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  • Author: Steven Zdatny
  • Publication Date: 03-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Little remains today of the so-called Resistencialist Myth, the notion that France was a nation of resisters, save for a handful of treasonous collabos. It was a useful and ingenious fiction. Maybe it spared the country civil war. It certainly bought France selfesteem and saved civil society for the Fourth Republic and the resurrection of liberal democracy. But it's hard to imagine anyone believes it anymore, if anybody truly believed it then. We know that these sorts of political legends do not die all at once; they fall apart in stages, like Francisco Franco. In this case, the stages are well known. In the late 1960s, Marcel Ophuls's The Sorrow and the Pity offered a countermyth of Collaborationist France. A few years later, Robert Paxton's careful, irrefutable scholarship ravaged the legend of la France résistante and re-ignited interest in the real history of Vichy. His Vichy France: Old Guard and New Order depended on research in German occupation sources because French documents were closed. But actors die, fifty-year rules expire, politicians and archivists tack with the wind, all of which has prodded French historians to an unprecedented scrutiny of the nation's experience of war and occupation.
  • Topic: War
  • Political Geography: France
  • Author: Michel Gueldry
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Du 1er juillet au 31 décembre 2000, la France présida le Conseil de l'Union européenne (UE), et ce pour la onzième fois depuis la création de la troïka et de la présidence tournante en 1978. Elle assuma ce rôle précédemment au second semestre 1989 et au premier semestre 1995. En 1999, l'Allemagne et la Finlande assumèrent cette responsabilité, puis le Portugal précéda la France au premier semestre 2000. Cette fonction est un moment fort de la politique nationale—du fait de la cohabitation—et de la politique continentale, car les pays d'Europe centrale et orientale (PECO) frappent à la porte de l'UE, qui doit se préparer pour les intégrer. C'est pourquoi cet article étudie d'abord la dynamique de la cohabitation envers l'Europe, puis le rôle, le contexte et le programme de cette présidence française. Ensuite, il résume les décisions prises aux sommets de Biarritz et de Nice et enfin il analyse leur signification pour la France, les relations franco-allemandes et le futur de l'Union.
  • Political Geography: Europe, France
  • Author: Sarah Maza
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: The first character introduced to the reader at the start of Balzac's La Cousine Bette (1846) is Célestin Crevel, described in the opening sentence as "a fat man of average height wearing the uniform of a captain of the National Guard." Exuding the smugness of commercial success and flaunting the ribbon of the Légion d'honneur, Crevel is on his way to visit a woman he has long secretly desired, Baroness Adeline Hulot d'Evry. Beautiful, middle-aged, and married, the Baroness is in financial trouble and seeks the help of the very rich Crevel to whom she is related by the marriage of her son Victorin to the widower Crevel's only daughter, Célestine.
  • Author: Paula Cossart
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: «Les lettres entre amants sont rares, ce sont sans doute celles que l'on aime le moins conserver… Le chercheur sera déçu de ne trouver que quelques documents difficilement exploitables », écrit Marie-Claire Grassi : la lettre d'amour est « sans doute (…) celle qui a été brûlée la première, rendue sans son ruban, non conservée par peur de quelque compromission ». Si l'on en croit ce constat de rareté, c'est une découverte exceptionnelle qui a permis à la présente recherche, sur l'expression épistolaire du sentiment amoureux, de débuter3. En effet, la correspondance sur laquelle s'appuie cette étude est constituée de 1500 lettres échangées par deux amants entre 1824 et 1849. Il s'agit donc d'une série homogène et longue, permettant des questionnements qui n'auraient sans doute pu être posés à partir de correspondances plus fractionnées. C'est aux Archives de Paris, dans un fonds constitué de pièces déposées au greffe du Tribunal Civil de la Seine, après le décès des personnes concernées, que j'ai retrouvé cette longue correspondance, de manière fortuite, à l'occasion du classement de ce fonds4. Cet échange épistolaire, qui unit pendant plus de vingt ans deux amants, Aimé Pierre Marie Guyet de Fernex et Adèle Schunck, représente la majeure partie des papiers classés sous le nom d'Adèle. Je ne parlerai ici que des lettres écrites entre juin 1824 et juin 1826, c'està- dire pendant les deux premières années de leur relation. Des lettres écrites sur du papier souvent très peu épais, laissant voir ce qui est écrit au verso : l'écriture fine d'Adèle Schunck, des lignes verticales se superposant parfois aux lignes horizontales ; et les réponses de son amant, plus rares. Un papier jauni, bien sûr, sur lequel on distingue encore les plis originels, bien que les lettres attendent depuis plus d'un siècle, dépliées, rangées dans deux boîtes de carton et de bois, bien que le temps les ait ainsi raidies. Et leur signature, identique, immuable : deux A, alignés ou entrelacés, comme leurs deux prénoms, Adèle et Aimé. On distingue deux types de correspondance entre les deux amants : des lettres intimes qui ne devaient être vues que d'eux, et des lettres à caractère officiel, beaucoup plus rares, des lettres « à montrer », comme l'écrit elle-même Adèle Schunck. Une même enveloppe contenait donc parfois deux lettres, dont l'une était destinée à traîner sur une table, ouverte, afin d'être lue des autres, et de justi- fier ainsi le courrier reçu.
  • Author: Antoine de Baecque
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Les historiens ont souvent une relation délicate au présent, trop présent. Mon trouble est encore plus grand, car je voudrais parler du futur, transporter mon discours vers une histoire-fiction, une réalité virtuelle, ou plutôt un musée imaginaire. Mais, après tout, il s'agit là, depuis le dix-septième siècle, d'une des réflexions privilégiées par les intellectuels et les amateurs d'art en Europe. Le Musée du cinéma Henri Langlois n'existe pas encore. C'est un lieu futur, mais qui conserve trace d'un passé, le patrimoine cinématographique, ce cinéma qu'on a nommé l'« art du siècle », un art dont Henri Langlois a également dit qu'il avait trois cents ans, un art qui, de plus, par ses inventions conceptuelles et visuelles peut, je le crois, servir de « boîte à outils » à tous les historiens. C'est en ce sens que j'orienterais ma présentation du Musée du cinéma : ce qui, dans son travail de conception, pourrait être utile aux historiens, non seulement ceux du cinéma, ou du vingtième siècle, mais à tous les visiteurs potentiels de ce Musée qui font métier d'étudier et d'écrire l'histoire.
  • Political Geography: Europe
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: La création d'une institution culturelle suscite toujours des expectatives ; celles-ci sont d'autant plus importantes dans le cas d'un musée consacré aux productions culturelles non-européennes, le Musée du Quai Branly. Dès l'annonce, en octobre 1996, de la fondation de ce musée, celui-ci n'a cessé d'être l'objet de polémiques pour les anthropologues, les historiens de l'art, les chercheurs en histoire naturelle, les conservateurs de musées, les muséologues et d'autres professionnels. Mon propos n'est pas de rendre compte des controverses qui ont entouré cette initiative et qui continuent de se poursuivre, mais plutôt de retracer la genèse du projet muséologique. Une telle démarche n'est pas sans soulever des problèmes de méthode. Ainsi, l'un des obstacles a-til trait au fait que l'objet d'études est un projet en cours de route, et l'on ne peut tenir compte que des intentions des organisateurs sans pouvoir les confronter à la réalité des pratiques. En d'autres termes, la recherche ne peut porter que sur les discours des acteurs et les documents écrits.
  • Author: Octave Debary
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Le petit musée consacré aux oeuvres d'Ambroise Fleury, à Cléry, n'est plus aujourd'hui qu'une attraction touristique mineure. La plupart des visiteurs s'y rendent après un déjeuner au Clos Joli, que tous les guides de France sont unanimes à célébrer comme un des hauts lieux du pays. Les guides signalent cependant l'existence du musée, avec la mention « vaut un détour ». On trouve dans ses cinq salles la plupart des oeuvres de mon oncle qui ont survécu à la guerre, à l'occupation, aux combats de la Libération et à toutes les vicissitudes et lassitudes que notre peuple a connues. (...) Malgré le peu d'intérêt qu'il suscite, et la modestie de la subvention qu'il reçoit de la municipalité, le musée ne risque pas de fermer ses portes, il est trop lié à notre histoire, mais la plupart du temps ses salles sont vides, car nous vivons une époque où les Français cherchent plutôt à oublier qu'à se souvenir. Reprenant la question qu'Adorno adresse à la poésie, François Mairesse, dans son analyse de l'histoire des musées, pose la question suivante : « Peut-on encore concevoir un musée après Auschwitz ? ». Dans la logique de mon propos, la véritable question qui est ici posée est la suivante : peut-on encore concevoir d'oublier-après Auschwitz ? Concevoir d'oublier après Auschwitz reviendrait à accepter l'idée de pouvoir oublier Auschwitz. Le musée est un instrument d'oubli. D'où l'effroyable question de savoir si l'on peut encore faire des musées après le drame d'Auschwitz. On a continué de faire des musées, on a même fait un musée d'Auschwitz dont Primo Levi a parlé.
  • Author: Richard Kuisel
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: What might a historical perspective provide toward understanding the current bout of bashing Uncle Sam? There is a pattern to Gallic anti-Americanism. It peaks, as it did in the 1950s and again today, when the U.S. postures as a socio-economic model and threatens a cultural invasion. But there are also new features to contemporary attacks on America. What has intensified French perceptions of American domination stems from changes within France as the nation pursues competitiveness and openness. These changes have brought a perception among the French that they have lost an idealized construction of "France" and are increasingly powerless over forces like globalization and European integration. Globalization in particular magnifies the presence and power of America. Anxiety about loss is transferred to an America that appears intrusive and selfserving. Neo-anti-Americanism is a form of retaliation—retaliation against a seemingly omnipotent United States which tries to impose the self-serving process of globalization on France; retaliation against our obstructionist, expendable and unreliable hegemony in international politics; and retaliation against American promotion of our flawed social model, which challenges a traditional construction of Frenchness.
  • Topic: Economics
  • Political Geography: United States, America, Europe
  • Author: Gérard Grunberg
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: The local elections of spring 2001 constituted a defeat for the Socialist government. The outcome of these elections in large and medium-sized cities show significant losses for the Left––despite Socialist victories in Paris and Lyon––and especially for the Communists whose numbers continue to decline. The only left-wing party to improve its position was the Green Party. These results do not reflect a clear rejection of the government by the public, but they outline two reasons for the Left to worry: First, although polls seemed to be favorable to the Left, the elections' disappointing outcome shifted the political climate in a way that benefits the Right. While the Left was politically destablilized, the election results boosted the opposition's morale and Jacques Chirac now felt confident in taking the offensive in his race for the presidency. Second, the election results––more specifically the analysis of how votes shifted between the two rounds––reveal two developments: The Right did a better job than the Left at mobilizing its potential voters for the second round; and in the context of the National Front schism, more far-right voters than in the past voted for moderate-right candidates. Such trends suggest that the 2002 elections will be a challenge for a more divided and instable "gauche plurielle." The local elections of 2001 moved the Left from the role of favorite to that of challenger.
  • Topic: Government
  • Author: Robert Lieberman
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: France and the United States are commonly portrayed as proceeding from diametrically opposed presumptions in their approaches to race policy. But accounts of race policy in these two countries that emphasize cultural and ideological obscure crucial similarities between French and American race policy and thus fail to explain national differences convincingly. Despite similarly enshrining principles of color-blindness in antidiscrimination law, French and American race policy took very different directions in the 1960s and 1970s. France adhered closely to color-blindness in the face of persistent and even mounting discrimination while the United States moved toward an ambivalent embrace of race-conscious remedies for discrimination. The answer to this puzzle lies in the politics of minority incorporation, particularly the kind of state power that was created and mobilized to implement antidiscrimination policy and the structure of political opportunities available to proponents of race-conscious policy. Ironically, the "weak" American state, which produced a compromised vision of civil rights law, proved stronger at promoting the enforcement of antidiscrimination law, while the "stronger" French state has mounted a relatively anemic enforcement effort.
  • Political Geography: United States, America
  • Author: Dick Howard
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: The essay claims that there has been a consistent political logic whose course can be traced across the Ancient régime down through modern times. It is marked by the quest for unity, the refusal of particularity, and the rhetoric of republicanism. But, since left and right were distinguished by their attitudes toward the revolution, the emergence of the "social question" made it necessary for the left to justify its divisions. That was the role of Marxism, which functioned in France not as a theory but as an ideology of legitimation. The achievement of Mitterrand against this background can be seen as the "corruption of the republic." However, the logic of the "affaires" that have emerged may make possible for the first time in French history an autonomous magistrature. As a result, the French quest to realize a democratic republic may be replaced by the more modern politics of republican democracy.
  • Political Geography: France
  • Author: William B. Cohen
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: During the Algerian War successive governments denied that they employed torture in the conduct of the conflict. The French public during the war and thereafter were, however, well informed on the brutal means used in the North African conflict. In the summer of 2000 an Algerian woman tortured by the French gave an interview to Le monde. The publicity surrounding this interview and a subsequent interview given by General Aussaresses, head of the secret operations in Algeria, created a public furor over France\'s record in Algeria. In a much publicized petition, some of those who had opposed the Algerian war asked the French government to issue an apology for its acts. France\'s political leaders balked, refusing to take such a step. As a result of the furor created in 2000-2001 there was a greater sense of consciousness of the darkest sides of French colonialism. If the French government eventually does issue a public apology, it will largely be as a result of the dramatic debates of the last year.
  • Topic: Government
  • Political Geography: France, North Africa
  • Author: Christian Delacampagne
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: The regular use of torture by the French army during the Algerian War raises at least two questions: 1) How was such torture made possible? Incapable of facing public opinion–– which was primarily in favor of colonization up until the end of the 1960s––the leaders of the Fourth Republic erred by giving full power to the army to crush the insurrection. It even took General De Gaulle two years to correct the situation. 2) What have we done since then to ensure that this would not happen again? As shown by the following facts, France has certainly not done what is necessary: It never formally recognized its responsibility for torture; it never tried to punish the principal culprits, whether politicians or military; it does not even seem to have learned from its past mistakes. Indeed, successive French governments continue to adopt a complacent stance towards similar practices (torture, summary executions) that consecutive Algerian governments have been covering up for several years – as if the use of torture should not be systematically condemned.
  • Topic: Government
  • Political Geography: Algeria
  • Author: Michael Sibalis
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Gay and lesbian studies have almost everywhere experienced an incredible rate of growth in the last decade or so, but until very recently French scholarship has lagged far behind. In particular, professional historians in France have been reticent to research the history of homosexuality, in large part because of the conservatism of the academic establishment. (Young scholars have feared that an interest in gay history would hinder their careers.) As a result, much of the existing gay history of France has been produced by "Anglo-Saxons" (as the French call anyone who speaks or writes in English), and to the extent that "gay studies" have made their appearance in France, it is journalists, sociologists, and legal scholars rather than historians who have led the way.
  • Topic: Government
  • Political Geography: France
  • Author: Young Whan Kihl
  • Publication Date: 09-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: The move toward rapprochement between the leaders of North and South Korea, symbolized by their well-documented embrace at the June 2000 summit, gave reasons for hope and new expectations for reconciliation between the two Koreas. The enthusiasm and euphoria generated by this summit, however, failed to move forward to concrete steps toward genuine peace and stability on the Korean peninsula. The reason has less to do with the enthusiasm of the summer as the hard realities of the political and economic issues confronted by each Korea and the geopolitical situation surrounding the Korean peninsula. So far Seoul's engagement policy toward North Korea has given an impression of one side giving and yielding without due reciprocity by the other side. This work will address the post-summit developments in inter-Korean relations, marking the one-year anniversary of the June 2000 Korean summit. It will reassess the meaning and significance of the summit talks by reevaluating the sunshine policy of ROK President Kim Dae Jung, analyzing the progress and problems for implementation of the June 15, 2000, joint declaration, and speculating about the DPRK's possible opening and its reform policy measures.
  • Political Geography: South Korea, North Korea, Korea
  • Author: Jane Shapiro Zacek
  • Publication Date: 09-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: In July of 2000, Russian Federation (RF) President Vladimir Putin spent two days in Pyongyang, North Korea, the first Russian (or Soviet) head of state ever to visit that country. Newly elected President in his own right in March 2000, Putin wasted no time promoting his East Asia foreign policy agenda, including presidential visits to South Korea, China, and elsewhere in the region within the past year.
  • Political Geography: Russia, China, East Asia, South Korea, North Korea, Soviet Union, Korea, Sinai Peninsula, Pyongyang
  • Author: Taeho Kim
  • Publication Date: 09-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: The future of China-Japan relations will have a decisive impact on post-Cold War East Asia's economic and political order. Japan and China embody the world's second- and, by PPP-based calculations, third-largest economies, respectively, and wield growing political clout in regional affairs. Militarily, despite the different nature and sources of their national power, both countries are the major factors to be reckoned with in any East Asian strategic equation.
  • Political Geography: Japan, China, East Asia
  • Author: Yong-Sup Han
  • Publication Date: 09-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: South Koreans did not recognize the importance of "the positive peace" until the Kim Dae-jung Administration came to power in 1998. Before then, the concept of "the negative peace" had long been engrained in the minds of South Koreans and Americans. The United States and South Korea have been successful in deterring war up to now. Although North Korea insisted that they should conclude a peace treaty with the United States, their true intent was not to establish "the positive peace" on the Korean peninsula. Herein, the positive peace means that there is neither a war nor a competition, and there is cooperation toward similar or common goals between different states. The Kim Dae-jung Administration began its reconciliation and cooperation policy to create conditions favorable to making positive peace on the Korean peninsula.
  • Political Geography: United States, America, South Korea, North Korea, Korean Peninsula
  • Author: Hyun-Kun Yoon
  • Publication Date: 09-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: A decade after the Cold War ended, the world still seems to be in a transitional period. It is a dynamic time with drastic changes. There are opportunities that can consolidate sustained peace and future stability. There are also risks that could generate new instabilities and even conflicts in a fast-changing world. Northeast Asia, and the Korean peninsula in particular, is perhaps the best place to illustrate the uncertain situation.
  • Political Geography: Northeast Asia, Korean Peninsula
  • Author: Shalendra D. Sharma
  • Publication Date: 09-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: In 1950, Korea was among the poorest countries in the world, with a per capita income of under US$150.1 Ravaged by a brutal war between 1950-53, a divided Korea was predicted to remain a "basketcase" for the foreseeable future. However, South Korea (hereafter Korea), defied the dire predictions — becoming in less than a generation the quintessential developmental success story — and a model for other developing countries to emulate. With the exception of a relatively short-lived recession in 1979-80, Korea enjoyed continuous economic growth between 1960 and 1997. With the economy expanding at an annual rate of over 8%, Korea's per capita income grew to US$10,973 by mid-1997, earning it membership in the exclusive OCED (Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development) group of nations.2 Already the world's eleventh largest economy in 1996, Korea publicly stated its ambition to outperform Japan technologically in the new millennium. Indeed, as the world's largest supplier of computer memory chips, the second largest shipbuilder, the third largest producer of semiconductors, the fourth largest maker of electronics and the fifth largest automobile maker, Korea hardly made an idle boast in its ambition.
  • Political Geography: Japan, South Korea, Korea