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Begin New Search Political Geography Colombia Content Type Journal Article

1. Colombian Military Transformation: Strategic Reality and Overcoming Resistances

Author:
Victor M. Mijares and Paula Alejandra Gonzalez
Publication Date:
01-2021
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy International Relations
Institution:
Postgraduate Program in International Strategic Studies, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
Abstract:
After the signing of peace in Colombia, attention has been directed to the difficult process of implementing the agreements. This complex scenario has downplayed the problem of Colombian military transformation. The basis of that transformation, the Damasco doctrine, the, has encountered resistance within the Colombian Military Forces. Through the application of a process tracing method, we infer that there is a non-linear process, but in progress towards the fulfillment of the objectives of the doctrine. Thus, we identify three drivers that are making this transformation progress: a renewed confrontation with Venezuela; the changing nature of the domestic conflict; and the Colombia’s NATO global partner status.
Topic:
Security, Defense Policy, Military Strategy, and Training
Political Geography:
Colombia and South America

2. Dynamics of insecurity and violence during the pandemic in Colombia/Dinámicas de la inseguridad y la violencia durante la pandemia en Colombia

Author:
Jerónimo Ríos and César Niño
Publication Date:
05-2021
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
The purpose of the following article is to present the main dynamics of criminal activities and violence produced by the armed conflict in Colombia during the pandemic caused by COVID-19. After a review of the most relevant literature produced in 2020, this study presents trends in criminal violence, lato sensu, and those associated with the internal armed conflict. The situation of paralysis that the confinement produced has not translated into a mitigation of the phenomenon of violence. Thus, the massacres and murders of social leaders, activists, human rights defenders or ex-guerrillas of the FARC-EP has remained constant if not increasing during this time. This must also be related to a context of difficulty added to a Peace Agreement signed with the FARC-EP in November 2016. This must also be related to a context of added difficulty to a Peace Agreement signed with the FARC-EP in November 2016, which, in addition to governmental resistance and non-compliance, is overcome by an increasingly intense violence, which hinders the prospects of a peace-building scenario in the country./El propósito del siguiente trabajo es el de presentar cuáles han sido las principales dinámicas de las actividades delictivas y de la violencia producida por el conflicto armado en Colombia durante la pandemia ocasionada por la COVID-19. Tras una revisión de la literatura más relevante producida en 2020, se presentan las tendencias de la violencia delictiva, lato sensu, y las asociadas con el conflicto armado interno. La situación de parálisis que produjo el confinamiento no se ha traducido en una mitigación del fenómeno de la violencia. Así, las masacres y asesinatos de líderes sociales, activistas, defensores de derechos humanos o exguerrilleros de las FARC-EP se ha mantenido constante cuando no creciente durante este tiempo. Ello debe relacionarse, además, con un contexto de dificultad añadida a un Acuerdo de Paz suscrito con las FARC-EP en noviembre 2016, que además de por las resistencias gubernamentales e incumplimientos, se encuentra superado por una geografía de la violencia cada vez más intensa, que aleja los visos de un escenario de construcción de paz en el país.
Topic:
Security, Violence, COVID-19, and Armed Conflict
Political Geography:
Colombia and South America

3. Rethinking the Regional Security Complex Theory: A South American view between 2008-2016

Author:
Tamires Aparecida Ferreira Souza
Publication Date:
06-2021
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal on International Security Studies (RESI)
Institution:
International Security Studies Group (GESI) at the University of Granada
Abstract:
With this article, we propose to reformulate the Regional Security Complex Theory, by Buzan and Waever, through a South American vision, with the time frame 2008-2016. To this end, we will analyse South America through Argentina, Brazil, and Colombia, and their forms of intra and extra-regional interaction, highlighting the Colombia-United States relations, and the South American Defence Council, of the Union of South American Nations. This article is divided into a first section marked by an understanding of the Regional Complex Theory, in which we present and discuss its theoretical elements and weaknesses, and propose theoretical changes that will guide our analysis. The second section contains information about the South American Complex in the academic view, focusing on the arguments of Buzan and Waever. In the third section, we present the South American Regional Security Complex restructured, as well as the analysis of its dynamics. The central argument of the article is the need to reformulate the Theory in question for a better understanding of the complexities and unique characteristics of South America.
Topic:
International Relations, Security, and Regional Cooperation
Political Geography:
Brazil, Argentina, Colombia, and South America

4. Entre políticos y criminales: corrupción política en Colombia 2013-2018 (Between Politicians and Criminals: Political Corruption in Colombia 2013-2018)

Author:
Pedro Piedrahita Bustamante
Publication Date:
12-2020
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal on International Security Studies (RESI)
Institution:
International Security Studies Group (GESI) at the University of Granada
Abstract:
La corrupción es un delito que genera afectaciones políticas, específicamente a la construcción del Estado y la democracia. Es decir, restringe las habilidades de las instituciones para lograr el objetivo de promover el bienestar general a través de la creación de poderes secretos que entorpecen la idea de la democracia como poder público que se realiza ante el público. Así, la corrupción política crea un poder secreto, controlado por funcionarios públicos y políticos profesionales que favorecen diversas redes criminales asociadas a otros delitos y afectan las instituciones y el principio de publicidad en la democracia. El objetivo de la investigación es analizar la corrupción política en Colombia entre 2013 y 2018 desde la perspectiva del Crimen Organizado Transnacional (COT). Para esto se considera que para abordar la corrupción política como delito transnacional es necesario superar el fenómeno de narcotización del delito y reconocer que la corrupción política es también un delito relevante, que funciona en red y que se asocia con otras dinámicas criminales para buscar beneficios económicos del Estado o afectarlo. El enfoque metodológico fue cualitativo y se utilizó el método fenomenológico-hermenéutico en el análisis de la información histórica recopilada desde el siglo XVI que sirvió de contexto para establecer la relación de la corrupción con otros delitos en el país y de los diferentes casos de corrupción analizados en el período de estudio. Se aclara que solo se tienen en cuenta aquellos casos que se ajustan al análisis de corrupción transnacional por los vínculos con otras redes. Se evidencia que entre 2013 y 2018 hubo casos de corrupción política con nexos criminales asociados al narcotráfico, el lavado de activos, la prostitución, entre otros. No obstante, varios de estos hechos no parecen tener la misma relevancia informativa que los típicos casos de soborno, financiación ilegal de campañas o carteles de contratación. Esto se entiende como una oportunidad para seguir profundizando en este tipo de investigaciones.
Topic:
Security, Corruption, Crime, Politics, and Organized Crime
Political Geography:
Colombia, South America, and Global Focus

5. The Accuracy Of Proxy Means Tests For Immigrant Populations: A Case Study In Colombia

Author:
Will Sims
Publication Date:
05-2020
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Public and International Affairs (JPIA)
Institution:
School of Public and International Affairs (SPIA), Princeton University
Abstract:
This paper examines the accuracy of proxy means tests (PMTs) for identifying low-income households among migrant and refugee populations. Specifically, it develops a PMT model based on Colombia’s SISBEN system, and evaluates its ability to identify poverty among recent and established Venezuelan migrants and refugees. It finds that these groups have significantly higher rates of exclusion errors relative to native Colombians, which could prevent them from accessing valuable social services. These findings are robust to a number of specifications, and the issue is not resolved by simply including immigration status within the model. Additionally, occupational downgrading is identified as the most likely mechanism for this effect, as Venezuelan migrants and refugees in Colombia generally have lower returns to education when compared with native Colombians. These results should inspire caution when choosing to use PMTs for targeting, and it is recommended that all policymakers evaluate the accuracy of their PMTs for vulnerable subpopulations prior to implementation.
Topic:
Migration, Immigration, Refugees, International Development, and Economic Policy
Political Geography:
Colombia, South America, Central America, and Venezuela

6. NATO AND THE SOUTH ATLANTIC

Author:
Carlos Gustavo Poggio Teixeira and Daniella da Silva Nogueira de Melo
Publication Date:
07-2019
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conjuntura Austral: Journal of the Global South
Institution:
Conjuntura Austral: Journal of the Global South
Abstract:
In May 2018, Colombia was recognised as a NATO global partner, being the first Latin American country to formalize this relationship. The historical and political context of the South Atlantic differs from the reality of central and eastern Europe and the Middle East where the organization has mainly acted. In the last decades, NATO presence in the South Atlantic has received a little academic discussion. This is not due to lack of evidence, as the formation of partnerships with Colombia, Mauritania, joint military operations with Cape Verde, Ghana andother countries of the western African coast reveal the importance that the South Atlantic has acquired for the Alliance’s agenda and its members. This article intends to contribute to this gap in the literature.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, NATO, Military Affairs, and Global Security
Political Geography:
Colombia, Latin America, and South Atlantic

7. The Potential and Limits of Peace Agreements

Author:
Bard Drange
Publication Date:
02-2019
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
In most cases, political solutions to armed conflicts are professed by a plethora of local, regional and international actors. In practice, however, durable political solutions – typically symbolised through peace agreements – are scarce. While peace agreements may be signed, political willingness, as well as the ability to implement them, is often in short supply. Hence, many peace agreements remain words on paper, not actions in the field. This is also the case in Africa, where many conflict areas see peace agreements being signed, violated and forgotten. This article examines the 2015 peace agreement in Mali and the case of the 2016 peace agreement in Colombia. The 2015 Bamako Agreement for Mali – despite hopes to end armed violence and provide a framework for peace – has had little impact on the ground and serves to illustrate some of the limitations of peace agreements. Does the commonly considered successful case of Colombia shed light on the struggling Malian peace process? This article suggests that the Colombian peace process does provide useful insights into the challenges in Mali. This is discussed in the context of what, with whom and when to negotiate. Following this analysis, some lessons learnt are identified, along with concluding remarks on how these two cases illustrate both the potential and limits of peace agreements.
Topic:
Diplomacy, Conflict, and Peace
Political Geography:
Africa, Colombia, South America, and Mali

8. Security Challenges of the New Colombian Administration

Author:
David E. Spencer
Publication Date:
02-2019
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
PRISM
Institution:
Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS), National Defense University
Abstract:
Colombia faces one of the most complex security situations in its recent history, as it is simultaneously confronted by four intertwined security challenges—increased drug production, increased organized crime, peace negotiation complications, and a volatile border with Venezuela—that have formed a perfect Gordian Knot. The new administration led by President Iván Duque must cut this knot to maintain the security advances made by its preceding administrations during the past two decades.
Topic:
Security, Defense Policy, Crime, Borders, and Peace
Political Geography:
Colombia and South America

9. A Human Rights Approach to Conflict Resolution

Author:
Claudia Fuentes-Julio and Raslan Ibrahim
Publication Date:
09-2019
Content Type:
Journal Article
Abstract:
The role of human rights abuses in the causes, dynamics, and consequences of conflict illustrate the importance of a human rights approach to conflict resolution:1 if human rights are part of the problem, they must be part of the solution. This essay aims to show how a human rights perspective can improve the odds of transforming violent conflicts into sustainable peace by enhancing the design and implementation of peace processes and conflict resolution practices. In doing so, we will clarify the main characteristics of a human rights approach to conflict resolution and identify a set of human rights standards to guide its implementation. We will then briefly analyze the Colombian and the Israeli-Palestinian peace processes, each through the lens of the human rights approach. These two cases illustrate opposite ends of the spectrum when considering the inclusion of human rights in conflict resolution. At one end, the Colombian peace process illustrates how negotiations and a final agreement can recognize peace as a human right, highlighting the need to transform the structural conditions of injustice and human rights violations that give rise to armed conflict. At the other end, in the Oslo Accords between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization, human rights are virtually absent despite the fact that systematic abuses are among the main underlying causes and consequences of the conflict. In the conclusion, we address one of the main criticisms and challenges of a human rights–based approach to conflict resolution.
Topic:
Human Rights, Conflict, and Peace
Political Geography:
Middle East, Israel, Colombia, Palestine, and South America

10. A Hollow Victory Over the Islamic State in Syria? The High Risk of Jihadi Revival in Deir ez-Zor's Euphrates River Valley

Author:
Hassan Hassan, Paul Cruickshank, Stephen Hummel, F. John Burpo, James Bonner, and Ross Dayton
Publication Date:
02-2019
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
CTC Sentinel
Institution:
The Combating Terrorism Center at West Point
Abstract:
In Syria, the Islamic State has now been reduced to a few vanishing pockets in Deir ez-Zor’s Middle Euphrates River Valley as a result of two separate military offensives on opposite sides of the river by Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and forces loyal to the Assad regime. But while Deir ez-Zor has now been essentially liberated from the Islamic State, securing and stabilizing the region will likely prove much harder. In our cover article, Hassan Hassan writes the “long period it took the overstretched SDF to liberate the east side of the Euphrates afforded the Islamic State time to create sleeper cells.” He argues the fact that the west side is again under Assad regime control will likely provide opportunities to both the Islamic State and the al-Qa`ida offshoot Hayat Tahrir al-Sham to tap into local Sunni anger to rebuild their operations. Hassan warns there will be even more opportunities for jihadis to rebound if the Assad regime exploits what will likely be a vacuum left by soon-to-depart U.S. forces to take control of the areas liberated by the SDF. All this, he warns, creates a very real risk that the border region between Syria and Iraq could emerge as a long-term threat to global security, just like the border area between Pakistan and Afghanistan after the fall of the Taliban. Our interview is with Shaun Greenough, the Case Strategy and Mentor Supervisor at The Unity Initiative (TUI), a specialist intervention consultancy based in the United Kingdom that focuses on rehabilitating individuals convicted of terrorist offenses and tackling absolutist mindsets in the wider community. Greenough previously served in a variety of counterterrorism roles including managing aspects of the U.K. police investigation into the 2006 transatlantic airline plot. Major Stephen Hummel, Colonel F. John Burpo, and Brigadier General James Bonner, the Commanding General of the U.S. Army’s 20th CBRNE Command, warn there is a high risk that profit-minded suppliers within vast, transnational IED networks may in the future expand into WMD proliferation. They write “the convergence of these two seemingly separate networks does not mean that an IED facilitation network will suddenly market WMD, rather that non-state actors could employ these networks to gather the knowledge, people, materials, finances, and infrastructure required for WMD development and employment.” Ross Dayton assesses the threat posed by the ELN terrorist group, which in January 2019 carried out an apparent suicide bombing on the national police academy in Bogotá, Colombia, that killed over 20 police cadets. “The ELN now operates in 12 Venezuelan states with virtual impunity under the Maduro government,” he writes, allowing “ELN fighters to escape the jurisdiction of Colombian security forces and exploit opportunities for illicit financing and recruitment.”
Topic:
Non State Actors, Counter-terrorism, Islamic State, Syrian War, Police, Jihad, and IED
Political Geography:
Middle East, Colombia, South America, Syria, and Global Focus

11. The Post-Political Link Between Gender and Climate Change: The Case of the Nationally Determined Contributions Support Programme

Author:
Felipe Jaramillo Ruiz and Juan Pablo Vallejo
Publication Date:
08-2019
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Contexto Internacional
Institution:
Institute of International Relations, Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro
Abstract:
This paper interrogates to what extent the gender component of the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDC) Support Programme of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) reaffirms the post-political condition of climate change. By analysing the incorporation of gender in the NDC Support Programme and its articulation in Colombia’s Low-Carbon Development Strategy, the study exposes the strategic, epistemological, and normative risks of advancing feminist ideas within mainstream institutional frameworks. Thus, this paper shows the opportunities and challenges of dislocating the political and epistemological boundaries of climate change policies by promoting feminist ideas.
Topic:
Climate Change, Development, Gender Issues, United Nations, and Women
Political Geography:
Colombia and Latin America

12. The Geopolitics of the South American Cybernetic Space: The (Non) Shaping of Security Policies and Cybernetic Defense

Author:
Selma Lucia Moura Gonzales and Lucas Soares Portela
Publication Date:
12-2018
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy International Relations
Institution:
Postgraduate Program in International Strategic Studies, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
Abstract:
The purpose of this article is to analyze the current cyber security and defense policies in Brazil, Argentina and Colombia, that have the higher density of internauts, placing these policies in the context of two regional forums: the Organization of American States (OAS) and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), and the possible existence of an interdependence among them or if a new cyberspace geopolitics is being framed in the region, that influences the organization of regional power.
Topic:
Defense Policy, Regional Cooperation, Cybersecurity, Geopolitics, OAS, and UNASUR
Political Geography:
Brazil, Argentina, Colombia, and South America

13. Democracy’s “Near Misses”

Author:
Tom Ginsburg and Aziz Huq
Publication Date:
10-2018
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Democracy
Institution:
National Endowment for Democracy
Abstract:
Democracies can collapse or erode beyond repair, but they can also suffer substantial yet “non-fatal” deterioration in the quality of democratic institutions, and then experience a rebound. Such “near misses” have received little or no attention in the new wave of scholarship on why democracies die (or survive). This article develops the concept of a democratic near miss. It first considers numerical metrics of democratic quality as a means of identifying near misses, but finds that these metrics provide inconsistent and conflicting guidance. Instead, this essay uses a case study method—focusing on Finland in 1930, Colombia in 2010, and Sri Lanka in 2015—to capture the dynamics of democratic near misses. These cases suggest that nonmajoritarian actors, including political-party elites and unelected judges and bureaucrats, have a critical role to play in averting democratic erosion.
Topic:
Culture, Military Affairs, Democracy, and Institutions
Political Geography:
Finland, Sri Lanka, Colombia, and Global Focus

14. Colombia, A Laboratory For History

Author:
Juan Manuel Santos
Publication Date:
06-2018
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of International Affairs
Institution:
School of International and Public Affairs, Columbia University
Abstract:
Not long ago, Uruguay’s former president Jose Mujica said something that stuck in my mind: “Colombia is a laboratory for history!” In a polarized world facing numerous political disturbances, sectarian warfare, terrorism, and even the growing and frightening prospect of nuclear conflict, I believe President Mujica was trying to draw attention to my country’s hopeful, and perhaps unlikely, story of peace. The fact that a country like Colombia was able to end a 50-year-long war that left millions of victims and untold bloodshed between sons and daughters of the same nation is a beacon of hope in today’s disheartening global landscape. Indeed, the negotiation process and our efforts toward building a lasting peace constitute a true laboratory of ideas, experimentation, and lessons learned that could help find solutions in other parts of the world with similar or worse problems.
Topic:
Democracy, Conflict, Peace, and Humanitarian Crisis
Political Geography:
Colombia and South America

15. Un Laboratorio de Guerra en Antioquia: Desmitificando la Victoria Paramilitar y la Desaparición de las Guerrillas

Author:
Jerónimo Ríos
Publication Date:
05-2017
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
Uno de los aspectos menos investigados sobre el conflicto armado colombiano es la coincidencia espacio-temporal de guerrillas y grupos paramilitares. Es decir, cómo afectó a los niveles de presencia y activismo guerrillero la aparición de un actor como el paramilitarismo. Al respecto, la consideración tan predominante como, en pocas ocasiones, poco contrastada, pasa por atribuir una derrota a las guerrillas allí donde el paramilitarismo obtuvo un mayor arraigo. Tomando como estudio de caso el departamento de Antioquia, tradicionalmente, un escenario de gran presencia tanto guerrillera como paramilitar, se busca analizar la afectación de este último a las dinámicas de la violencia y obtener así una aproximación más sólida a una de las aristas más intrincadas del conflicto armado y que requiere de trabajos de mayor profundidad e investigación.
Topic:
Violence, Armed Conflict, Paramilitary, and FARC
Political Geography:
Colombia and South America

16. The United States and Colombia: A Special Relationship

Author:
Juan Carlos Pinzon
Publication Date:
03-2017
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
The Ambassadors Review
Institution:
Council of American Ambassadors
Abstract:
The world has changed for Colombia. For the first time in more than 50 years, we are a nation building a lasting and stable peace. What has not changed is the special relationship Colombia shares with the United States. As the oldest and strongest democracies in the Western Hemisphere, the relationship between our two countries is deeply rooted in our steadfast commitment to the shared values of democracy, freedom and equality. It is an alliance built on a solid foundation of bipartisan support, and that too will not change. Successive Colombian governments have worked with Republican-led con­gresses and those controlled by Democrats, and we look forward to continuing to engage with the new Administration and Congress as we work to build sustainable peace. It was strong bipartisan support that made Plan Colombia the most successful U.S. bilateral initiative with a foreign nation—benefitting both countries and the entire region— and it is bipartisan support that will make the next phase of Plan Colombia—the Peace Colombia initiative—successful as well.
Topic:
Diplomacy, Democracy, Political stability, and Peace
Political Geography:
United States, Colombia, South America, and North America

17. Colombia Mid-2017

Author:
John F. Maisto
Publication Date:
09-2017
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
The Ambassadors Review
Institution:
Council of American Ambassadors
Abstract:
The Colombian peace process—and within it, all issues that have to do with the demobilization of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and its entrance into Colombian political life—is an issue that still divides Colombians and will continue to do so into next year’s election season. The end of hostilities and the peace agreement of 2016 have brought a welcome end to the killing and violence that have plagued Colombia for half a century. The 6,700 to 7,000 FARC members (out of a Colombian population of 49 million) have completed move­ment out of the areas where they fought in rural Colombia, and FARC arms have been turned over to the United Nations—though whether they are all or even most of the FARC arms is still a matter of debate. The execution of the peace process is slow-going, and it has faced roadblocks. The attempt by Juan Manual Santos’ government to “fast track” legislation covering the component parts of the agreement as a package to be voted up or down was rejected by the Colombian Supreme Court in May. President Santos’ response was that the process would have to go forward “brick by brick,” and that is what is now going on. Forward movement also has been hampered by the huge increase in coca produc­tion since 2015. This is due to the government’s agreement to end chemical spraying of coca fields, instead substituting and promoting manual eradication. This has created negative reaction from Washington and generated new efforts in Colombia, this time under the new Vice President, former General Oscar Naranjo. Naranjo, a respected veteran from the Colombian Defense establishment, candidly and publicly has identified the problem as being a policy focused solely on interdiction and eradication without addressing the structural problems causing Colombian farmers to replant coca. Such policy re-tooling is underway. Failure to achieve success in these measures can only have an adverse effect on the gains made under Plan Colombia (and the $10 billion investment of US assistance since 2000). Such failure would embolden organized criminal groups, and huge inflows of illicit earnings would erode citizen security, increase corruption, foment increased illegal immi­gration and destabilize neighbor states. At risk are the legacy and legitimacy of the peace accord.
Topic:
Military Affairs, Elections, Democracy, and Peace
Political Geography:
Colombia and South America

18. From "Failed State" to Exporter of Security? Columbia and the Diplomacy of Security

Author:
Esteban Arratia Sandoval
Publication Date:
12-2016
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy International Relations
Institution:
Postgraduate Program in International Strategic Studies, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
Abstract:
This purpose of this article is to analyze the emergence of the initiative of the diplomacy of security (2012) driven by the Chancellery and the Ministry of Defense of Colombia as a model of cooperation in the field of security and defense. Secondly, it explains the role of United States in the aforementioned initiative. Finally, it examines the main implications of that scheme of assistance in the strategies of security implemented by the countries of the subcontinent.
Topic:
Security, Defense Policy, and Diplomacy
Political Geography:
Colombia and South America

19. Unasur in a Comparative Light: The Relations with Venezuela and Columbia

Author:
Fabio Luis Barbosa Dos Santos
Publication Date:
12-2016
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy International Relations
Institution:
Postgraduate Program in International Strategic Studies, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
Abstract:
This article analyses the relation of Venezuela and Colombia with Unasur since its creation in 2008, with the purpose of exploring the reach and the limits intrinsic to a regional institution that incorporated countries with different governments in its original moment.
Topic:
Diplomacy and Regional Cooperation
Political Geography:
Colombia, South America, and Venezuela

20. Oh! The Places You'll Go

Publication Date:
03-2015
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Americas Quarterly
Institution:
Council of the Americas
Abstract:
In most countries the process isn't always clear or direct. Who does it, how to do it and how long it can take varies from country to country—a reflection of the vagueness of ILO 169 and the uneven development of government regulations across the hemisphere. To compare, here are the steps you would need to take in Chile, Colombia, Guatemala, and Peru.
Political Geography:
Colombia, Chile, Peru, and Guatemala