Centre for East European Studies, University of Warsaw
Abstract:
The decline in the number of Balkan jihad volunteers setting off for the Islamic State
over the past couple of years should not lull observers into the belief that the threat posed
by the militant Islamist movement in southeastern Europe has declined as well. In fact,
the collapse of the Caliphate might increase the threat in the Balkans; as Bajro Ikanović,
a Bosnian extremist warned, “your intelligence agencies made a mistake thinking that they
would be rid of us, however, the problem for them will be the return of individuals trained
for war.” Ikanović himself will not be carrying out this threat, however, because he was
killed in Syria, but no doubt many of his comrades feel the same way.
Harvard Journal of Middle Eastern Politics and Policy
Institution:
The John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University
Abstract:
The series of refugee crises in the Middle East and North Africa has created urgent need for coordinated international responses and advocacy. To learn more about the complexities of meeting the needs of diverse refugee populations across the region, and addressing their root causes, JMEPP Levant Regional Editor Kelsey Wise sat down with Amin Awad in advance of his appearance at the Harvard Arab Conference. Mr. Awad currently serves as the Director for the Middle East and North Africa with the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), and has extensive experience working on refugee issues and in humanitarian relief in the MENA region. He is also the Regional Refugee Coordinator for Syria and Iraq.
Topic:
Nationalism, Refugee Crisis, Displacement, Syrian War, Resettlement, and Child Marriage
Political Geography:
Turkey, Middle East, Yemen, United Nations, North Africa, Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan
Harvard Journal of Middle Eastern Politics and Policy
Institution:
The John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University
Abstract:
A little over a month ago, I wrote of an atmosphere of resignation in Israel among Netanyahu’s political opponents leading up to the Israeli parliamentary elections on
April 9th. The smattering of center-left parties seeking to rival Netanyahu’s Likud at the ballot box were divided across a range of tickets, unable to put their egos aside and form a joint bloc capable of presenting a veritable challenge to the incumbent prime minister. The long-reigning Israeli leader’s tenure looked, therefore, set to extend even further. The question was not who will be the next prime minister, but rather “Who will be the next Bibi [Netanyahu]?” as Israeli comedian Tom Aharon quipped. But a lot can change in a day of Israeli politics, never mind a month. As political alliances shift rapidly, the announcement of Netanyahu’s indictment on fraud and corruption charges has further destabilized the already-turbulent atmosphere leading up to the April elections.
Harvard Journal of Middle Eastern Politics and Policy
Institution:
The John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University
Abstract:
Winter 2019 marked the 40th anniversary of the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran. The
anniversary celebrations occurred in the midst of a difficult era of socio-economic
turmoil, the return ofَ U.S. sanctions, and deepening political infighting in the Islamic
Republic. Tensions between the government and the people are especially high. The
tectonic plates of social change have been shifting below the surface in Iran over the past
two decades, with major discontent erupting in the past year.
While the country’s political facade appears largely unchanged, tensions and
fragmentations among the ruling elite have deepened. Economic conditions are fast
deteriorating for the average citizen, while political repression remains a harsh reality.
Iran’s citizens, who have clung to hope and the possibility for change through decades of
domestic repression and isolation from the global economy, struggle to remain hopeful.
Collective fatigue stemming from years of isolation from the global economy, as well as
domestic economic hardship, compounds the disappointment Iranians feel from
unfulfilled political promises. The Iranian government has repeatedly failed to carry out
promised reforms; in recent years alone, President Hassan Rouhani has
proven unable to carry out his promises to “open up Iran politically, ease rigid social
restrictions and address human rights abuses.” As this situation continues, Iran risks
despair and chaos.
Topic:
Government, Politics, Social Movement, Sanctions, Nuclear Power, Reform, Economy, and Memory
Harvard Journal of Middle Eastern Politics and Policy
Institution:
The John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University
Abstract:
This is the second of a three-part essay series on the different paths the U.S. Congress might take to limit Washington’s support for the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen. As explained in Part 1 of this series, the Trump administration’s continued support for the Saudi coalition’s war in Yemen has triggered a range of Congressional responses. Although Congress faces challenges in passing new legislation to denounce Saudi Arabia’s actions in Yemen and its killing of Jamal Khashoggi, the White House’s Saudi policy implicates at least four pieces of existing legislation: the Arms Export Control Act (AECA), the War Powers Resolution, the Foreign Assistance Control Act (FAA), and the Leahy Laws. These laws were all passed during the Cold War to curtail the executive’s increasing ability to unilaterally sell arms, supply military aid, and order U.S. troops to assist allies in a theater of war. The executive must abide by these laws. If the President refuses or cuts corners, Congress can bring him to heel directly via impeachment, or indirectly through court orders that force executive branch agencies to halt the restricted activity.
Topic:
Government, War, Law, Courts, and Legislation
Political Geography:
Yemen, Saudi Arabia, North America, United States of America, and Gulf Nations