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41. Inequality in Education Among Turkish Young Individuals, 1988-2020.

Author:
Nursel Aydıner Avşar and Bengi Yanık İlhan
Publication Date:
07-2022
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
AURUM Journal of Social Sciences
Institution:
Altinbas University
Abstract:
This paper studies the changes in education inequality in the youth population (15-29 age group) in Turkey using the Household Labour Force Survey data for the 1988-2020 period. The average year of schooling is calculated to investigate the changes in the level of educational attainment, and standard deviation in years of schooling and education Gini coefficient are calculated to examine how within-group education inequality changes over time. These statistics are calculated for young men and young women separately to also find out how gender inequality in educational attainment and education inequality changes over time. The findings of this study show that the average years of schooling increases for both young men and young women in Turkey while education inequality measured by the Gini coefficient decreases for both groups between 1988 and 2020. This seems to reflect the positive implications of the expansion in compulsory education for both average years of schooling and education inequality. Average years of schooling is higher for young men while education Gini is higher among young women despite the closing of the gender gap in both measures over time.
Topic:
Education, Inequality, Youth, Labor Market, and Gender
Political Geography:
Turkey, Middle East, and Mediterranean

42. Covid Döneminde Finansal Varlıklar Arasındaki Nedensellik Farklılaşması (Causality Differentiation Between Financial Assets During COVID Era)

Author:
Üyesi Hidayet Güneş
Publication Date:
07-2022
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
AURUM Journal of Social Sciences
Institution:
Altinbas University
Abstract:
Covid pandemisi her alanda olduğu gibi ekonomik düzende de eski düzenden farklılıkları içerisinde barındırmaktadır. Bundan dolayı yatırımcılar, finansal varlık seçiminde daha dikkatli ve seçici davranmak durumundadırlar. Yeni koşullara uyum sağlayan yatırımcıların getirilerini artırabilme uyum sağlayamayanların ise zorluklarla karşılaşabileceği bir dönem içerisinde bulunulmaktadır. Bu yüzden çalışma, Türkiye’deki çeşitli finansal varlıklar arasındaki nedensellik ilişkisinin Covid döneminde farklılaşıp farklılaşmadığını belirleyebilmek için yapılmıştır. 29 Ocak 2018-10 Mart 2020 tarihleri arası Covid öncesi, 11 Mart 2020-22 Nisan 2022 tarihleri arası Covid dönemi olarak belirlenmiştir. Değişkenler arasındaki nedensellik ilişkisi Toda-Yamamoto testi ile araştırılmıştır. Covid öncesi dönemde gösterge faiz oranının diğer tüm değişkenlerin nedeni olarak belirlenirken Covid döneminde bu durumun ortadan kalktığı tespit edilmiştir. Covid döneminde CDS primi ve Euro/TL kuru değişkenlerinin gösterge faiz oranının nedeni olduğu sonucuna ulaşılmıştır. Ayrıca Covid döneminde döviz kurlarının çift yönlü nedensellik ilişkisi içerisine girdikleri belirlenmiştir. Son olarak Dolar/TL kurundan CDS primine doğru tek yönlü nedensellik ilişkisinin hem Covid öncesi hem de Covid dönemlerinde aynı kaldığı tespit edilmiştir. Türkiye’deki finansal piyasa ve varlıklar arasındaki nedensellik ilişkisi üzerinde Covid pandemisinin etkisinin olduğu sonucu ortaya çıkmaktadır. Bundan dolayı piyasa oyuncularının fonlarını yönetirken, ortaya çıkan yeni durumları göz önünde bulundurarak yatırımlarını gerçekleştirmeleri kendi fon getirileri açısından önem arz etmektedir.
Topic:
Economy, Currency, COVID-19, and Financial Assets
Political Geography:
Turkey and Global Focus

43. Role of Perceived Intergroup Difference on Stereotype Content

Author:
Büşra Alparslan
Publication Date:
12-2022
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
AURUM Journal of Social Sciences
Institution:
Altinbas University
Abstract:
People tend to categorize others as ingroup or outgroup. Social psychology literature attributes this distinction to similarity; similar people are supposed to be ingroup and different people are supposed to be outgroup. Similarly, people’s attitudes, perceptions, and attributions towards others easily change depending on whether they are ingroup or outgroup. Moreover, studies investigating ethnic group relations showed that perceived intergroup difference is an important variable that influences stereotype content and other intercultural attitudes in the European context. This study measured the role of perceived intergroup differences towards three ethnic minorities (Circassian, Kurdish, and Armenian) by the Turkish participants on stereotype content. The study results showed that participants perceived ethnic minorities differently from one another in terms of perceived intergroup differences. The Turkish participants evaluated three ethnic groups as ‘significantly different from themselves and also from one another. Furthermore, there might be credence to the idea of perceived intergroup difference having an influence on stereotype content since the outgroup that is rated as the most similar (Circassian) was significantly rated higher on warmth and competence dimensions as compared to other outgroups
Topic:
Minorities, Ethnicity, Kurds, Stereotypes, Armenians, Circassians, and Social Categorization
Political Geography:
Turkey, Middle East, and Mediterranean

44. Türkiye’de Bölgelerarası Sosyo-Ekonomik Gelişmişlik Farklarının Azaltılmasına Yönelik Politikalar: Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesinin (GAP) İncelenmesi (Policies for Reducing Inter-Regional Disparities of Socio-Economic Development in Turkey: An Investigation of the Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP))

Author:
M. Kemal Aydın and Alptegin Albayraktaroğlu
Publication Date:
12-2022
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
AURUM Journal of Social Sciences
Institution:
Altinbas University
Abstract:
Bir ülkedeki gelişmişlik düzeyinin ülke genelinde dengeli bir şekilde dağılması ve bölgeler arası farkın az olması önemlidir. Bunu gerçekleştirmek amacıyla hazırlanan bölgesel kalkınma planlarında, ülkeler bölgelere, bölgeler türlere ayrılmıştır. Bu bağlamda homojen, polarize ve plan bölge şeklinde üç farklı bölge türü vardır. Bölgesel kalkınma, bölgeler arası dengesizliklerin giderilmesi ve bölgede bulunan iktisadi ve toplumsal potansiyellerin faaliyete geçirilmesiyle refah düzeyinin yükseltilmesini ifade etmektedir. Türkiye’de özellikle 1950’li yıllardan itibaren bölgesel politikalar önem kazanmış ve ülkenin kalkınması için çok önemli bir politika olarak görülmüştür. Bu kapsamda ülkedeki bölgeler için birçok proje hayata geçirilmiştir. Güneydoğu Anadolu Bölgesi’nin sahip olduğu kaynaklardan faydalanılması fikriyle, bütünleşik ve çok sektörlü bir kalkınma projesi olarak Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi (GAP), 6 Kasım 1989’da Resmî Gazete’de yayımlanan Kanun Hükmünde Kararname (KHK) ile başlatılmıştır. Bu proje 9 ili kapsamaktadır ve Cumhuriyet tarihinin en etkin şekilde uygulanan projesidir. Proje kapsamında master plan, bölge kalkınma planı, eylem planları ve kalkınma programları uygulanmaktadır. Günümüzde GAP bölgesindeki illerde başta tarım, enerji ve sanayi olmak üzere birçok sektör için iyileştirme süreçleri devam etmektedir. Bu çalışmada 2000’li yıllardan itibaren GAP kapsamındaki gelişmeler resmi veriler üzerinden incelenmiştir. Ardından seçilen sektörlerdeki gelişmeler ele alınmıştır.
Topic:
Development, Inequality, Economy, Domestic Policy, and Socioeconomics
Political Geography:
Turkey, Middle East, and Mediterranean

45. Anne Baba Eğitim Düzeylerine Göre Okul Öncesi Dönem Çocuklarının Sosyal-Duygusal Yeterliliği (Social-Emotional Competence of Pre-School Children by Their Parents' Educational Level)

Author:
Hülya Gülay Ogelman, Yüce Gülşah, and Ahmet Yüce
Publication Date:
12-2022
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
AURUM Journal of Social Sciences
Institution:
Altinbas University
Abstract:
Bu araştırmanın amacı, anne baba eğitim düzeyine göre okul öncesi dönem çocuklarının sosyal-duygusal yeterliliğinin incelenmesidir. Araştırmada genel tarama modeli kullanılmıştır. Araştırmanın örneklemini Manisa ili Soma İlçesi’nde okul öncesi eğitime devam eden 188 çocuk, 188 anne ve 188 baba oluşturmuştur. Araştırmada veri toplama araçları olarak Kişisel Bilgi Formu ve Okul Öncesi Çocuklar İçin Sosyal-Duygusal Beceriler ve Psikolojik Dayanıklılık Ölçeği (SDBPDÖ-Okul Öncesi) kullanılmıştır. Veri toplama araçları, her bir çocuk için okul öncesi öğretmenleri tarafından yaklaşık 7 aylık gözleme dayalı olarak doldurulmuştur. Normal dağılımla ilgili bulgulardan yola çıkarak parametrik olan Tek Yönlü Varyans Analizi (ANOVA) tekniği ile analizler gerçekleştirilmiştir. Gruplar arasındaki farklılıkların belirlenmesine ilişkin eğitim seviyeleri için post-hoc tekniklerinden Bonferroni uygulanmıştır. Araştırmanın bulgularına göre okul öncesi dönem çocuklarının duygu bilgisi/duygu ifadesi, empati, öz düzenleme, sosyal yetkinlik alt boyutlarının ve SDBPDÖOkul Öncesi düzeyinin, anne-babaların eğitim seviyesine göre istatistiksel olarak anlamlı farklılık gösterdiği görülmüştür. Bu sonuca göre okul öncesi dönem çocuğu olan anne-babaların eğitim seviyeleri, çocuklarının sosyal-duygusal yeterliliği ile ilişkilidir.
Topic:
Education, Children, Parenting, and Preschool
Political Geography:
Turkey, Middle East, and Mediterranean

46. Civil Society & Political Transformations (Harvard Journal of Middle Eastern Politics and Policy, Fall 2021)

Author:
Ghazi Ghazi
Publication Date:
04-2022
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Harvard Journal of Middle Eastern Politics and Policy
Institution:
The John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University
Abstract:
Eleven years after the 2011 Arab Spring, feelings of transformation and change still reverberate throughout the region. The Spring 2022 edition, Civil Society and Political Transformations, seeks to illuminate how civil society organizations operate in the region and their effects on political transformations.
Topic:
Civil Society, Education, Human Rights, Migration, Politics, Race, History, Reform, Women, Constitution, Arab Spring, Syrian War, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Baath Party, and Peacebuilding
Political Geography:
Afghanistan, Iraq, South Asia, Turkey, Middle East, Israel, Libya, Yemen, Palestine, North Africa, Syria, Jordan, Morocco, and United Arab Emirates

47. Prospects for Pax Caucasia? The 3+3 Regional Cooperation Initiative

Author:
Vasif Huseynov
Publication Date:
04-2022
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Baku Dialogues
Institution:
ADA University
Abstract:
The 3+3 format for regional cooperation is an initiative that was first proposed by the leaders of Turkey and Azerbaijan in the aftermath of the Second Karabakh War, building somewhat on an idea that originated in Iran during the war itself. This grouping covers the three countries of the South Caucasus (Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia) plus the three most important countries neighboring this region (Russia, Turkey, and Iran). Thus in December 2020, Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan announced the initiative at a joint press conference with his Azerbaijani counterpart, President Ilham Aliyev, during his visit to Baku in which he reviewed the military parade marking Azerbaijan’s victory over Armenia in the aforementioned war—a war that heralded the fundamental transformation of regional geopolitical and geo‑economic realities. On this occasion, Erdoğan called 3+3 a win‑win initiative for all actors in the region. Given its obvious potential to promote peace and security in the South Caucasus and facilitate the normalization of relations between former belligerents, some local experts believe that the 3+3 initiative could be instrumental for the emergence of Pax Caucasia. Four of the six countries immediately reacted positively to the initiative, with Armenia and Georgia expressing some reservation. While Armenia initially sounded skeptical, the government of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan eventually confirmed its participation in this format. For now, the only country that retains distance from the Pax Caucasia process is Georgia which, due to its ongoing territorial dispute with Russia, refuses to participate in this platform and proposes an alternative 3+2 format (the countries of the South Caucasus + the EU and the United States). Tbilisi has called its counterproposal the “Peaceful Neighborhood Initiative” but has taken no concrete action to set it in motion. Neither Aliyev nor Pashinyan have yet to publicly comment on the 3+2 format. Others have also remained silent. Hence, the likelihood it can prevail over the 3+3 framework in geopolitical substance is low, given that it excludes major active regional players like Russia and Turkey and substitutes them with two Western actors that are evidently less engaged in the region. The advent of the present phase of the conflict over Ukraine, which began on 24 February 2022, has also not increased the prospects of the Georgian idea being adopted, either.
Topic:
Security, Diplomacy, Regional Cooperation, and Conflict
Political Geography:
Russia, Europe, Iran, Turkey, Caucasus, Middle East, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia

48. Turkey’s Changing Posture on Russia and America

Author:
Hasan Unal
Publication Date:
01-2022
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Baku Dialogues
Institution:
ADA University
Abstract:
As of this writing, tensions between Russia and Ukraine appeared to continue unabated, despite the Putin‑Biden online meeting and the exchange of several messages between Washington and Moscow aimed at reducing them. The crisis has kept almost everyone guessing as to where all this is heading: will they subside or spiral out control? Will Russia invade Ukraine? If it does, how will America and its allies respond? As things stand at present, it sure seems as though Russia and the U.S. and its allies have gridlocked themselves into a crisis without any sensible way out. The former was emboldened by the feckless handling of the crisis by the Biden Administration such that Moscow now wants to dictate terms to America and NATO that amount to something like this: “give us proper, preferably written assurances that Ukraine and Georgia will not be admitted to NATO.” Team Biden, which has inadvisably goaded Ukraine against Russia for a second time in less than a year with its much‑hyped ‘America is back’ slogan cannot simply comply with the request. At the same time, America cannot stand up to Russia militarily in that part of the world. Moreover, neither the United States nor its NATO allies that have considerable military clout are prepared to make a promise to Ukraine regarding admission to NATO. Indeed, just as this edition of Baku Dialogues was going to press, the hectic diplomacy between NATO and Russia on the one hand and the U.S. and Russia on the other, climaxing in the latest meetings of 11‑12 January 2022, broke up with no agreement. This has given rise to further concern that the ongoing conflict is going to perpetuate. From Turkey’s perspective, the conflict between Russia and Ukraine has turned insoluble— akin in not unimportant ways to the Turkish‑Greek dispute, with its clusters of psychologically combustible elements freely circulating across the board. Should Russia invade Ukraine, it would presumably trigger a harsh package of sanctions by both the EU and the U.S.; this would likely hurt Moscow considerably, albeit hardly enough to budge it from staying the course. Should the U.S. and NATO simply give in to Russia’s ultimatum, then this would amount to a complete surrender of the Western powers— particularly after the disastrous U.S. debacle in Afghanistan. At the same time, the likelihood that Russia will step back entirely from its position—that, in other words, it will calmly accept the prospect of the admission of Ukraine and Georgia to NATO—is close to zero. Thus, it is possible to conclude that the conflict between Russia and Ukraine on the one hand, and the U.S.‑led West and Russia on the other, will perpetuate.
Topic:
International Cooperation, International Trade and Finance, Infrastructure, Hegemony, and Silk Road
Political Geography:
Russia, Europe, Turkey, North America, and United States of America

49. Terms, Conditions, Intersecting Interests Turkey and Regional Cooperation After the Second Karabakh War

Author:
Ayça Ergun
Publication Date:
01-2022
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Baku Dialogues
Institution:
ADA University
Abstract:
This essay should be understood as a series of reflections on the geopolitics of the South Caucasus in the aftermath of the Second Karabakh War and how this has provided Turkey with a great opportunity to revisit, redefine, and even consolidate its newfound role and mission in the region. It is predicated on the assessment that, starting in July 2020, Turkey became more proactive and involved in the region, which in turn laid the foundation for a game‑changing development; Turkey’s stature then grew even further in the wake of the 10 November 2020 tripartite statement between Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Russia that ended the Second Karabakh War. Now Ankara is taking on a balancing role—if not quite a mediating one—in the region. The situation is not straightforward: the well‑consolidated empowerment of the Russian Federation in the wake of the war has ensured its continuing status as the main mediator in conflict resolution as well as open the possibility for it to become a genuine peacemaker. Turkey is considered the main balancing power to potentially check or restrain Russia’s dominant position, at least down the road. But for now, Russia can be considered as “being fully back” on the ground: its armed forces are present in each of the three South Caucasus states—by invitation or otherwise. This lends a certain pallor of instability to the newly achieved status quo, although this is not widely recognized, much less pronounced in Turkey and in Azerbaijan. It is thus too early to speak about full‑on regional integration, which will take time to bring about. Yet already today there is potential for the realization of regional cooperation. The ideas related to the latter are being discussed in various fora, yet the feasibility of the implementation of these ideas remains open to interpretation.
Topic:
Diplomacy, Hegemony, Geopolitics, and Strategic Interests
Political Geography:
Russia, Europe, Turkey, Armenia, and Azerbaijan

50. A Salute to Cultural Diplomacy and Those Who Make It Possible

Author:
Renee M. Earle
Publication Date:
08-2022
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
American Diplomacy
Institution:
American Diplomacy
Abstract:
What do James Brown, Joseph Heller, Mikhail Baryshnikov, and the U.S. Sixth Fleet Band have in common? They all supported U.S. cultural diplomacy abroad. Not all of our cultural ambassadors are as famous— most are not — but together a very wide variety of American artists, performers, and writers have had positive impact on the image of the United States throughout the world. U.S. cultural diplomacy also includes many examples of citizen diplomacy and philanthropy, whether in partnership with U.S. embassies or independently. Together, these programs positively project our values abroad.
Topic:
Culture, Soft Power, and Cultural Diplomacy
Political Geography:
Turkey, France, North America, Brussels, Czech Republic, and United States of America