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  • Publication Date: 01-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Critical Review
  • Institution: Critical Review Foundation
  • Abstract: With the publication of Jeffrey Tulis's The Rhetorical Presidency, Woodrow Wilson's contribution to a major transformation in the American presidency—and in American politics—came to be recognized. But while Wilson believed that the danger of presidential demagoguery was overrated, forms of demagoguery that he underestimated have undermined the legitimacy of America's presidential democracy, in both its Wilsonian, plebiscitary form; and in the rule by decree to which presidents sometimes turn when their rhetoric does not suffice. The basic problem that Wilson overlooked is the mismatch between effective rhetoric and what can actually be accomplished, even by the most popular of presidents.
  • Topic: Politics
  • Political Geography: America
  • Author: Paul J. Quirk
  • Publication Date: 01-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Critical Review
  • Institution: Critical Review Foundation
  • Abstract: Tulis's critique of popular presidential leadership raises several questions about public opinion: Do modern, rhetorically inclined presidents influence the public? What types of presidential rhetoric might, in principle, mislead or manipulate the public? And is the net result that the people are led into error and distortion in their policy opinions? The public-opinion literature, which has assiduously documented the public's ignorance about politics and policy, might seem, at first glance, to offer grounds for an unequivocal “yes” to the third question. But most scholars of public opinion discount public ignorance and defend an optimistic view of the citizenry's political competence. The more convincing arguments and evidence, however, support more critical views. There is ample reason to worry about the consequences of policy making driven by popular rhetoric, and thus to consider whether any remedies for plebiscitary democracy might be found.
  • Author: Diane Rubenstein
  • Publication Date: 01-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Critical Review
  • Institution: Critical Review Foundation
  • Abstract: Jeffrey Tulis's The Rhetorical Presidency is deceptively titled. It is not about rhetoric or political symbolism or even about the American presidency as such, as were many postmodern studies produced in the Reagan era. Rather, Tulis re-situates rhetoric: a minor theme in a story about the presidency becomes an important avenue into profound questions of political order and republican governance. Like Tulis, I approach my thesis obliquely; I distinguish his from other, seemingly similar, works (and realign him with other rhetorical readers, such as Paul de Man and Jacques Derrida) to underscore what I see as the book's lasting legacy: its explication of the double binds and central paradoxes of republican governance (seen, for example, in presidential prerogative), and its articulation of the role of rhetoric in institutional transformation.
  • Topic: Government, Governance
  • Political Geography: America
  • Author: Adam D. Sheingate
  • Publication Date: 01-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Critical Review
  • Institution: Critical Review Foundation
  • Abstract: The Rhetorical Presidency places great importance on the transformative power of political ideas. For Tulis, Progressive ideas informed the rhetorical practices of Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson—practices that reconstituted the American presidency. They did so, in part, by trading on the ambiguous nature of the concept of “publicity”—which at once evoked liberal ideals of public deliberation and transparency, and modern practices of manipulative communication. In turn, the new practices of publicity revolutionized not only the American presidency, but American politics as a whole.
  • Topic: Politics
  • Political Geography: America
  • Author: Jeffrey K. Tulis
  • Publication Date: 01-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Critical Review
  • Institution: Critical Review Foundation
  • Abstract: The Rhetorical Presidency is not, principally, a book about rhetoric or the presidency. Rather, rhetoric and the presidency are windows on the American constitutional order as a whole. Critics have greatly enhanced the historical narrative but have not undermined the principal historical and theoretical claims. Recent changes in the American polity are best understood as exacerbations of problems described in the book, rather than as fundamental alterations of our political world. Contemporary political pathologies can still be diagnosed as a product of the contending imperatives of the new constitutional order that has been layered on top of the old one. And while problems may be attenuated by a creative melding of the old and new orders, they cannot be solved within the confines of American constitutionalism, as it has been traditionally understood.
  • Political Geography: America
  • Author: Gisèle Sapiro
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: As Michel Foucault observed in his famous essay, “Qu'est-ce qu'un auteur?” before discourse was a product, it was an act that could be punished. The author's appropriation of discourse as his personal property is secondary to its ascription to his name through penal responsibility. In France, authorial responsibility was introduced in 1551 through royal legislation directed at controlling the book market. The Chateaubriant edict made it compulsory to print both the author's and the printer's names on any publication. The notion of responsibility is thus a fundamental aspect of the emergence of the figure of the modern writer. The state first imposed this conception of responsibility in order to control the circulation of discourses. But after writers internalized the notion, they deployed it against the state in their struggle to establish their moral right on their work and to have literary property recognized as individual property, a struggle that culminated in 1777 with a royal decree recognizing literary compositions as products of labor from which authors were entitled to derive an income. This professional development reinforced the writer's social prestige and status, in Max Weber's sense.
  • Political Geography: France
  • Author: Laurence Brown
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: The Spanish Civil War stirred an array of humanitarian relief campaigns in France that placed women in the front lines of popular mobilization. As communists, socialists, liberals, antifascists, feminists and pacifists, French women invoked the iconography and language of sexual difference to construct pro- Republican aid appeals as an expression of gendered social concern above party politics. Through exploring the female leaderships, organization, and popular participation in different relief campaigns, this article emphasizes the extent to which Spanish aid efforts were dominated by tensions within the Front Populaire.
  • Political Geography: France
  • Author: Nathan Bracher
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: In reviewing various commemorations that highlighted the year 2005 in France, this article points out the major evolutions of memory visible primarily in the press and media coverage of these events. If public memory remains as highly charged and polemical as it was in the 1980s and 1990s, attention is clearly turning away from the Occupation and Vichy to focus more on Europe and on France's colonial past, as we see not only in the ceremonies celebrating the “liberation” of Auschwitz, the Allied victory over Nazi Germany, and the dedication of the Mémorial de la Shoah, but also in the many articles devoted to Russian and Eastern European experiences of the war, as well as to the bloody postwar repressions of colonial uprisings in Algeria and Madagascar. Now that racial and ethnic tensions are exacerbating an increasingly fragmented public memory, the work of history is more urgent than ever.
  • Political Geography: Russia, Europe, Eastern Europe, France, Germany, Algeria, Madagascar
  • Author: Jacques Lévy
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: This article argues that the way French society comprehends its territory is not only an aspect of a more general identity crisis, but also an acting component of an overall political model. France can be characterized as a “state-fatigued” society. Centralism has had an important spatial consequence: an alliance of the nation-state and provincial “notables” against the city. The major cities, especially Paris, produce for the rest of the country but continue to be denied effective local and regional political power. In this context, the peculiar tradition of aménagement du territoire can be analyzed as a discourse based on the myth of a demiurge, the state, which would be the only legitimate actor able to restore France's grandeur by reconquering the deprived parts of its territory. Correlative public polices target moral compensation for a supposed injustice: a partial reimbursement of the debt France once contracted by incorporating the provinces into the national territory. After reviewing disappointing recent changes in the geographical architecture of political power, the article makes some proposals. They are based on the dual framework that an empowerment of relevant spatial units will be necessary and that only a profound and massive debate involving ordinary citizens can overcome the current institutional gridlock.
  • Political Geography: France
  • Publication Date: 12-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: CTC Sentinel
  • Institution: The Combating Terrorism Center at West Point
  • Abstract: THE COMBATING TERRORISM CENTER at the U.S. Military Academy at West Point is privileged to present the CTC Sentinel, a new monthly online journal devoted to understanding and confronting contemporary threats posed by terrorism, insurgency and other forms of political violence. The CTC Sentinel draws from the Center's network of scholars and practitioners dedicated to the study of terrorism and counter-terrorism to provide the most well-informed forum for the analysis of these most pressing security challenges facing the United States and its allies.
  • Topic: Terrorism, War
  • Political Geography: United States
  • Author: A. Kokoshin
  • Publication Date: 09-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Affairs: A Russian Journal of World Politics, Diplomacy and International Relations
  • Institution: East View Information Services
  • Abstract: The "asymmetric response" to the US Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), put forward by US President Ronald Reagan in 1983, was one of the most interesting examples of complex politico-military strategy (comprising diplomatic, political and propaganda activity, as well as concrete programs for the development of weapon systems and an appropriate scientific and technical base).
  • Political Geography: United States
  • Author: Alexander Fomenko
  • Publication Date: 09-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Affairs: A Russian Journal of World Politics, Diplomacy and International Relations
  • Institution: East View Information Services
  • Abstract: The near half a century of the Cold War between the USSR and the U.S. and the subsequent 15 years of "NATO enlargement" created in the heads of both the Russians and the Americans a stereotype based on the perception of each other as almost natural geopolitical rivals, doomed to confrontation, if not by geography, then by history.
  • Political Geography: Russia, United States, America
  • Author: A. Kolodkin, S. Glandin
  • Publication Date: 11-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Affairs: A Russian Journal of World Politics, Diplomacy and International Relations
  • Institution: East View Information Services
  • Abstract: A Russian state flag has been placed on the Arctic Ocean floor. That is a truly landmark event. As part of the Arctic 2007 expedition, the Akademik Fyodorov research vessel made the first voyage to a high latitude part of the Arctic. On August 2, 2007, for the first time in history, a unique experiment was carried out: Two submersibles with daring explorers on board dived to a record depth of 4,261 meters. Over the course of almost two hours, they performed a preplanned research and exploration mission. One of the main goals of that unprecedented deed was to obtain a sample of seabed rock sediment that was to serve as conclusive evidence of the fact that the Lomonosov Ridge is an extension of the Siberian Continental Platform and therefore, the mineral deposits there belong to our state.
  • Political Geography: Russia
  • Author: A. Dynkin
  • Publication Date: 11-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Affairs: A Russian Journal of World Politics, Diplomacy and International Relations
  • Institution: East View Information Services
  • Abstract: THE UNCERTAINTY of world development is growing. The classical systems of bipolarity, monocentrism, and center-periphery now belong to history of the 20 century. What will take their place? What will the world economic system look like 15 years from today? Finding answers to these pressing questions is the objective of a long-term world economy forecast made by the IMEMO (World Economy and International Relations Institute). The forecast has been prepared by more than 50 scholars of the institute.
  • Author: Ole Spiermann
  • Publication Date: 11-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: European Journal of International Law
  • Institution: European Journal of International Law
  • Abstract: The 20th century saw the transformation of international law into a legal discipline concerned with the practical application of law. It was fuelled by a manifold variety of treaties, procedures and institutions. Still, international lawyers persisted in conceiving and judging their discipline against a background coloured by national legal traditions. International lawyers did not overcome the optimist and evolutionary tradition based on the assumption that international law is but an ever closer approximation of national legal systems; nor did lawyers escape the flip side of this tradition, i.e., doubt and insecurity about international law and its basis. Rather than facilitating international law as a practical discipline, a superficial understanding of internationalism reinforced fetishisms of the discipline's theoretical past, not least the axiom that states only are proper subjects of international law. To a degree, international law has expanded at the price of becoming less separate from national law and national legal traditions.
  • Topic: International Law
  • Author: Aloysius P. Llamzon
  • Publication Date: 11-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: European Journal of International Law
  • Institution: European Journal of International Law
  • Abstract: International institutions are plagued by too many expectations and too little power. One striking example is the International Court of Justice. Its malcontents criticize the Court as an ineffective player in achieving international peace and security, largely because of its perceived inability to control state behaviour. Scholars have long blamed this on the ICJ's 'flawed' jurisdictional architecture, which is based entirely on consent. Anything less than a clear indication of consent by the defendant state in a given case is thought to run serious non-compliance risks. This article takes issue with that assessment. By analysing the ICJ's final decisions since the landmark case of Nicaragua v. US, one finds that the manner in which the ICJ was seised of jurisdiction is actually a poor predictor of subsequent compliance. Rather, through complex mechanisms of authority signal and the political inertia induced by those decisions, almost all of the Court's decisions have achieved substantial, albeit imperfect, compliance. Thus, despite the likelihood that states will continue to reduce the scope of the ICJ's compulsory jurisdiction, the World Court will remain a vital, if limited, tool in resolving inter-state disputes and a force for world public order.
  • Topic: Security
  • Political Geography: United States
  • Author: Ulf Linderfalk
  • Publication Date: 11-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: European Journal of International Law
  • Institution: European Journal of International Law
  • Abstract: This article forms a contribution to the ongoing scholarly debate on the possible effect of jus cogens norms. For the purpose of the article, it is assumed that peremptory norms certainly exist in positive international law. According to the argument, even if we limit the effects of jus cogens norms to those described in the 1969 Vienna Convention, the jus cogens concept takes us farther than most commentators seem to realize. This is due partly to the power potential invested in the jus cogens concept, partly to the intricate structure typical of legal norms. In fact, as argued in this article, if we take the existence of peremptory international law to its logical consequence, it will carry too far: most actors on the international arena will consider the effects unacceptable. Using as an example the jus cogens norm most often referred to in the literature - the principle of non-use of force - it is a purpose of the present article to establish this proposition as valid. A second purpose is to attract attention to what appears to be the really crucial question for further discussion: How should the effects of jus cogens be limited? Whoever opened the Pandora's Box that once contained the jus cogens concept obviously did not fully realize the consequences that this would have for international law in general. How can this situation be remedied?
  • Author: Michel Bourbonnière, Ricky J. Lee
  • Publication Date: 11-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: European Journal of International Law
  • Institution: European Journal of International Law
  • Abstract: The Bush Administration of the United States recently released a revised National Space Policy. Although the revised National Space Policy can be interpreted as a step towards the weaponization of space, it does not necessarily weaponize space. It nonetheless brings to the forefront important legal issues concerning the basing of conventional weapons in space. The present international law matrix on the issue of space-based weapons is to be found in international space law, principally in the Outer Space Treaty, where certain prohibitions apply to nuclear weapons and to weapons of mass destruction. Space must also be used for the benefit and in the interests of all countries, irrespective of their degree of economic or scientific development. Space objects must be registered in accordance with the Registration Convention. The UN collective security system and the customary right of self-defence govern the use of force or jus ad bellum. The means and methods through which self-defence is exercised are in turn governed by international humanitarian law. Should space be weaponized the basing of these weapons and their use will be subject not only to international space law but also to the UN Charter and to international humanitarian law. The interface between these legal regimes consequently gains in importance, possibly forcing a reinterpretation of certain space treaties along with a correction in state practice.
  • Topic: Humanitarian Aid, Nuclear Weapons, United Nations
  • Political Geography: United States
  • Author: Lorna McGregor
  • Publication Date: 11-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: European Journal of International Law
  • Institution: European Journal of International Law
  • Abstract: In recent judgments, the claim has been made that immunity, as a procedural rule, does not affect substantive norms but merely diverts the claim to an alternative forum. As such, the claim is made that immunity does not equate to impunity. Yet, within a context in which the courts of the state in which the torture allegedly took place are very often unavailable and diplomatic protection does not amount to an alternative means of settlement, the provision of immunity in foreign courts contributes to, justifies, and may even constitute the resulting impunity. At the same time, the framework within which immunity is addressed tends to lend itself to such a result. Courts routinely cite sovereign equality, par in parem non habet jurisdictionem, dignity, and comity as legitimate bases on which to grant immunity without considering the evolution of these doctrines. As a result, the contemporary application of immunity is premised on 1648 understandings of doctrines such as sovereignty, thus positioning the state above the law, a result which renders the prohibition of torture impotent.
  • Topic: Sovereignty
  • Author: Christopher Keith Hall
  • Publication Date: 11-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: European Journal of International Law
  • Institution: European Journal of International Law
  • Abstract: The universal criminal jurisdiction provisions of the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment ('the Convention') which require each state party to extradite or submit any case involving a foreigner in territory subject to its jurisdiction suspected of torture committed abroad against another foreigner to its competent authorities for the purpose of prosecution. What is not generally known is that Article 14 of the Convention, which contains no geographic restriction, requires each state party to ensure in its legal system that any victim of an act of torture, regardless of where it occurred, obtains redress and has an enforceable right to fair and adequate compensation, including the means for as full rehabilitation as possible. Despite two recent decisions, one by a Canadian court and the other by the House of Lords, which erroneously asserted the contrary, an authoritative interpretation by the Committee against Torture, the ordinary meaning of the wording of Article 14, the structure of the Convention, and the drafting history all confirm that Article 14 applies to torture committed abroad regardless of the nationality of the perpetrator or the victim.
  • Author: Noah Benjamin Novogrodsky
  • Publication Date: 11-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: European Journal of International Law
  • Institution: European Journal of International Law
  • Abstract: This article assesses the implications of the Canadian case of Bouzari v. Islamic Republic of Iran in which sovereign immunity barred recovery against a foreign state for acts of torture. Part 2 describes the case and the courts' rejection of arguments centred on the hierarchy of jus cogens norms, implied waiver and common law principles. Part 3 evaluates parallel developments in the United States and demonstrates the commonalities and differences associated with efforts to overcome immunity in the two countries. Part 4 examines potential amendments to Canada's State Immunity Act with a view to balancing considerations of comity with a just and workable means of holding states accountable for grave human rights abuses.
  • Topic: Human Rights
  • Political Geography: United States, Iran, Canada
  • Author: Alexander Orakhelashvili
  • Publication Date: 11-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: European Journal of International Law
  • Institution: European Journal of International Law
  • Abstract: The proper way of addressing the impact of normative hierarchy on state immunity is to adopt the normative-evidentiary approach cleansed of preconceptions motivated by certain risk factors that possess only theoretical significance. The European Court stated in Al-Adsani on the hierarchy of norms issue without properly examining most of its crucial aspects. The Joint Dissenting Opinion of six judges has exposed the weaknesses in the Court's reasoning. Still, some national courts, especially the House of Lords in Jones v. Saudi Arabia, have taken the Al-Adsani ruling as axiomatic, and accepted its outcome without enquiring into whether the line of reasoning the European Court had pursued was consistent or supported with evidence. The outcome is an unfortunate thread of judicial decisions, which do not properly examine the impact of the hierarchy of norms on State immunity, and consistently uphold the impunity of the perpetrators of torture as well as the denial to victims of the only available remedy.
  • Political Geography: Europe, Saudi Arabia
  • Author: Jörg Kammerhofer, André de Hoogh
  • Publication Date: 11-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: European Journal of International Law
  • Institution: European Journal of International Law
  • Abstract: Despite the technical prowess of both the editors and the contributors to this unique and comprehensive commentary on the Statute of the ICJ, a book of this nature cannot be all things to all people. The practitioner will miss a closer reading of the Court's jurisprudence and a more exhaustive bibliography; the theoretician will lament the lack of theoretical foundations for many of the dogmatic arguments put forward. But this volume is as good as they come, both in terms of the medium and format chosen. The commentary fulfils most of the demands made of it by practitioners and scholars alike.
  • Author: Isabelle Delpla, Xavier Bougarel, Jean-Louis Fournel
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Cultures Conflits
  • Institution: Cultures Conflits
  • Abstract: Le 11 juillet 1995, l'enclave et la ville de Srebrenica, en Bosnie orientale, tombaient aux mains des forces nationalistes serbes du général Mladic qui ont organisé le transfert forcé des femmes et des enfants, massacré plus de 7 500 Bosniaques et, dans les mois suivants, déterré et transporté les cadavres dans des fosses secondaires afin de dissimuler les traces du crime. L'enclave avait pourtant été officiellement déclarée « zone de sécurité » par les Nations unies en 1993, et ses habitants – dont des milliers de réfugiés venant de toute la Bosnie orientale – placés sous la protection de la communauté internationale, représentée en l'occurrence par un bataillon de casques bleus néerlandais. Le massacre de Srebrenica a été rapidement perçu comme le symbole des contradictions, erreurs et fautes, voire des crimes qui ont marqué la politique de « maintien de la paix » prônée par les grandes puissances et l'ONU en ex-Yougoslavie. L'horreur de ce dernier grand massacre de la guerre de Bosnie (1992-1995) a sans doute joué un rôle important dans l'intervention de l'OTAN contre les Serbes de Bosnie à la fin de l'été 1995 qui, à son tour, a conduit à la conclusion des accords de Dayton quelques mois plus tard. Le massacre de Srebrenica a ainsi été tristement fondateur pour l'Europe de l'après-Guerre froide, et notamment pour l'émergence d'une politique européenne de sécurité et de défense. A une échelle plus globale, l'issue tragique de la politique des « zones de sécurité » en Bosnie orientale a contribué à redéfinir les règles d'engagement et l'établissement des responsabilités nationales et internationales dans les opérations de type militaro-humanitaire.
  • Topic: Security, Cold War
  • Political Geography: Europe, Bosnia, Sochi
  • Author: Jean-René Ruez
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Cultures Conflits
  • Institution: Cultures Conflits
  • Abstract: This article presents the principal results, the process, the working methods and the limits of the investigation carried out by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) concerning the Srebrenica massacre of July 1995. This investigation brought to light a vast operation to forcibly displace the women and children and to execute the men. The executions were organised and took place in three phases: (1) a sporadic phase, (2) a systematic phase, and (3) a phase of moving and hiding the bodies. The investigation revealed the military architecture underlying this operation of prisoner extermination. Despite the immensity of the crime scene, the police commissioner uses classic investigative methods (crossing of testimony, search and seizure, etc.) and plays the role of coordinator for a team of investigators and experts (in archaeology, forensic medicine, ballistics, etc.), working to put together the pieces of a huge puzzle.  Cet article présente les résultats principaux, le déroulement, les méthodes de travail et les limites des enquêtes menées par le Tribunal pénal international pour l'ex-Yougoslavie (TPIY) sur le massacre de Srebrenica de juillet 1995. L'enquête a mis au jour une vaste opération de transfert forcé des femmes et des enfants et d'exécutions des hommes. Ces exécutions organisées ont été menées en trois phases, d'abord sporadiques puis systématiques, puis de déplacement et dissimulation des corps. L'enquête a révélé l'architecture militaire de cette opération d'extermination des prisonniers. Devant l'énormité de la scène de crime, le commissaire de police utilise des méthodes d'investigation classiques (croisement de témoignages, perquisitions, etc.) et joue le rôle d'un coordinateur d'une équipe d'enquêteurs et d'experts (en archéologie, en médecine légale, en balistique, etc.) pour rassembler les pièces d'un immense puzzle.
  • Political Geography: Yugoslavia, Balkans
  • Author: Jean-Louis Fournel
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Cultures Conflits
  • Institution: Cultures Conflits
  • Abstract: En s'appuyant sur une étude de différents rapports rédigés entre 1999 et 2004 à propos du massacre de Srebrenica, cet article entend mettre en évidence la façon dont peut s'élaborer une « vérité publique ». Tout rapport est basé sur un contrat de lecture particulier qui induit des constantes voire des contraintes (auteur collectif, liens entre auditions, enquêtes et rédaction, recommandations éventuelles, analyse de la causalité etc.), ce qui contribue à définir une « forme-rapport ». L'article s'attarde notamment sur une constante particulière, à savoir les relations entre trois formes de temporalités : temps des événements, temps mobilisé dans le rapport, temps de l'enquêteur. Au terme de l'analyse, maintes ambiguïtés demeurent sur la sélection des données, l'éventuelle auto-censure, le statut de l'information publiée et l'utilisation des résultats, la crédibilité des causalités, les effets sur les opinions publiques et les gouvernements. Les rapports encouragent ainsi une complexité qui, paradoxalement, joue au bénéfice de la recherche d'une vérité des faits mais aussi, parfois, aux dépens d'une saisie du sens historique.
  • Author: Pierre Brana
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Cultures Conflits
  • Institution: Cultures Conflits
  • Abstract: A lumière de son expérience de député, Pierre Brana analyse le travail de la Mission d'information parlementaire française sur Srebrenica au regard des logiques propres à un tel dispositif parlementaire, qui tiennent notamment à la distinction entre commission d'enquête et mission d'information. Ce travail parlementaire est soumis à de fortes contraintes (temporelles, d'élaboration collective, etc.) et bénéficie d'un faible pouvoir d'investigation, d'où certaines de ses limites. Le rapport porte d'ailleurs la trace des désaccords entre parlementaires, notamment de ceux de l'auteur avec ses collègues. Bien que la culture d'investigation et l'intérêt pour les affaires internationales soient encore insuffisants chez les élus (jusqu'en 1997, les affaires étrangères échappaient à toute mission de ce type), ce genre de commission contribue néanmoins au développement d'une culture de la critique.
  • Political Geography: Balkans
  • Author: Pieter Lagrou
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Cultures Conflits
  • Institution: Cultures Conflits
  • Abstract: Le rapport commandité par le gouvernement néerlandais en 1996 sur les responsabilités du pays dans la chute de l'enclave de Srebrenica, publié en avril 2002, est exceptionnel à plusieurs titres, dont le volume – plus de 7 000 pages –, les moyens et les sources mis à la disposition de l'équipe de douze chercheurs et l'impact. Sa publication a provoqué la démission du gouvernement. Afin de comprendre ce rapport, il est important de l'insérer dans une tradition nationale de recours aux commissions d'enquête comme outils de consensus politique. La démarche même de la commission, son positivisme, sa cohérence qui n'admet aucune contradiction, son insistance sur les responsabilités en haut lieu tout en prenant soin de ne pas s'attarder sur celles des militaires de Dutchbat eux-mêmes, contribuent plus à clore un débat national qu'à l'alimenter.
  • Author: Xavier Bougarel
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Cultures Conflits
  • Institution: Cultures Conflits
  • Abstract: In the summer of 1995 already, various polemics broke out on possible tactical mistakes of the Bosniac political and military leaders and on a hypothetical abandonment of the Srebrenica enclave. Later on, these polemics were fed by the internal conflicts of the Party of Democratic Action (SDA), the first demonstrations of the enclave's survivors, and the forecoming general elections of September 1996. Against this background, the Parliament of the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina organized on the 1st of August 1996 a debate on the causes of the fall of Srebrenica. The analysis of this debate allows for a better understanding of the ways in which the question of the possible Bosniac responsibilities in the fall of Srebrenica is in fact related to larger interrogations on the way the SDA leaders exerted political power and defined their war aims.   Dès l'été 1995, diverses polémiques ont vu le jour sur de possibles erreurs tactiques des dirigeants politiques et militaires bosniaques ou un hypothétique abandon de l'enclave de Srebrenica. Par la suite, ces polémiques ont été alimentées par les dissensions internes au Parti de l'action démocratique (SDA), les premières manifestations des survivants de l'enclave et l'approche des élections générales de septembre 1996. Dans ce contexte, le Parlement de la République de Bosnie-Herzégovine a organisé le 1er août 1996 un débat sur les causes de la chute de Srebrenica. L'analyse de ce débat permet de mieux comprendre comment la question des éventuelles responsabilités bosniaques dans la chute de Srebrenica renvoie en fait à d'autres interrogations plus larges sur les modes d'exercice du pouvoir politique par les dirigeants du SDA d'une part, sur leurs buts de guerre d'autre part.
  • Political Geography: Balkans
  • Author: Michèle Picard, Asta Zinbo
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Cultures Conflits
  • Institution: Cultures Conflits
  • Abstract: Cet article présente les origines, la mise en place, le travail et les suites du rapport par lequel le gouvernement de la Republika Srpska (RS) a, en juin 2004, reconnu la réalité du massacre de Srebrenica de juillet 1995. A l'origine, la Chambre des droits de l'Homme de Bosnie-Herzégovine a rendu en 2003 une décision qui ordonnait à la RS de faire une enquête sur les événements de Srebrenica. Suite à cette décision, le gouvernement de la RS a institué une commission aux travaux de laquelle un représentant de la Commission internationale pour les personnes portées disparues (ICMP) a été associée. Cet article présente d'abord le point de vue de la Chambre, puis celui de l'ICMP, institutions à la fois distinctes et complémentaires des juridictions pénales, qui, s'appuyant sur le principe de la défense des droits de l'Homme, considèrent les droits et le sort individuels des victimes de Srebrenica, morts et survivants, et la responsabilité collective du gouvernement de la RS.
  • Topic: Government
  • Political Geography: Balkans
  • Author: Isabelle Delpla
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Cultures Conflits
  • Institution: Cultures Conflits
  • Abstract: A partir d'une comparaison des enquêtes et des rapports sur Srebrenica, cet article analyse la manière dont ces textes établissent les faits, déterminent les responsabilités et proposent des modèles d'intelligibilité. Les enquêtes du TPIY sont déterminantes pour la connaissance du massacre. Les rapports divergent dans l'assignation des responsabilités internationales dans la chute de l'enclave, reflétant un tropisme (inter)national, très dommageable dans le cas des rapports français et hollandais du NIOD. Les réponses à la question « pourquoi Srebrenica ? », plus convaincantes dans l'analyse du « faire » que du « laisser faire », posent le problème des analogies, du cadre de référence et des jeux d'échelles pertinents (local, régional, étatique, international). Elles soulignent les limites d'une focalisation « locale » sur Srebrenica et l'importance de ne pas séparer l'analyse de la chute de Srebrenica de celle de Zepa.
  • Political Geography: Balkans
  • Author: Michel Galy
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Cultures Conflits
  • Institution: Cultures Conflits
  • Abstract: A la suite de travaux sur la « guerre nomade » ouest africaine, on s'interroge ici sur la sociologie politique d'un mouvement rebelle, entre ethnicité et internationalisation. Quels écarts entre les pratiques de violence discontinue envers les civils et les discours anti-discriminations, entre épuration ethnique larvée et positions révolutionnaires ? L'étude des strates successives du mouvement rebelle, des clans et groupes qui le composent aboutit à un « diagramme de pouvoirs » qui va des communautés locales aux alliances avec les pays voisins et aux soutiens occidentaux. Mais un approfondissement de la genèse du mouvement montre en fait certains caractères « post-modernes » de telles rebellions, où la sympathie plus ou moins manipulée de médias étrangers aboutit, via un sigle au début largement artificiel (MPCI), à une véritable co-création d'un mouvement politico-militaire, dont militaires, politiques et humanitaires occidentaux se sont emparés sans recul critique - notamment en refusant de connaître l'« idéologie mandingue », symétrique de « l'ivoirité » et justifiant par avance une violence conquérante. C'est aussi l'occasion, en termes foucaldiens, de jauger la « gouvernance par la violence » de la zone rebelle, mais aussi sa gouvernementalité : en termes d'informalisation des trafics en tous genres, de résistance des communautés villageoises, de persistance des factions militaires sous-tendues par les clivages de l'ethnicité ; enfin d'analyser les dilemmes politiques du mouvement rebelle, entre création d'un proto-Etat peu viable (ou son rattachement au Burkina), et ralliement - moyennant compensations -au processus de réintégration nationale, de désarmement et de participation au processus électoral.
  • Topic: Governance
  • Political Geography: Africa, Côte d'Ivoire
  • Author: Antonia Garcia Castro
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Cultures Conflits
  • Institution: Cultures Conflits
  • Abstract: Créée il y a deux ans, cette rubrique entend explorer les relations complexes du culturel et du politique. L'ouverture que cet espace permet n'est pas formelle, elle n'est pas que thématique, notre propos est de rendre possible le dialogue avec des interlocuteurs dont nous partageons un certain nombre de préoccupations, quelles que soient les disciplines, voire les métiers des uns et des autres. Priorité, en effet, est donnée aux artistes (plasticiens, musiciens, écrivains, notamment) sans qu'ils aient l'exclusivité. L'important pour nous est l'échange, et les possibles articulations entre une œuvre, une pensée - non nécessairement issue du monde universitaire - et les grands pôles de recherche de notre revue. A plus d'un égard, notre rubrique est un « chantier », un terrain d'expérimentation : nous cherchons et proposons, d'un dossier à l'autre, ce que nous pensons être la manière la plus juste de présenter - quels que soient les sujets -, une démarche, une voix. Ce chantier nous le revendiquons pour autant qu'il nous permet d'explorer tous les jours les modalités mêmes d'un dialogue possible, en dépit des éventuelles différences.
  • Author: Jean-Pierre Faye
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Cultures Conflits
  • Institution: Cultures Conflits
  • Abstract: J'écrirai à la Junte du Monde, surtout si le temps se faisait plus perméable à la transmission des expériences, des doutes, des grosses certitudes. Je dirai : oui, j'étais à la fenêtre, j'attendais de voir. Je voyais le fils ramasser les médicaments pour sa mère, les sachets pharmaceutiques dans sa main. En passant le fils était vu par sa mère, voyant le petit R. qui se faisait attaquer par les forces de l'ordre.
  • Author: Francesco Ragazzi
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Cultures Conflits
  • Institution: Cultures Conflits
  • Abstract: Le Pape M., Siméant J., Vidal C., Crises extrêmes. Face aux massacres, aux urgences civiles et aux génocides, Paris, La Découverte, 2006.
9036. Foreword
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Cultures Conflits
  • Institution: Cultures Conflits
  • Abstract: No abstract is available.
  • Topic: Foreign Policy
  • Political Geography: Yugoslavia
  • Author: Jean Baubérot
  • Publication Date: 08-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: La notion de « religion civile » provient, on le sait, de Jean-Jacques Rousseau, et elle a été, ces dernières décennies, reprise et réinterprétée par des sociologues et des historiens. En France, il est assez courant d'opposer la « laïcité républicaine » (française) à la religion civile américaine. Cet article propose, au contraire, l'hypothèse que la question de la « religion civile » se situe au coeur de la spécificité de la laïcité française dans sa dimension historique comme dans son actualité. La Cour constitutionnelle italienne considère, depuis 1989, le principe de laïcité comme fondamental ; plusieurs pays (Portugal, Russie) ont inscrit la laïcité dans leur Constitution ; le Québec a explicitement laïcisé ses écoles en 2000, etc. Et, pourtant, la laïcité continue d'apparaître souvent comme une « exception française » Or cette exceptionnalité n'est nullement conforme à la pensée des pères fondateurs de la laïcité française : Ferdinand Buisson, le maître d'oeuvre (au côté de Jules Ferry et de ses successeurs) de la laïcisation de l'école, et Aristide Briand, l'auteur principal de la loi de séparation des Églises et de l'État de 1905, envisageaient la laïcité de façon universaliste et non substantialiste : il existe pour eux des pays plus ou moins laïques, et la France n'est pas le pays le plus laïque du globe.
  • Topic: Civil Society, Government, Religion
  • Political Geography: United States, Europe, France
  • Author: Florence Rochefort
  • Publication Date: 08-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: In the French polemics over the Islamic headscarf, the relationship between secularism and sexual equality has sometimes been made out to be an artificial one. The articulation between politics, religion, secularism, and women's rights is examined here over the longue durée. Since the beginning of the secularization process during the French Revolution, a minority has championed an egalitarian conception of secularization. Rivalries between or convergences of political and religious authorities have driven an ambivalent and not very equal secularization, creating secular pacts that rely on gender pacts to the detriment of equality. This dynamic reversed itself beginning in the 1960s with the battle for legal contraception and abortion, which shook one of the very bases of French Catholicism to its foundation. The headscarf affairs revealed the egalitarian effects of secularism and favored the elaboration of thought about secularism in conjunction with sexual equality, which, whatever the various interpretations of that thought may be, could prove to be a non-negligible benefit.
  • Topic: Islam
  • Political Geography: France
  • Author: Jocelyne Cesari
  • Publication Date: 08-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: All too often, the question of Muslim minorities in Europe and America is discussed solely in socioeconomic terms or with a simplistic focus on the Islamic religion and its purported incompatibility with democracy. This article focuses instead on the secularism of Western host societies as a major factor in the integration of Muslim minorities. It compares French and American secularism and argues that while French-style secularism has contributed to present tensions between French Muslims and the French state, American secularism has facilitated the integration of Muslims in the United States-even after 9/11.
  • Topic: Economics
  • Political Geography: United States, America, Europe
  • Author: Rosemary Wakeman
  • Publication Date: 08-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: This article considers the site and space of Les Halles as an ongoing intellectual fascination. It specifically looks at how architects have historically approached Les Halles as a “site of modernity” and puts into context the most recent renovation and the architectural competition to design Les Halles in 2004-2005. It will consider the projects and their viability from a cultural perspective and open the question of the site and the city's future form.
  • Author: Meredith TenHoor
  • Publication Date: 08-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Until 1969, when Paris's wholesale food markets were moved to the Parisian suburb of Rungis, Les Halles, the market district in the center of Paris, fed much of the city's urban population. Les Halles was not simply a place where food was bought and sold, but also a highly visible and symbolically charged node of communication between the countryside, the state, and the bodies of Parisian citizens. Due to its centrality and visibility, Les Halles came under enormous pressure to physically symbolize the state's relationship to the “market.” In turn, the architecture of the markets at Les Halles came to stand in for the powers of the state to organize a flow of goods from farm to body. From the 1763 construction of the Halle au blé, to the 1851 ground-breaking on Victor Baltard's iron and glass market pavilions, to the construction of the Centre Pompidou and the Forum des Halles in the 1970s and 1980s, the markets at Les Halles were regularly redesigned and rebuilt to accommodate and/or produce shifting notions of architectural, social, and financial order.
  • Topic: Communications
  • Political Geography: Paris
  • Author: Thierry Baudouin, Michèle Collin
  • Publication Date: 08-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: During the Fordist period, the state transformed the historic site of Les Halles, in the heart of Paris, into the agglomeration's chief mass transit gateway. Efforts to make the site into a veritable tool of social, cultural, and economic metropolitan development are struggling because of governmental modalities that remain very marked by centralism. A majority of citizens, notably those living in suburban Paris, actively stake a claim to this metropolitan dimension and to the rich possibilities of this tool. The article principally analyzes the territorializing practices of suburban youths, whose multiple subjectivities are still poorly integrated into the site. Les Halles thus reveals the question of the correspondence of these establishing metropolitan practices to the reality of the centralized institutions around Paris intramuros.
  • Political Geography: Paris
  • Author: Pierre Diméglio, Jodelle Zetlaoui-Léger
  • Publication Date: 08-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: While Mayor Bertrand Delanoë had omitted the renovation of Les Halles in his plans for the city in his 2001 inaugural address, in 2002, at the urging of the RATP and Espace Expansion, he decided to create a working group to undertake this project during his tenure. Having made citizen participation a new goal for local government, he also announced that the project would be undertaken with Parisians, especially local associations. The first part of this article emphasizes the different postures that elected politicians, engineers, and experts have adopted over the course of forty years vis-à-vis the question of citizen participation in urban planning. The second part explores the decision- making process for the Les Halles renovation over the last four years; it considers the issues and difficulties linked to the implementation of participatory plans incorporating residents––whether they are members of local groups or not––in complex urban planning projects.
  • Topic: Government
  • Political Geography: Paris
  • Author: Helena Rosenblatt
  • Publication Date: 12-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: That French Protestants gave strong support to laïcité is by now well established. Whether this support was due to ideological dispositions within Protestantism or to Protestantism's practical relationship to history can be debated; what cannot be debated is the disproportionate role Protestants played within the Third Republic and among the early proponents of laïcité. In recent work, Patrick Cabanel has even made a compelling case for the Protestant sources of laïcité, placing particular emphasis on the Protestant entourage of Jules Ferry (1832-1893) and stressing the inspiration provided by the pro-Protestant intellectual, Edgar Quinet (1803-1875).
  • Topic: Religion
  • Political Geography: Europe, France
  • Author: Fabienne Randaxhe
  • Publication Date: 12-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: From a French perspective, the relationship between the state and religion in the United States may seem paradoxical. On the one hand, the American nation was the first one to have established, by constitutional means, a separation between religious bodies and the political realm. On the other hand, religious and political spheres in the US still seem to overlap to some extent. While French approaches tend to regard US laïcité as uncertain and incomplete, this article discusses whether laïcité is in the US incomplete or aware of tensions to be lessened among religious, political and social forces. I focus on legal regulation and consider the notion of accommodation as a particular form of legal laïcité.
  • Topic: Politics
  • Political Geography: United States, America
  • Author: Jean-Paul Willaime
  • Publication Date: 12-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Strongly marked by the weight of the past, the French approach to State-Religion- Society relations has distinct qualities, and especially a strong confrontational and emotional dimension. This essay address the evolution of these relations and their tensions by focusing on three subjects that make manifest the relationship between politics and religion in important ways, namely, schools, sects, and Islam. The arena of the school is especially significant in three respects: the link between public and private schools; the question of what should be taught about religion, and the display of religious expression by students. The essay considers these matters within the context of wider transformations in religion (secularization) and politics (disenchantment and changes in the state's role in society). It concludes by situating recent developments in the context of globalization and especially Europeanization.
  • Topic: Development, Globalization, Islam
  • Political Geography: Europe, France
  • Author: Gérard Grunberg
  • Publication Date: 12-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: The 2007 presidential elections have been the most important in France since 1981 because they provoked ruptures in the way the state and the French political system function. These ruptures, which this essay explores, include: the structural advantage the Right now has over the Left in national elections; the extension of the president's power and role in the regime; the transformation of the French political parties system into bipartism; and, finally, evolution inside the two major French parties due not only to the personality, ideas and choices of their respective candidates but also to the growing role of the president in the regime and its effects.
  • Political Geography: France
  • Author: Pascal Perrineau
  • Publication Date: 12-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Nicolas Sarkozy's victory in the 2007 French presidential elections represents a true rupture: rupture with years of political apathy, rupture with what was an escalating rise of political protest, rupture with a “law” that since 1981 seemed to require that every outgoing majority be beaten. Sarkozy's electoral victory was substantial. It was built on a notion that what the French were looking for was a strong sense of direction, and it gave rise to a dynamic of striking change right after the election (a political opening to the left, a shift in presidential style, disarray in the Socialist Party, and the marginalization of the National Front).
  • Topic: Politics, Law
  • Author: Frédérique Matonti
  • Publication Date: 12-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: For the first time, a woman has come close to becoming the president of France. This essay examines the conditions that account for why Segolène Royal was chosen as Socialist candidate for the presidency. These conditions were above all political and were linked to key features of the Socialist Party. But her nomination also needs to be understood in the context of the parity law. To an important extent this law reinforced the gendered order, and Ségolène Royal's candidacy emerged readily in the wake of the law. The essay goes on to analyze the candidate's campaign. Before and during the primary campaign, the general framework was conducive to her ascendancy. But, after the primaries, critics were sharp: Royal was portrayed as ever less competent. Although there is a sociological basis for the voting of 2007, misogyny also played a part in Ségolène Royal's defeat.
  • Topic: Law
  • Political Geography: France
  • Author: William Miles
  • Publication Date: 12-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: In May 2007, Martinique did not follow the rest of France in endorsing Nicolas Sarkozy in his bid to become president. Along with the other overseas French states Guadeloupe and Réunion (but not Guyane), Martinique supported rather the Socialist candidate Ségolène Royal. Martinique thereby distanced itself from the rest of the République—as it had done in 1995—by backing a left-wing presidential candidate rather than the ultimately victorious right-wing one. 2007 represents the converse of 1981, when Martinique voted for the rightist candidate but France as a whole elected a leftist (François Mitterrand). Over time, being at electoral odds with the nation as a whole has become less troubling for Martinicans: independence, which most islanders oppose, is no longer seen at stake in presidential outcomes. On the other hand, Martinicans have become progressively resigned to their peripheral status within French presidential politics.
  • Political Geography: France
  • Author: Hans Mommsen
  • Publication Date: 06-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: German Politics and Society
  • Institution: German Politics and Society Journal
  • Abstract: The main focus of the articles presented in this special issue is the international dimension of post World War II German politics and the specific role filled by the first West German chancellor, Konrad Adenauer. Adenauer's main goal was the integration of the emerging West German state into the West European community, while the reunification of Germany was postponed. In his view, any restoration of the former German Reich depended upon the creation of a stable democratic order in West Germany. Undoubtedly, Adenauer contributed in many respects to the unexpectedly rapid rise of West Germany towards a stable parliamentary democratic system—even if most of the credit must go to the Western Allies who had introduced democratic structures first on the state level, and later on paved the way to the establishment of the Federal Republic with the fusion of the Western zones and the installment of the Economic Council in 1948.
  • Political Geography: Europe, Germany
  • Author: Jost Dülffer
  • Publication Date: 06-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: German Politics and Society
  • Institution: German Politics and Society Journal
  • Abstract: The years of Adenauer's chancellorship 1949-1963 were an extremely violent and anxiety laden period in recent history. Adenauer himself tried to combine as basic aims Western integration and German unification, but the latter more and more became a matter of lip-service for the time being for domestic reasons. The article focused on his Potsdam complex which meant the fear that the Western allies and the Soviet Union might find a solution of the German question without unification or in a kind of neutralism. In the course of the 1950ies and especially during the Berlin Wall crisis 1958-1962, Adenauer's course became more and more isolated because he tried to prevent all talks on relaxation of tensions, but also on the German question: both might lead to a status minor and the FRG especially. The author demonstrates how this process of isolation in the domestic as well as in the international field diminished the authority of the first chancellor of the FRG. He nevertheless continued to adhere to the necessary dichotomy of the Cold War camps with being able to formulate a diverging line. It is suggested that these questions of alternatives to the Cold War, given the mutual anxiety of the two camps should be used as a starting point for further research.
  • Topic: Cold War
  • Political Geography: Germany
  • Author: Anja Kruke
  • Publication Date: 06-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: German Politics and Society
  • Institution: German Politics and Society Journal
  • Abstract: From the beginning of the West German state, a lot of public opinion polling was done on the German question. The findings have been scrutinized carefully from the 1950s onward, but polls have always been taken at face value, as a mirror of society. In this analysis, polls are treated rather as an observation technique of empirical social research that composes a certain image of society and its public opinion. The entanglement of domestic and international politics is analyzed with respect to the use of surveys that were done around the two topics of Western integration and reunification that pinpoint the “functional entanglement” of domestic and international politics. The net of polling questions spun around these two terms constituted a complex setting for political actors. During the 1950s, surveys probed and ranked the fears and anxieties that characterized West Germans and helped to construct a certain kind of atmosphere that can be described as “Cold War angst.” These findings were taken as the basis for dealing with the dilemma of Germany caught between reunification and Western integration. The data and interpretations were converted into “security” as the overarching frame for international and domestic politics by the conservative government that lasted until the early 1960s.
  • Topic: Security, Cold War, Government
  • Political Geography: Germany, West Germany
  • Author: Guido Thiemeyer
  • Publication Date: 06-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: German Politics and Society
  • Institution: German Politics and Society Journal
  • Abstract: This article focuses on the economic aspects of German European policy in the 1950s and raises the question whether the economic system of the Federal Republic of Germany, “Soziale Marktwirtschaft” had any impact on the European policy of the West German state. It argues that Social Market Economy as defined by Ludwig Erhard influenced German European policy in certain aspects, but there was a latent contradiction between the political approach of Konrad Adenauer and this economic concept. Moreover, this article shows that West German European policy was not always as supportive for European unity as it is often considered.
  • Topic: Foreign Policy, Economics
  • Political Geography: Africa, Europe, Germany
  • Author: William Glenn Gray
  • Publication Date: 06-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: German Politics and Society
  • Institution: German Politics and Society Journal
  • Abstract: This essay explores the relationship between West Germany's “economic miracle” and the goal of reunification in the early postwar decades. It argues that Konrad Adenauer was reluctant to mobilize economic resources on behalf of German unity—instead he sought to win trust by proclaiming unswerving loyalty to the West. Ludwig Erhard, by contrast, made an overt attempt to exchange financial incentives for political concessions—to no avail. Both of these chancellors failed to appreciate how West Germany's increasing prosperity undermined its diplomatic position, at least in the near term, given the jealousies and misgivings it generated in Western capitals and in Moscow. Only a gradual process of normalization would allow all four of the relevant powers—France, Britain, the United States, and the USSR—to develop sufficient trust in the economically dynamic Federal Republic to facilitate the country's eventual unification.
  • Political Geography: Britain, Russia, United States, France, Germany
  • Author: James C. Van Hook
  • Publication Date: 06-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: German Politics and Society
  • Institution: German Politics and Society Journal
  • Abstract: Economics and economic history have a fundamental role to play in our understanding of Cold War Germany. Yet, it is still difficult to establish concrete links between economic phenomena and the most important questions facing post 1945 historians. Obviously, one may evaluate West Germany's “economic miracle,” the success of western European integration, or the end of communism in 1989 from a purely economic point of view. To achieve a deeper understanding of Cold War Germany, however, one must evaluate whether the social market economy represented an adequate response to Nazism, if memory and perspective provided the decisive impulse for European integration, or if the Cold War ended in Europe because of changes in western nuclear strategy. Economic history operates in relation to politics, culture, and historical memory. The parameters for economic action are often as determined by the given political culture of the moment, as they are by the feasibility of alternative economic philosophies.
  • Topic: Cold War, Economics, Politics
  • Political Geography: Europe, Germany, West Germany
  • Author: Simone Derix
  • Publication Date: 06-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: German Politics and Society
  • Institution: German Politics and Society Journal
  • Abstract: This article argues that state visits are highly symbolic political performances by analyzing state visits to Berlin in the 1950s and 1960s. The article concentrates on how state visits blended in the Cold War's culture of suspicion and political avowal. Special emphasis is placed on the role of mass media and on the guests' reactions and behavior. State visits to Berlin illuminate the heavy performative and emotional burden placed on all participants. Being aware of the possibilities for self-presentation offered by state visits, West German officials incorporated state visitors into their symbolic battle for reunification. A visit to Berlin with extensive media coverage was, therefore, of prime importance for the German hosts. Despite their sophisticated visualization strategies, total control of events was impossible. Some visitors did not want to play their allotted role and avoided certain sites in Berlin, refused to be accompanied by journalists or cancelled their trips altogether.
  • Topic: Cold War
  • Political Geography: Berlin, West Germany
  • Author: Martin H. Geyer
  • Publication Date: 06-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: German Politics and Society
  • Institution: German Politics and Society Journal
  • Abstract: Sports have always been used to promote the nation state and the invention of national traditions with national symbols such as flags and national hymns playing an important role. This article looks at the peculiar situation of the post-war period when two Germanys established themselves also in the field of sports, yet cooperated in some athletic disciplines, and, most important of all, at the Olympic Games until 1968. This raised a great number of delicate political questions, particularly the politics of the nonrecognition of the GDR which strove hard to establish itself internationally by way of the international sports movement. Konrad Adenauer and the German Sports Organization clashed on this issue which brought to the fore the question of a German and an emerging West-German identity. In order to describe this negotiation of the nation state in the realm of sports, this article tries to make fruitful use of the term postnationalism in order to understand the ambiguities of identity of Germans towards their nation state. It also takes a brief look at the Olympic Games of 1972, which epitomizes more than anything else the peculiar postnationalism of the Federal Republic.
  • Topic: Politics, War
  • Political Geography: Germany
  • Author: Johannes Paulmann
  • Publication Date: 06-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: German Politics and Society
  • Institution: German Politics and Society Journal
  • Abstract: The article investigates an essential characteristic of the Federal Republic of Germany's search for self-assurance in foreign cultural representations after World War II. A normative behavioral pattern, described here as an “attitude of restraint,” emerged during the Adenauer era, resulting in representations without emulation. The article focuses on German participation in world fairs—an example that reveals the multi-layered mechanisms linking diplomacy with culture, political attitudes with individual experiences and memories, and foreign relations with social conditions. The formation of an attitude of restraint constituted part of the long-term process of West German self-education and shaped cultural identities in the Federal Republic. The self-assurance re-found during the Adenauer era is placed in the context of political debates about the break with the Nazi past, defense against communist East Germany, and the selective turn toward an international modernity. Furthermore, the article offers an explanation regarding the diffusion of certain behavioral norms through everyday experience and practice.
  • Topic: Politics, Culture
  • Political Geography: Germany
  • Author: Jonathan Olsen, Dan Hough
  • Publication Date: 08-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: German Politics and Society
  • Institution: German Politics and Society Journal
  • Abstract: During the run-up to the 1998 federal election, there was intense speculation on how—should it be elected—Germany's first ever redgreen national administration would fare. Once the votes had been cast and the Social Democratic Party (SPD) and Greens had indeed come out on top, some argued that the experiences of red-green coalitions at the Land-level could be useful in mapping out both prospective and likely success stories for a red-green coalition at the federal level. Taking to heart Lawrence Dodd's famous proposition that “provincial or state parliaments could provide an experimental setting in which party coalitions could be attempted … with the intermediate provincial experience making national-level coalitions more possible than they would be without the provincial experience,” political scientists and journalists alike attempted to delineate the elements of successful and unsuccessful red-green coalitions at the Land level in order to understand more about the formation and maintenance of this first national SPD-Green government. One of the most well known of these subsequent attempts is Charles Lees's book The Red-Green Coalition in Germany. Lees outlines a red-green “model” of government based on the experiences of red-green coalitions at the Land level, attempting to illustrate how the formation of red-green at the federal level followed the same basic pattern.
  • Political Geography: Germany
  • Author: Maria Stehle
  • Publication Date: 08-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: German Politics and Society
  • Institution: German Politics and Society Journal
  • Abstract: After presenting a brief summary of the events leading up to the German Autumn, this article offers a close analysis of media responses in major German newspapers and magazines in the months following these violent and confusing political developments. It compares these responses to reports in January 1980, where the events of the late 1970s serve as a catalyst for fears of global change. Media articulate these fears about the stability and identity of the West German nation state in increasingly vague and generalized terms and relate them to a global situation that is “out of control.” The discussions in this article suggest that these expressed fears reveal tensions, interruptions, and gaps in the conservative fantasy of the secure and prosperous Western nation state.
  • Topic: Development
  • Political Geography: Germany
  • Author: Ruth Wittlinger
  • Publication Date: 08-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: German Politics and Society
  • Institution: German Politics and Society Journal
  • Abstract: British-German relations have undergone a considerable transformation since 1945 with both countries having to adapt to significant changes in their own status, as well as a very different international environment. Germany's status as a morally and militarily defeated and occupied power in 1945 is in stark contrast to the confident role it is playing at the beginning of the new millennium when—sixty years after the end of World War II—the German chancellor for the first time took part in the VE-Day celebrations of the victors. This article analyzes recent dynamics of collective memory in both countries and examine if and to what extent their collective memories play a role in British-German relations.
  • Political Geography: Germany
  • Author: A. James McAdams
  • Publication Date: 08-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: German Politics and Society
  • Institution: German Politics and Society Journal
  • Abstract: Intelligence and law enforcement agencies in western democracies are turning increasingly to electronic surveillance tools in their efforts to identify and combat new terrorist threats. But this does not mean that they are equally equipped to undertake these measures. As the author shows by comparing surveillance activities in three countries—Great Britain, the United States, and Germany—the Federal Republic's more restrictive legal norms and institutions provide its government with much less freedom of maneuver than its allies.
  • Topic: Government, Intelligence, Law
  • Political Geography: Britain, United States, Germany
  • Author: Laura Tate Kagel
  • Publication Date: 12-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: German Politics and Society
  • Institution: German Politics and Society Journal
  • Abstract: As investigative journalists and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) increasingly uncover the nature and scope of a U.S. government program known for transferring terrorist suspects outside of normal legal and administrative channels, the role of European states has come under scrutiny. To a large degree, these states have erected a “wall of fog,” as a report from the German Institute of Human Rights describes it, blocking access to information that would allow for independent assessments of the human rights implications of the counterterrorism practice known as “extraordinary rendition.”
  • Topic: International Law, Terrorism
  • Political Geography: United States, Europe, Germany, Egypt
  • Author: Margaret McCarthy
  • Publication Date: 12-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: German Politics and Society
  • Institution: German Politics and Society Journal
  • Abstract: German popular filmmakers who participated in the Denk ich an Deutschland series brought a range of conflicting impulses to their meditations on Germany, including the universalizing tendencies of popular culture, together with the personal and political strains often present in documentary films. With varying degrees of success, each director agitates national identity via an idiosyncratic selfhood, a process which in turn expands our notions of Germany beyond generic convention. The best of the five films discussed in this essay—directed by Doris Dörrie, Fatih Akin, Katja von Garnier, Sherry Hormann, and Klaus Lemke—feature their creators' struggle to box themselves out of a larger collective identity. By modeling their own existential Bildung, they chip away at an otherwise implacable German identity and provide a psychic service for Germans potentially more salutary than the way Hollywood films sustain American identity.
  • Topic: Civil Society, Arts
  • Political Geography: Germany
  • Author: Margit Sinka
  • Publication Date: 12-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: German Politics and Society
  • Institution: German Politics and Society Journal
  • Abstract: Launched in 1998 on the eve of the eighth Day of German Unity, the Denk ich an Deutschland television film series was intended to reframe discourses on national identity formation in a positive light through documentaries focused on the present rather than on the dark German past. While Andreas Kleinert's Niemandsland (No Man's Land, 1998) and Andreas Dresen's Herr Wichmann von der CDU (Vote for Henryk!, 2003), the first and last films televised, do center on the present, they highlight dissonances between personal and national concerns. Still, Kleinert deconstructs the dissonances and artificial syntheses he himself invents in order to reveal them as constructs to be reconfigured by viewers. By showing the inability of politicians to bridge the gap between personal and national concerns due to the erosion of their private identities, Dresen also appeals to viewers to initiate needed societal changes themselves.
  • Topic: Civil Society, Nationalism, Arts
  • Political Geography: Germany, Berlin
  • Author: Nuri Yurdusev
  • Publication Date: 12-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
  • Institution: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
  • Abstract: This paper takes the view that the 'level of analysis' problem, first posed by J.D. Singer (1961), has not been discussed to the extent that it deserves in the literature of International Relations. The Concepts of the 'level of analysis' and the 'unit of analysis' have widely been used interchangeably. The author attempts to make a distinction between the 'level of anlaysis' and the 'unit of analysis', arguing that the 'level of anlaysis' in an issue of how to study (methodology and context) and the 'unit of analysis' is one of what to study (actor and object). It is suggested that, although a distiction is possible and necessary between those issues, thay cannot completely be separated. They are actually linked to each other through the idea of the whole.
  • Topic: International Relations
  • Author: Cemal Karakas
  • Publication Date: 12-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
  • Institution: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
  • Abstract: With the beginning of negotiations, Turkey has, froom the legal perspective according Article 49 EUV, the right to join the EU, but the EU does not have the obligation to take Turkey in. The European Council's Turkey resolution at its December 2004 Summit foresees a guarantee clause: If accesion of Turkey is not accomplished, yet both sides still have an interest in deeper cooperation and integration, then "it must be ensured that the candidate state concerned is fully anchored in the European structures through the strongest possible bond". The key question is which model would then work best for Turkey: supranational integration (accession) or intergovernmental cooperation (Privileged Partnership, Extenden Associated Membership, European Economic Area Plus). The model of Gradual Integration shows a new, a third way of integration this model proposes a new dynamic method of intergovernmental integration, including decisiom-making rights for Turkey, from which a new sui generis form of membership could result.
  • Topic: Economics
  • Political Geography: Europe, Turkey
  • Author: Bahar Rumelili
  • Publication Date: 12-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
  • Institution: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
  • Abstract: This study argues that the forms of identity relations that the European Union (EU) establishes with outsider states shapes the Union's ability to postively influence conflicts involving those states. The European identitiy promoted by the EU embodies both inclusive and explosive aspects. While the EU has invoked the inclusive aspects of its identity in relation to the states in Central and Eastern Europe, it has constructed Morocco to be inherently different, and fluctuated between inclusion and exclusion in the case of Turkey. These various identity relations have shaped the EU's impact on Polish-German, Spanish-Moroccan, and Greek-Turkish relations show how an inclusive EU can contribute to the resolution of conflicts on its borders, the cases of Spanish-Moroccan and pre-1999 Greek-Turkish relations demonstrate how an exclusionary EU can end up aggravating the conflicts.
  • Topic: International Relations
  • Political Geography: Europe, Turkey
  • Author: Albrecht Hofheinz
  • Publication Date: 12-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
  • Institution: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
  • Abstract: This article analyses the usage of internet in the Arab World. The level of internet usage, for what reasons and who are using it and how much the internet has been influential on the changes in the traditional Arab societies are the main points of the article. Internet in Arab countries are mostly used by young people, upper-middle and high classes, and women. In addition to search engines, e-mail, music and software downloading, the discussion boards are very popular in Arab societies. In these platforms, intense discussions take place about the taboo issues such as politics, religion and relations between sexes. These discussions, while contributing to the emergence of new understandings especially on individual level, also highlight the importance of individual's right of election. The Blogs, becoming as popular as the discussion forums, are also apparent indications of forming private and awareness of personal right of election.
  • Topic: Politics
  • Political Geography: Arabia
  • Author: Bert Hoffmann
  • Publication Date: 12-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
  • Institution: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
  • Abstract: This paper analyses the use of internet in Latin America, how it is perceived and by which means it was allowed for public access. Internet is perceived as threatening by the socialist regimes of Latin America. Latin American countries which cannot resist improvements in means of communications with the developments in media technologies, have been spreading the access to internet within limited democratization. However, states maintain their control over internet by following different ways. The ones escaping from the established filters, like Zapatistas, call attention to potential of the internet as much as they made their voices heard.
  • Topic: Communications
  • Political Geography: Latin America
  • Author: M. Zeki Duman
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
  • Institution: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
  • Abstract: This study considers how and why national identities emerge over against monopolistic policies of global hegemony. It will also analyse the epistemic and ontological presuppositions of the modern and post-modern approaches which are intended to overcome identity crises. Various dimensions and dangers of multicultural policies, which are offered as prescriptions by postmodernists for solving the problems of cultural conflict, will also be analysed. Nation-state models, as political forms of modernity, attempted to create a homogeneous national consciousness by dissolving sub-identities within a strong national identity. Postmodern rhetoric, using the same strategy, utilized ideological mystification. This resulted in the fragmentation of strong national identity and the destruction of social order and integration due to an exaggerated emphasis on a particular ego and cultural identity.
  • Author: Kemal Kirisci
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
  • Institution: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
  • Abstract: In this paper, it is argued that Turkey's geographical location, accompanied by the extensive commercial, cultural and social relations that have developed since the end of the Cold War between Turkey and its immediate neighbourhood, provides an opportunity for the EU to consider formulating a more flexible Schengen visa policy that can also be in harmony with efforts to develop the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). Such a policy can also ease the economic and political costs of Turkey's integration into the EU. This need not necessarily lead to compromising security and border control. The advocates of Turkish membership often stress the potential of Turkey in assisting a process of bridge building between Europe and the world beyond Europe. A modified and better calibrated Turkish visa regime and a Schengen visa system that is able to adjust itself to the lessons of the Turkish experience could become a pillar of that bridge building effort and hence of the ENP too.
  • Topic: Cold War
  • Political Geography: Europe, Turkey
  • Author: Birgül Demirtas-Coskun
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
  • Institution: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
  • Abstract: This study analyses the foreign policies of Turkey and Germany toward the Bosnian War, that took place between 1992-1995, in a comparative perspective. Both states had to face an identity crisis in the wake of the phasing out of the bipolar system. Whilst Turkey, all of a sudden, lost its former status within the Western Bloc, Germany could be reunified in a relatively short period of time. The war in Bosnia took place at the very time when an important discussion was continuing about the new position of these aforementioned countries. In view of traditional International Relations theories Turkey, on the one hand, was expected to focus on its internal problems; Germany, on the other hand, was foreseen to pursue an active foreign policy thanks to the new dynamism acquired by reunification. However, what happened in the case of Bosnia was, in fact, the reverse. The main argument of this study is that one of the main factors shaping the foreign policies of Ankara and Berlin toward Bosnia was the ultimate intention to maintain their former state identities in the new era.
  • Topic: Foreign Policy, War
  • Political Geography: Bosnia, Turkey, Germany
  • Author: Dick K. Nanto
  • Publication Date: 09-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: For a country ever on the brink of mass starvation, the DPRK in 2008 appears to have inched yet closer to an economic abyss that may generate famine and starvation not seen since the mid-1990s. This comes at a time when the Six Party Talks have reached what could be a turning point. In the talks, North Korea's decrepit economy serves as a primary source of leverage that parties in the talks are wielding to move decision making forward. “Great Leader” Kim Jong-il, who ever portrays himself as invincible, may find that the economy is his Achilles heel.
  • Political Geography: North Korea, Pyongyang
  • Author: Choong Nam Kim
  • Publication Date: 09-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: The Republic of Korea (ROK) requires a new strategic vision and a workable new strategy befitting a changing security environment and changing national interests. Having been preoccupied with an engagement policy toward Pyongyang, South Korea seems to be lacking a long-term strategic vision beyond the peninsula. In other words, its national strategy is not well defined. Moreover, the South Korean people are sharply divided over their country's security and foreign policies.
  • Political Geography: South Korea, Pyongyang
  • Author: Patrick M. Morgan
  • Publication Date: 09-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: In a nutshell, the ROK-US alliance faces the following problem: for some time the military and political dimensions of the alliance have been out of alignment on adjusting to the international and national security issues that concern the alliance. In many ways the alliance should be doing well. After all, over time North Korea has become steadily weaker as an international actor, while those who explicitly oppose many elements of its foreign and domestic policies have grown in number, including all its immediate neighbors. The promising opening to the outside world that the North undertook after signing the Agreed Framework has been sharply devalued and it is back to being quite isolated. The economic recovery the North had begun earlier in this decade seems to have slowed. It is difficult to see how the North has benefited in any serious way from its missile tests or its test of a nuclear device. The alliance's goal of containing and deterring North Korea is well in hand – the DPRK has made no great breakout politically from containment and is militarily even weaker relative to the alliance than before, despite its missile and nuclear weapons programs. In addition, the alliance partners have been doing reasonably well in the East Asian system: flourishing economically, modernizing militarily. Despite all this the alliance has been under great strain in this decade, with much recrimination between the allies, so numerous analysts have suggested that it is not at all healthy. In this case, at least, success has been breeding decay.
  • Political Geography: East Asia, North Korea
  • Author: Young Whan Kihl
  • Publication Date: 09-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: The reality of a rising “nuclear” North Korea, with its testfiring of seven missiles on July 5, 2006, and underground testing of a nuclear device on October 9, was met by world-wide condemnation and emergency sessions of the United Nations Security Council. The world had not yet gotten accustomed to the two UN Security Council resolutions (1695 and 1718), imposing limited economic sanctions on North Korea, when it was surprised once again by the breakthrough announcement of February 13, 2007: the Six-Party Talks Accord on “Disabling the North Korean nuclear program.”
  • Political Geography: North Korea
  • Author: Larry A. Niksch
  • Publication Date: 09-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: The issue of North Korea's inclusion on the U.S. list of state sponsors of terrorism has been in U.S.-North Korean diplomacy since 2000, but three stages are of particular importance: the first in 2000 in Clinton Administration-North Korean negotiations; the second during the 2003-2004 Six Party negotiations over the North Korean nuclear issue; and the third in the diplomacy around the Six Party nuclear agreement of February 2007. Until 2000, the core element of U.S.-North Korean diplomacy was the Agreed Framework, which Washington and Pyongyang signed in October 1994. It dealt primarily with North Korea's nuclear program, but U.S. obligations specified in the Agreed Framework included economic and diplomatic measures. However, the issue of removal of North Korea from the U.S. terrorism list was omitted from the Agreement. The issue appears not to have been a major object of the negotiations in 1994.
  • Political Geography: United States, North Korea
  • Author: Robert Sutter
  • Publication Date: 09-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the demise of East-West and Sino-Soviet competition for influence in the Korean peninsula after the cold war, Beijing adjusted Chinese relations to take advantage of economic and other opportunities with South Korea, while sustaining a leading international position in relations with North Korea. In contrast with steady Chinese efforts to use post cold war conditions in order to advance China's relations with South Korea, Chinese foreign policy toward North Korea has been characterized by reactive moves in response to abrupt and often provocative behavior of North Korea, and, to a lesser degree, the United States.
  • Political Geography: United States, China, Beijing, North Korea, Soviet Union
  • Author: Patrick M. Morgan
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: The United States and the ROK have had a very close association for more than fifty years, but in recent years that relationship has experienced considerable stress and strain. Many analysts now express great concern about its future prospects In fact, it is getting more difficult to defend the continued existence of the alliance. The strains are manifest and multiple. The two governments have been living with them for some time, with neither willing to make the strenuous efforts required to either reverse the deterioration or abandon the alliance as incompatible with their contemporary security concerns and perspectives. So the alliance is limping along. As is the security situation on the Korean peninsula that the alliance has existed to deal with – it is limping along as well.
  • Political Geography: America
  • Author: Terence Roehrig
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: There is little doubt that portions of the strategic and economic paradigm in East Asia and for U.S.-East Asia relations have in general been changing in dramatic ways for the past ten to fifteen years. Several contributing factors are well known: China's economic rise along with the potential strategic and political role it is likely to play in the future; the possibility of a more assertive Japan that may revise its constitution in an effort to become a “normal” country; and South Korea, in possession of greater economic, military and political power accompanied by the confidence to be a more significant player in the region. Moreover, even the notion of “East Asia” may be less and less relevant as economic integration is no longer bound by old geographic delineations, particularly with the region's growing economic and political ties with Southeast Asia and India, ties that are breaking down some of these regional distinctions. Finally, the United States is facing a more confident and multipolar Asia that is organizing to play a greater role in controlling its future and increasingly will require a different approach than in the past.
  • Political Geography: United States, India, East Asia, Asia, Angola, Southeast Asia
  • Author: Yoon-Shik Park
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: In October 2006, North Korea (officially the Democratic People's Republic of Korea or DPRK in short) tested a nuclear bomb based on plutonium, thus proclaiming it to be a full member of the select nuclear bomb club. Whether the test was a resounding success or not is still not fully resolved, and the status of North Korea's uranium enrichment program is yet to be admitted by the DPRK government. Faced with strong international condemnation and a movement towards punitive sanctions coordinated by the United Nations, DPRK reached an agreement at the six party talks on February 13, 2007, under which DPRK eventually agreed to abandon its nuclear programs in return for aid. The accord implements a deal reached in September 2005, but the talks had stalled until early 2007. Paradoxically, a nuclear North Korea may lead to successful denuclearization of the Korean peninsula and robust economic developments there. As the DPRK regime feels confident enough in security terms now that it is recognized as a nuclear club member, it can enter into a “big deal” with its main opposing powers, the United States, Japan and South Korea, for swapping its nuclear weapons program for an iron-clad security guarantee and massive economic assistance for the modernization of the DPRK economy.
  • Political Geography: Japan, South Korea, North Korea
  • Author: Kap Yun Lee
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: At present, all signs seem to point in the direction of a conservative victory in the 17th presidential elections that will be held on December 19, 2007.1 President Roh Moo-hyun's job approval rating has been lower than 30%, and often below 20%, for more than two years, and his UP (Uri Party) is supported by barely 10% of the public. The opposition GNP (Grand National Party) has become by far the most popular party, enjoying more than 40% of the popular support. The economy has been in doldrums since 2002, slowing down to an annual growth of 4%, after an average annual growth of 7% in the preceding decade. Business and consumer confidence in the market is declining, gaps between the rich and the poor are ever more increasing, and unemployment among young people is steadily on the rise. North Korea's Kim Jong-il did not help Roh either. Despite the sincere and continuous provision of economic aid to the North by the Roh government, North Korea responded only by demanding more unconditional aid without taking any reciprocal measures to contribute to the peace and prosperity of the peninsula. The nationalistic public mood soured, in particular after a nuclear test by the North in 2006, and the people no longer wholeheartedly support Roh's conciliatory policy.
  • Political Geography: North Korea, Korea
  • Author: Choong Nam Kim
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: South Korea (Korea hereafter) has represented one of the most successful cases in the history of nation building. The country, known as “an East Asian model of economic prosperity and political democracy,” emerged as a modern nation in a single generation and under the most trying circumstances—the legacy of colonial rule, national division, the Korean War and continual confrontation with the Communist North. Its success in nation building is extraordinary, not only in the history of this country, but also in comparison with other third world countries.
  • Political Geography: East Asia, South Korea, Korea
  • Author: Elizabeth Van Vie Davis
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: Few things have changed China's foreign policy toward the United States more subtly than the issue of a nuclear Democratic People's Republic of Korea, commonly known as North Korea. The catalysts of these events were, on the one hand, the July 5, 2006, long-range missile test and the October 9, 2006, nuclear weapon test. On the other hand, the Six Party Talks that had been designed perhaps to prevent these very events have also been a catalyst to changes in US-China relations. In part these changes in Chinese foreign policy toward the US are because of changes within China itself. Partly these changes in Chinese foreign policy toward the US reflect China's changing role in the international system. And partly they are in response to US policy toward China. The nexus of these three elements has been a more respectful and open relationship between the two powers, but one still fraught with nuances and complexities.
  • Political Geography: United States, China, America, Korea
  • Author: Maurizio Massari
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: The International Spectator
  • Institution: Istituto Affari Internazionali
  • Abstract: Almost ten years have passed since the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA) between Russia and the EU entered into force. The PCA, signed on June 1994, went into effect in December 1997 and will expire on 30 November 2007. Brussels and Moscow are now expected to take stock of what has been achieved in their relationship and agree on whether and how to update the PCA. While there has been significant progress in several areas of technical cooperation, the relationship has suffered from too many political ups and downs and a growing and mutual distrust. The failure at the 24 November 2006 Summit to agree on the launching of negotiations for a new comprehensive agreement – even though this was mostly due to a Polish veto – is however indicative of the patchy character of the EU-Russia relationship.
  • Political Geography: Russia, Moscow, Brussels
  • Author: Fabrizio Tassinari, Marius Vahl
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: The International Spectator
  • Institution: Istituto Affari Internazionali
  • Abstract: The European Union and Russia are preparing to negotiate a new comprehensive agreement at a time when their bilateral relations have become increasingly prickly. On the one hand, Vladimir Putin's Russia is perceived as having gone undesirably far in reverting to a semi-authoritarian state and in exerting economic and political pressures on some pro-Western, former Soviet states. On the other hand, the EU's Russia policy remains ambivalent because of the continuing deference towards Moscow of a number of large European countries and the confrontational posture of some new EU member states. Other factors add to this deteriorating state of affairs. For one, there are a number of legal complications coming from the shape and scope of the new agreement. Perhaps more importantly, there are several political uncertainties, first and foremost the definition of those "common values" upon which the new treaty should be based. To get out of this quandary, the two sides will have to scale down their ambitions on the new agreement. A mutually acceptable formula might imply the negotiation of a concise "framework" treaty, accompanied in due time by sector-specific agreements.
  • Political Geography: Russia, Europe, Soviet Union
  • Author: Philip Hanson
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: The International Spectator
  • Institution: Istituto Affari Internazionali
  • Abstract: Since 2003, state control in the Russian economy has increased significantly. This has affected mainly but not only the oil industry. This policy development gives some grounds for concern about Russia's long-run growth. Its origins lie in power struggles within the political elite, in efforts by members of that elite to enrich themselves and in a profound distrust on the part of that elite of any sources of power that they do not themselves control. One result is that business confidence has been dented, the growth of oil output has slowed, and future GDP growth depends more heavily than before on further growth in oil prices.
  • Topic: Economics, Oil
  • Political Geography: Russia
  • Author: Anna Matveeva
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: The International Spectator
  • Institution: Istituto Affari Internazionali
  • Abstract: Reversing the retreat of the Yeltsin era, Russia has returned to Central Asia proactively. Its presence is increasingly felt in the traditional - that is, security - field and in new fields of engagement, such as strategically-placed investment or construction of regionalism. The cultural and "civilisational" role has also gained more prominence. Moscow's policy reflects pragmatic opportunism, aimed at getting the utmost benefits for Russia from a region in which it holds many assets rather than at a revival of the former empire. There are limits however as to how far its engagement can go due to constraints posed by Central Asian realities and Russian domestic developments. So far, the advance has been greatly facilitated by the West's retreat, giving rise to perceptions of an unfolding "great game", while in reality a record of both competition and cooperation between Russia, China and the West is a normal state of affairs. Although Central Asian elites find it easier to deal with Moscow in the current political climate, they view its assertive role with caution and may turn to a rival suitor should the price for the relationship with Russia become too high.
  • Political Geography: Russia, China, Central Asia
  • Author: Andreas Maurer, Daniela Schwarzer
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: The International Spectator
  • Institution: Istituto Affari Internazionali
  • Abstract: The "pause for thought" decreed by the heads of state and government for themselves and their citizens after the voters in France and the Netherlands rejected the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe has been extended for at least another year. By the end of 2008, decisions will have to be taken on how to continue the reform process, yet a concrete strategy for implementing the Constitutional Treaty or an alternative treaty still appears out of reach. Before even beginning to agree on how to move forward, all 27 European Union member states will have to state clearly what goals they are pursuing in the process of institutional reform (a process which all sides agree is necessary) and what steps they believe are required for achieving these goals. In this context, clear statements on the importance of the Treaty and its fate are needed. Consensus on these issues among all 27 member states is unlikely to be achieved. In order to foster a constructive discussion, the German EU Presidency could move member states to agree on shared criteria for assessing the reform proposals that are on the table, and on the options for resolving the constitutional crisis.
  • Political Geography: Europe, France, Germany, Netherlands
  • Author: Thomas Legge
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: The International Spectator
  • Institution: Istituto Affari Internazionali
  • Abstract: The European Union has low expectations for the international climate regime after 2012, when the Kyoto Protocol effectively expires. The United States is not thought likely to sign up to new binding international commitments, whereas EU countries have experienced unexpected difficulties in implementing existing commitments. As a consequence, the European Union may be prepared to settle for a surprisingly weak follow-up to the Kyoto Protocol. At the same time, the European Union will pursue bilateral and regional climate agreements with like-minded countries, parallel to the UN framework and possibly independently of it. Collectively, such agreements could produce an international climate regime that is more robust than what could be agreed at the consensus-based UN level. Nevertheless, the European Union will continue to support the UN process as the only legitimate forum for international negotiations on climate change.
  • Topic: United Nations
  • Political Geography: United States, Europe
  • Author: Domenico Lombardi
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: The International Spectator
  • Institution: Istituto Affari Internazionali
  • Abstract: The debate on the role of the IMF in low-income countries has recently gained strength in light of the commitment by the international community to support achievement of the Millennium Development Goals by 2015. The IMF fulfils an important role as an information provider to low-income aid-recipient countries and their bilateral donors, who consider Fund signals as a useful device in their allocation decisions. The IMF also provides lending to low-income countries through the Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility (PRGF), established in 1999. The PRGF was designed to address earlier criticism claiming that IMF lending programs to low-income countries had privileged stabilisation over poverty-reducing growth through financial arrangements that had shown little ownership by those countries. The PRGF was meant to support a balanced macroeconomic framework in which low-income economies could pursue growth-enhancing measures with relevant poverty-reducing effects, reflecting policy priorities put forward by the countries themselves. Based on the available evidence, PRGF-supported countries have recorded a favourable growth performance vis-à-vis non-PRGF-supported countries, although the extent to which this outcome has translated into poverty reduction has yet to be assessed.
  • Author: Volker Perthes
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: The International Spectator
  • Institution: Istituto Affari Internazionali
  • Abstract: The summer 2006 war in Lebanon can be perceived through at least five different frames of reference. The US administration saw the war in Lebanon as a local manifestation of the global war on terror. According to this framework, Hezbollah is an Al Qaeda-type enemy, not a national group with a local agenda and constituency; bargaining with Hezbollah is not possible. This point of view makes fighting global terror more difficult and jeopardises the search for stability and peace in the region. Many Israeli and European politicians saw the war as a confrontation between radical Islam and a modern Israeli state, a clash of cultures between Islamic fundamentalists and Western civilisation. This frame of reference, however, fails to recognise the fault line within the Muslim world itself, between those who want to integrate their societies into a globalised world and those who do not. The conflict in Lebanon can also be interpreted as a consequence of the weakening of a state, a framework which underlines the need to strengthen Arab institutions, or as an asymmetrical war between an armed nation state and a guerrilla movement. Finally, the war in Lebanon can be seen as a conflict over power, land, resources and sovereignty - the classic realist perspective. If the international community fails to work toward a comprehensive peace settlement in the Middle East, another framework will gain strength in the Arab world: one that interprets events according to a theory of non-negotiable conflicts between Western imperialism and radical Islamic resistance.
  • Topic: War
  • Political Geography: United States, Europe, Middle East, Israel, Arabia, Lebanon
  • Author: Mario Raffaelli
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: The International Spectator
  • Institution: Istituto Affari Internazionali
  • Abstract: Since the Transitional Federal Institutions were established after the 2002 Nairobi Conference, the situation in Somalia has seen two drastic about-turns - in opposite directions. In June 2006, starting out from Mogadishu, the Islamic Courts rapidly extended their control over most of south-central Somalia. Now, after the Ethiopian military intervention, the Transitional Government is trying to establish itself in the capital and to effectively exercise its formal authority for the first time. But the military defeat of the Courts has not solved the problems that initially made their success possible. Only reconciliation can create real stability and the European Union can contribute to achieving this. A peaceful and stable Horn of Africa is in the EU's interest, given the risks of it becoming a breeding ground for Al Qaeda-like organisations and a source of immigration. Somalia could also become a test case for solving the problems of a failed state by peaceful means, and an example of the EU's willingness and ability to have an effective dialogue with the Islamic world. Success in Somalia would strengthen the EU as a regional player with Arab and Muslim countries.
  • Topic: Government
  • Political Geography: Europe, Somalia
  • Author: Elisabetta Brighi
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: The International Spectator
  • Institution: Istituto Affari Internazionali
  • Abstract: Conventional wisdom has it that the new government of Romano Prodi managed to effect a significant "shift" in Italy's foreign policy away from the course of the centre-right in the proverbial first 100 days of government. A number of discontinuities with the foreign policy of the Berlusconi government have been invoked, ranging from Italy's relations with Europe and its transatlantic posture, to its engagement with areas of crisis such as the Middle East. But these claims have to be substantially qualified. In fact, it appears that the foreign policy of the Prodi government has rather pragmatically blended elements of change and continuity, and that the shift which has occurred in some areas should be understood more as a combination of domestic and international developments than a result of the change in government alone. Moreover, in order to really change Italy's foreign policy - and change it for the better - the government should focus on a different set of priorities, mainly the institutions, instruments, politics, and ideas of foreign policy.
  • Topic: Foreign Policy, Government
  • Political Geography: Europe, Italy
  • Author: Sharon Pardo
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: The International Spectator
  • Institution: Istituto Affari Internazionali
  • Abstract: Review of: Values and principles in European Union foreign policy, edited by Sonia Lucarelli and Ian Manners, Routledge, 2006
  • Topic: Foreign Policy
  • Political Geography: Europe
  • Author: Emiliano Alessandri
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: The International Spectator
  • Institution: Istituto Affari Internazionali
  • Abstract: Review of: Liberal order and imperial ambition : essays on American power and world politics, G. John Ikenberry, Polity, 2006
  • Political Geography: America
  • Author: Gianni Bonvicini
  • Publication Date: 03-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: The International Spectator
  • Institution: Istituto Affari Internazionali
  • Abstract: Review of: Alleanze alla prova : Europa e Stati Uniti tra cooperazione e conflitto. a cura di Carlo Secchi e Enrico Sassoon, Egea, 2006
  • Political Geography: United States, Europe
  • Author: George Joffé
  • Publication Date: 06-2007
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: The International Spectator
  • Institution: Istituto Affari Internazionali
  • Abstract: Europe' reactions to its recently-constituted Muslim communities reflect its implicit self-image of cultural homogeneity, despite a long tradition of endless cultural adaption. This, in turn, is a facet of the persistance of an Orientalist vision which stimulates its opposed mirror-image, Occidentalism or Orientalism-in-reverse, as those communities react with a sense of profound alienation. The two interact to generate the cultural and political confrontation that typifies inter-communal relations today, constructing a new inter-communal socio-political boundary that could harden into a permanent divide of mutual hostility. It is this, far more than globalised salafi-jihadism, that explains the political extremism confronting European states today.
  • Topic: Islam
  • Political Geography: Europe