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301. Conservative Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) and Anti-Gender Issues in Croatia, Slovakia, and Poland

302. Tea Farming Industry in Turkey and Social Economic History 1920-1960

303. The Sikh Struggle for Khalistan: Refocusing on the Punjabi Suba (Province) Movement in India

304. Assessing the cost of friction between NATO allies

305. The Balkan Kettle: Russia’s policy towards the Balkans

306. Defence diplomatic relations between Poland and China and how they can be improved

307. Non-violent civil resistance against military force: The experience of Lithuania in 1991

308. Europeanisation in Non-European Union Countries and the Foreign and Security Policies of Associated States

309. A Litmus Test for the EU’s Longest Year: Solidarity Principle and Challenges by COVID-19 in 2020

310. The Franco-German Rivarly in the Post-Brexit Europe

311. Ottoman Campaigns in the First World War

312. Russian Strategic Culture after the Cold War: The Primacy of Conventional Force

313. Reforming U.S. Export Controls to Reflect the Threat Landscape

314. The Impact of Jihadist Propaganda in the Russian Language: Analysis of Kavkazcenter

315. Domestic Politics and Regional Dynamics in Turkey’s Geopolitical Approach to the Middle East Between 2002-2019

316. Foreign Direct Investment, Gross Domestic Product, and Export Nexus in Turkey: Autoregressive Distributed Lag Bounds Model and Granger Causality Approach

317. Economic Well‐​Being under Plan versus Market: The Case of Estonia and Finland

318. Modern Monetary Theory Meets Greece and Chicago

319. Cryptocurrencies and All That: Two Ideas from Monetary Economics

320. Mission to Civilise: The French West African Federation

321. Buddhism and the Question of Relationality in International Relations

322. Vengeful Citizens, Violent States: A Theory of War and Revenge, Rachel Stein

323. Collaboration Between Intelligence Services in the Present-Day World: Challenges and Issues

324. Migration as a Leverage Tool in International Relations: Turkey as a Case Study

325. “Securitization from Society” and “Social Acceptance”: Political Party-Based Approaches in Turkey to Syrian Refugees

326. Turkey’s Response to Syrian Mass Migration: A Neoclassical Realist Analysis

327. Political Participation and Party Preferences among Immigrants of Turkish Origin in Germany

328. The Role of Surveillance Technologies in the Securitization of EU Migration Policies and Border Management

329. EU’s Global Actorness in Question: A Debate over the EU-Turkey Migration Deal

330. The Era of Dis-and-Misinformation Volume XXII, Number 1

331. Volume 71 Issue 2

332. Possibilities for Epistemic Violence in Asylum Process: Lessons From the Case of Finland

333. The Evolution of the Syrian Humanitarian NGOs and External Challenges

334. The Composition of Multiple Times and Spaces in the Protests

335. An Overview of Agricultural Support Policies in Turkey: A Comparative Regional Analysis

336. Digital Marketing of Political Parties in Turkey

337. Behavioural Data in Credibility Assessment: Case Study of Kaja Godek’s Explanatory Statement of Anti-LGBT Law

338. “The Gateway to Europe”. The Discourse on Poland in the Chinese Press (2015–2020)

339. The image of Chinese and Japanese Theatre in selected popular and artistic press printed in Poland in 1930s

340. When The Stakes Are High: Campaign Messages in Hungary

341. NATO 2030: Keeping Us Safe In a More Competitive World

342. Getting NATO Ready For The Rest Of The 21st Century: Is NATO 2030 The Right Roadmap?

343. NATO And Collective Defense in Space: Same Mission, New Domain

344. NATO's China Problem

345. Biden;s Transatlantic Offset

346. Ukraine Membership Revisited: The Case For NATO's Strategic Adaption

347. NATO And Its Changing Approach To Space

348. There is No Easy Solution To The Western Balkans' Disinformation Challenge

349. Ideological Interventions in the COVID-19 Health Crisis in Turkey By Power, Politics, and Religion

350. Is Re-calibration Feasible in Turkey-Egypt Relations? Limits and Possibilities

351. Spotlight Turkey: A Pivotal Swing State in NATO

352. TP v Minister of Home Affairs (Sentence No 9140, 22 April 2014) (Tribunal of Rome)

353. Entrenching the Problem? International Organizations and Their Engagement in Latin America to Address Violence: The Case of the European Union in the Northern Triangle

354. Northern Ireland’s 100th Birthday

355. The Rise and Fall of Golden Dawn: Organized Racism Suffered a Great Defeat in Greece—But the Fight is Far from Over

356. Are European Migration Policies Racist?

357. Absolutely Corrupted: The Rise of an Illiberal System and The Future of Hungarian Democracy

358. Academic Freedom: A Test and a Tool for Illiberalism, Neoliberalism, and Liberal Democracy

359. El artículo analiza la compleja relación, presente en la esfera internacional,entre política y justicia que queda reflejada en el Tribunal Especial para el Líbano. Se emplean,como líneas argumentales, la problemática de su establecimiento por medio de la resolución 1757 (2007) del Consejo de Seguridad y su carácter selectivo, así como la confrontación jurídico-doctrinal planteada en el caso Ayyash et al., también conocido como asunto Hariri. Se subraya la importancia de los factores contextuales,especialmente aquellosdesencadenados a partir de 2004, con el fin de explicar la división interna —con protagonistas internacionales—del país en dos bloques cuya confrontación serviría de pretexto para la puesta en marcha de un tribunal único que responde a los intereses de una comunidad internacional seducida porla posibilidad de lograr una condena judicial por terrorismo contra Hizballah —y/o Siria—en un momento de preponderancia de la formación chií.La decisión interlocutoria de 2011 de la Sala de Apelaciones pareció manifestarse como un buen augurio en aquella dirección al afirmar la necesidad de interpretar el delito de terrorismo recogido en el artículo 314 del Código Penal del Líbano conforme a un crimen internacional de terrorismo de carácter consuetudinario. La revolucionaria decisión —junto con el proceso que llevó a su publicación—reveló,sin embargo,cierta precipitación y oportunismo que por fortuna y justicia la sentencia de 2020 rechaza por innecesaria e incierta.El artículo sostiene que todo ello ha contribuido a debilitar la credibilidad de un Tribunal,ejemplo de justicia selectiva, y ha mostrado pocadeferencia por la soberanía del Estado libanés.

360. Agenda OTAN 2030 y Concepto Estratégico 2022

361. Política europea de seguridad y defensa y sus efectos en la industria de defensa

362. Post-War Situation in the South Caucasus Region

363. The Impact of the European Union-Mercosur Association Agreement on Gender Inequality: A Global South Perspective

364. December 2021 Issue

365. Higher Capacity with Limited Competence, Regional Development Agencies in Unitary States: The Case of The Emilia-Romagna

366. Lessons from Ukraine: Shifting International Surrogacy Policy to Protect Women and Children

367. Enhancing Mediterranean Integration

368. The Disrupting Stabilizer

369. Greece’s Resource Blessing Comes with Hurdles

370. The EU and the Med: Is Geography Still Destiny?

371. Gas Finds for the People?

372. The Prospects for Conflict or Cooperation

373. Turkey’s Energy Geopolitics

374. Reluctant Power Europe

375. Ukraine’s European Integration: The Russian Factor

376. Disillusionment with liberal democracy in the Visegrad countries

377. Visegrad Group as institution for Central European cooperation: Ups and downs of small international organizations

378. July 2020 Issue

379. August 2020 Issue

380. The European Union's Response to Rising Powers: The Challenges of the BRICS and MIKTA Countries | Avrupa Birliği’nin Yükselen Güçler Politikası: BRICS ve MIKTA Ülkelerinin Meydan Okumaları

381. Is the “show-the-flag” strategy relevant for Visegrad countries in securing the EU?

382. Challenges for Security and Defence Cooperation in Central Europe: Will the EU be able to manage the crisis in the EU periphery?

383. Migration trends and challenges in the Visegrad countries

384. “To protect national sovereignty from the EU?” The 2019 EP elections and populist parties in V4 countries

385. Changing Roles of the EU and ASEAN on Peace in the Korean Peninsula

386. Measuring the Progress in Realizing the Strategy “Europe 2020” in 2010-2016 in 28 European Union Member States

387. Poland’s Cultural Relations with Middle-Eastern Arab Countries

388. Model Changes of Polish Public Administration and Processes of Political and Structural Transformation

389. Changes in the Party System in the Context of Deconsolidation of Democracy in Poland

390. Directions of Poland’s Energy Security Policy in the Natural Gas Sector

391. Religious Determinants of Socio-Political Openness of Young Silesians in Poland

392. Memory and Politics of Memory in Terms of the Memes Theory. With Reference to an Example of the Idea of Polish Heroism

393. Conceptualizing the Theoretical Category of Neo-militant Democracy: The Case of Hungary

394. Political Process, Crisis and Legitimacy in Poland

395. Where Does the Buck Stop with the Backstop? The Irish-UK Border in Brexit Negotiations: June 2016-January 2019

396. Generationally Diversified Labor Groups in Contemporary Labor Market. A Chance or a Threat for Organizations?

397. Maritime Biodiversity from the French State’s Perspective

398. Possibility of Implementing the Concept of the Intermarium in the Context of Militant Democracy in Poland During and After the Coronavirus Pandemic

399. Changes in the Electoral Code and Their Impact on the Security of the Election The Origin for Discussion Based on Selected Comments

400. Challenges of Georgia’s Pension System