Date:
09-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Ghana Center for Democratic Development
Abstract:
Since the late 1980s, many countries in Africa started the process of devolving polical, administrave, and fiscal responsibilies from central to local governments. The movaons of countries for undergoing such a governance change are varied and include a range of polical as well as social and economic factors (see; Dickovich and Wunsch, 2014; Mogues, Benin and Cudjoe, 2009; Crawford and Hartman, 2008). Ghana has been implemenng decentralizaon reform since 1988. The central purpose of the reform is to improve local governance and be er provision of public services that would improve the lives of ordinary cizens (see; Ahwoi, 2010). Yet, in spite of a wave of decentralizaon policy reforms, local governments in Ghana sll remain weak. Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies (MMDAs) – the polical, administrave and fiscal authority responsible for local governance- have weak accountability systems, are unresponsive and in many instances unable to deliver important public services that impact the lives of ordinary cizens (See; Ofei-Aboagye, 2018; CDD-Ghana and UNICEF, 2019). The poor performance of local governments in delivering public services has led to calls for deepening decentralizaon reform in Ghana. In response to the calls for strengthening local governance, government has in recent mes iniated and is implemenng key policy reforms in polical, fiscal and administrave decentralizaon. While the current reforms proposals –parcularly in polical decentralizaon –are far reaching, there sll remain areas of decentralizaon and local government reforms that require the a enon of policy makers, local government accountability oversight agencies as well as social accountability actors. This paper aims to smulate public discourse on strengthening decentralizaon for be er local government accountability and responsive public delivery service in Ghana. The aim of this paper is two fold; to provide key pointers to policy makers on the outstanding reform and policy issues in decentralizaon and local governance that needs polical crical a enon, and , to serve as an advocacy tool for non-state actors in fostering evidence informed advocacy towards achieving accountable, responsive local governments in Ghana.
Topic:
Governance, Reform, Services, and Decentralization
Political Geography:
Africa and Ghana

199. Political Accountability in Ghanaian Slums: Evidence from the Grassroots

Author:
Jeffrey W. Paller
Publication Date:
09-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Ghana Center for Democratic Development
Abstract:
More than 5.5 million Ghanaians live in slums. The majority of these people live in the Greater Accra Region. Contrary to popular portrayals of these communities as criminal havens and cut off from the state, slums are important spaces for citizens to interact and engage with the government. Based on one year of fieldwork, this study reveals considerable differences in the levels of political accountability and governance in Ghanaian slums. This research study asks: Why are some communities able to attract and manage state resources to build toilets, construct sewers, pave roads, collect garbage, and provide security while others are unable to attract and manage these same services? In this paper, I suggest three factors that help shape the development of slum communities: 1. Historical conditions and informal institutions 2. State-society linkages, and 3. Political accountability mechanisms I compare and contrast political dynamics in Old Fadama, Ga Mashie and Ashaiman—all slum areas in Greater Accra Region.
Topic:
Politics, Accountability, Services, Informal Settlement, and Slums
Political Geography:
Africa and Ghana

200. Enhancing the credibility of the public office holders asset declaration regime

Author:
E. Gyimah-Boadi
Publication Date:
10-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Ghana Center for Democratic Development
Abstract:
A credible and effective asset declaration regime is an essential component of the ensemble of rules and structures necessary for democratic governance. It helps to: • Prevent abuse of power by holders of public office • Protect public assets and the public interest • Deter public corruption • Promote the integrity of public officials • Foster public accountability and trust as well as governmental legitimacy. A credible asset declaration regime is also good for public officials. It helps to: • Protect the private assets of public officials from wrongful and extra-legal confiscation • Protect public officials from undue suspicion, baseless allegations of wrongdoing, and all manner of calumny.
Topic:
Corruption, Government, and Reform
Political Geography:
Africa and Ghana