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9561. President Biden’s Challenges in the Middle East after Former President Trump’s successes (?). From Trump to Biden: Continuity or Discontinuity?/Los retos del presidente Biden en el Medio Oriente tras los ¿éxitos? obtenidos por el ex -presidente Trump. De Trump a Biden ¿ruptura o continuidad?

Author:
Romualdo Bermejo García
Publication Date:
10-2021
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
The Middle East has recently seen a few bright spots in Arab Israeli relations, as evidenced by the wellknown Abraham Accords, led by former President Donald Trump and former Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. There remain, however, two major unresolved issues: one is that of Iran and the armed groups massively supported by Tehran, such as Hamas, Hezbollah and others that are beginning to have a certain relevance in both Iraq and Syria, as highlighted by international news; and the other, which is more defined, concerns the issue of Iran’s nuclear programme, an aspect that is currently being addressed in the Vienna nuclear negotiations, following the Donald Trump withdrawal from the July 2015 nuclear deal. This highlights the fact that Iran has become one of the most important players in the region and Israel continues to keep a close eye on its activities, not only nuclear, but also those of the various armed groups under its economic, military and political patronage./La zona del Medio Oriente ha encontrado en los últimos tiempos unos vigorosos rayos de luz en las relaciones árabes-israelíes, como lo demuestran los ya conocidos Acuerdos de Abraham, liderados por el ya ex-presidente Donald Trump y por el también ya ex-primer ministro israelí Benjamin Netanyahu. Quedan, sin embargo, dos grandes temas muy importantes sin resolver: uno de ellos es el de Irán y los grupos armados apoyados masivamente por Teherán, como Hamás, Hezbolláh y otros que empiezan a tener una cierta relevancia tanto en Irak como en Siria, como lo pone de relieve la actualidad internacional; y el otro, que es más preciso, atañe a la cuestión del programa nuclear iraní, aspecto que se está tratando actualmente en las negociaciones nucleares de Viena, tras la retirada de los Estados Unidos del acuerdo nuclear de julio de 2015 por parte de Donald Trump. Esto pone de manifiesto que Irán se ha convertido en uno de los actores más importantes de la zona, lo que trae consigo que Israel siga vigilando de cerca sus actividades, y no solo las nucleares, sino también la de los diversos grupos armados que se encuentran bajo su patrocinio económico, militar y político.
Topic:
Nuclear Weapons, Sanctions, Negotiation, Hezbollah, International Court of Justice (ICJ), Donald Trump, Hamas, and Joe Biden
Political Geography:
Iran, Middle East, and Israel

9562. Impact of COVID-19 in Peru: Unpredictability, inefficiency and institutional crisis/Impacto del COVID-19 en Perú: Imprevisión, ineficiencia y crisis institucional

Author:
Paz Milet and Gabriela Bravo
Publication Date:
05-2021
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
This article addresses the degree of institutional preparedness of Peru to deal with the effects of the pandemic COVID-19. It is argued that the country was not in the best condition to face this health phenomenon, in a context of institutional weakness, economic stagnation and the inability to overcome some of its historical and permanent structural deficiencies. Despite the political efforts made and the measures adopted, all these have failed to have a positive impact on the population due to the structural fragility of the health system. In addition, Peru had to face an internal political crisis that negatively affected the strategic direction of the pandemic. The armed forces have played a limited role essentially reduced to logistical support. All in all, a dissociation between restrictive policies and the results obtained have been identified, due to structural deficiencies. of the health system to cope with the pandemic./El presente artículo aborda el grado de preparación institucional del Perú para enfrentar los efectos de la pandemia conocida como COVID-19. Se plantea que el país no estaba en la mejor condición para hacer frente a este fenómeno sanitario, en un contexto de debilidad institucional, estancamiento económico y con la incapacidad de superar algunas de sus deficiencias estructurales históricas y permanentes. Pese a los esfuerzos políticos desarrollados y las medidas adoptadas, estas no han logrado tener un impacto positivo en la población por la fragilidad estructural del sistema de salud. Adicionalmente, el Perú ha debido enfrentar una crisis política interna que ha afectado negativamente el direccionamiento estratégico de la pandemia en que las fuerzas armadas han tenido un papel limitado a capacidades logísticas. Con todo, se identifica una disociación entre las políticas restrictivas y los resultados obtenidos, producto de la incapacidad de las deficiencias estructurales.
Topic:
Fragile States, Institutions, COVID-19, and Political Crisis
Political Geography:
Latin America and Peru

9563. COVID-19 and the security sector in Ecuador: A case of strategic surprise/El COVID-19 y el sector securitario en Ecuador: Un caso de sorpresa estratégica

Author:
Lester Cabrera Toledo
Publication Date:
05-2021
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
This article tries to reflect on the situation experienced by the security sector in Ecuador during the first 3 months of the COVID-19 pandemic. In this sense, it starts presenting the diffuse strategic planning, the weakness of the strategic intelligence system existing in Ecuador and how as a consequence of the events experienced in October 2019, the security sector was hit by a “strategic surprise” when the pandemic occurred and, as a result, short-term responses were produced without an adequate planning process. It is concluded that although the country has overcome the moment of "strategic surprise", the main challenge lies in the necessity to discuss and make a diagnosis of the situation, through lessons learned, to achieve an understanding of security as a state policy./El presente artículo tiene como principal objetivo reflexionar sobre la situación vivida por el sector securitario en Ecuador, durante el contexto de los primeros 3 meses que el país experimentó los efectos de la pandemia del COVID-19. En este sentido, parte de la hipótesis de que, como consecuencia de los acontecimientos vividos en octubre de 2019, una planificación estratégica difusa, y la debilidad del sistema de inteligencia estratégica, el ámbito securitario se vio envuelto en un proceso de “sorpresa estratégica”, lo que dio como resultado respuestas coyunturales sin el marco de un adecuado proceso de planificación. Se concluye que, si bien el país superó el momento de “sorpresa estratégica”, el principal desafío recae en la necesidad de contar con una discusión sobre el diagnóstico de la situación, por medio de lecciones aprendidas, con el principal objetivo de concebir a la seguridad como una política de Estado.
Topic:
Security, COVID-19, and Strategic Planning
Political Geography:
Latin America and Ecuador

9564. Dynamics of insecurity and violence during the pandemic in Colombia/Dinámicas de la inseguridad y la violencia durante la pandemia en Colombia

Author:
Jerónimo Ríos and César Niño
Publication Date:
05-2021
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
The purpose of the following article is to present the main dynamics of criminal activities and violence produced by the armed conflict in Colombia during the pandemic caused by COVID-19. After a review of the most relevant literature produced in 2020, this study presents trends in criminal violence, lato sensu, and those associated with the internal armed conflict. The situation of paralysis that the confinement produced has not translated into a mitigation of the phenomenon of violence. Thus, the massacres and murders of social leaders, activists, human rights defenders or ex-guerrillas of the FARC-EP has remained constant if not increasing during this time. This must also be related to a context of difficulty added to a Peace Agreement signed with the FARC-EP in November 2016. This must also be related to a context of added difficulty to a Peace Agreement signed with the FARC-EP in November 2016, which, in addition to governmental resistance and non-compliance, is overcome by an increasingly intense violence, which hinders the prospects of a peace-building scenario in the country./El propósito del siguiente trabajo es el de presentar cuáles han sido las principales dinámicas de las actividades delictivas y de la violencia producida por el conflicto armado en Colombia durante la pandemia ocasionada por la COVID-19. Tras una revisión de la literatura más relevante producida en 2020, se presentan las tendencias de la violencia delictiva, lato sensu, y las asociadas con el conflicto armado interno. La situación de parálisis que produjo el confinamiento no se ha traducido en una mitigación del fenómeno de la violencia. Así, las masacres y asesinatos de líderes sociales, activistas, defensores de derechos humanos o exguerrilleros de las FARC-EP se ha mantenido constante cuando no creciente durante este tiempo. Ello debe relacionarse, además, con un contexto de dificultad añadida a un Acuerdo de Paz suscrito con las FARC-EP en noviembre 2016, que además de por las resistencias gubernamentales e incumplimientos, se encuentra superado por una geografía de la violencia cada vez más intensa, que aleja los visos de un escenario de construcción de paz en el país.
Topic:
Security, Violence, COVID-19, and Armed Conflict
Political Geography:
Colombia and South America

9565. COVID-19 and its impact on Chile security and defense scenario/El COVID-19 y su impacto en el escenario de seguridad y defensa de Chile: Impacto nacional y regional

Author:
John Griffiths Spielman and Aldo Cassinelli Capurro
Publication Date:
05-2021
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
The COVID19 pandemic has hit Chile in the midst of a social outbreak, consequently, its impact and effect has also had a degree of politicization among the various political actors. Nonetheless, the health crisis has been skillfully managed by the current authorities, with Chile´s efforts being internationally prominent, both in obtaining supplies and in handling the crisis. The foregoing has presented risks, threats and also opportunities, which in the national case have been overcome thanks to the integration and effective coordination of the various state and non-state actors. In this, the participation of the armed forces has played a crucial role together with other organizations, in the search for solutions that in the case of Chile have allowed to adequately face the pandemic. Notwithstanding, at the regional level, cooperation efforts have not been adequately reflected since an individualistic and competitive attitude has prevailed, without prejudice to the existence of some specific actions or events of interstate solidarity./La pandemia COVID19 ha golpeado a Chile en pleno desarrollo de un estallido social, en consecuencia, su impacto y efecto también ha tenido un grado de politización entre los diversos actores políticos. Sin embargo, la crisis sanitaría ha sido hábilmente manejada por las actuales autoridades, siendo el esfuerzo de Chile destacado internacionalmente, tanto en la obtención de insumos, como en el manejo de la crisis. Lo anterior, ha presentado riesgos, amenazas y también oportunidades, que en el caso nacional se han podido sortear gracias a la integración y efectiva coordinación de los diversos actores estatales y no estatales. En ello, la participación de las fuerzas armadas (FFAAs) ha sido clave junto a otros organismos, para la búsqueda de soluciones que han permitido en el caso de Chile enfrentar adecuadamente la pandemia. Sin embargo, en el plano regional no se han podido plasmar adecuadamente los esfuerzos de cooperación ya que ha primado una actitud individualista y de competencia, sin perjuicio de existir algunas acciones o hechos específicos de solidaridad interestatal.
Topic:
Security, Defense Policy, Regional Cooperation, Pandemic, COVID-19, and Health Crisis
Political Geography:
Latin America and Chile

9566. Bolivia and COVID-19, a story of two pandemics/Bolivia y COVID-19: Una historia de dos pandemias

Author:
Joseph M. Humire
Publication Date:
05-2021
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
This article argues that Bolivia has been affected, at the same time, by two pandemics, the political and the sanitary. It also argues that institutional fragility and the weakness of health structures and organizations have been a disadvantage in the management of the pandemic, which has not been free of political influences for the benefit of one or the other side, aggravating and harming, in the end, the most disadvantaged population. This, additionally in an economic context of great informality that has been seriously damaged, affecting the weakest who earn their living in this informal sector of the economy. The internal power struggles in Bolivia have been in practice a factor that has negatively affected the management of the pandemic at the national level./Este artículo plantea que Bolivia ha sido afectada, al mismo tiempo, por dos pandemias, la política y la sanitaria. Adicionalmente plantea que la fragilidad institucional y la debilidad de las estructuras y organizaciones sanitarias han sido una desventaja en el manejo de la pandemia, la que no ha estado exenta de influencias políticas para beneficio de uno u otro bando, agravando y perjudicando al final, a la población más desfavorecida. Ello, adicionalmente en un contexto económico de gran informalidad que se ha visto seriamente dañado, afectando a los más débiles que se ganan la vida en este sector informal de la economía. Las luchas internas de poder en Bolivia han sido en la practica un factor que ha afectado negativamente el manejo de la pandemia a nivel nacional.
Topic:
Health, Institutions, Pandemic, and COVID-19
Political Geography:
Latin America and Bolivia

9567. Impact of the COVID-19 pandemic in Argentina and in the regional security scenario/Impacto de la pandemia COVID-19 en Argentina y en el escenario regional

Author:
María Lourdes Puente Olivera and Antonio López Llovet
Publication Date:
05-2021
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
The article reviews the effects of the pandemic in Argentina, with a special focus on the areas of security and defense, as well as its effects on the country's foreign policy, in view of the regional and global scenario it has to face. The final conclusion shows the challenges that Argentina has to face to operate in this strategic field, under the uncertainties of the world to come./El artículo versa sobre los efectos que tuvo la pandemia en la Argentina y hace un foco especial en las áreas de seguridad y defensa; además sus efectos en la política exterior del país, en vistas del escenario regional y global que enfrenta. La conclusión final da cuenta de los desafíos que enfrenta Argentina para desenvolverse en este campo estratégico, en la incertidumbre del mundo que viene.
Topic:
Security, Armed Forces, Conflict, Risk, Pandemic, and COVID-19
Political Geography:
Argentina and Latin America

9568. COVID-19 and the militarization of the State in Brazil/COVID-19 y la militarización del Estado en Brasil

Author:
Thiago Rodrigues, Maíra Fedatto, and Mariana Kalil
Publication Date:
05-2021
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
Brazil has been hit hard by the new coronavirus pandemic. In such a context, there has been an increasing transference of decision-making and policy-making power to the military, and the Brazilian national response to COVID-19 has eventually come under military authority. Based on the current debate on the on-going securitization of public health in the world following the outbreak of the new coronavirus, we engage with recent literature in an attempt to demonstrate Brazil’s singular pattern of military interference in public health. It is our hypothesis that in Brazil there is a process of militarization of the responses to the pandemic without, however, a concomitant process of securitization. This is possible because the Bolsonaro Administration combines denialism toward the COVID-19 pandemic with the gradual delegation of key political roles to the military. We claim, finally, that the Brazilian case of military response to COVID-19 offers analytical instruments to study other cases of imbalance in civil-military relations throughout the Global South./La pandemia del nuevo coronavirus ha impactado severamente a Brasil. En este contexto, las fuerzas armadas han recibido sustancial aumento en su capacidad de decisión y de elaboración de políticas públicas de respuesta a la COVID-19. A partir del presente debate sobre la creciente securitización de la salud pública global en tiempos de pandemia, nosotros convocamos a la literatura reciente sobre el tema con el objetivo de demostrar la originalidad del caso brasileño respeto a la interferencia militar en salud pública. Nuestra hipótesis destaca que en Brasil ha existido un proceso de militarización de las respuestas a la pandemia sin que haya un simultaneo proceso de securitización. Ello es posible porque el Gobierno Bolsonaro combina negacionismo respeto a la pandemia con una gradual delegación a los militares de puestos claves en la toma de decisiones. Argumentamos que el caso brasileño ofrece instrumentos de análisis importantes para el estudio de otros casos de desequilibrio de las relaciones cívico-militares en el Sur Global.
Topic:
Security, Pandemic, COVID-19, and Militarization
Political Geography:
Brazil and Latin America

9569. A disavowed ambassador: José María de Areilza and Spain´s failed entry into NATO/Un embajador desautorizado: José María de Areilza y el fallido ingreso de España en la OTAN (1954-1960)

Author:
Pablo Guerrero
Publication Date:
01-2021
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
This research article examines the diplomatic efforts at the highest level carried out by José María de Areilza (1909-1998), who served as a Spanish ambassador to the United States between 1954 and 1960, in order to advance Francoist Spain entry into NATO. Drawing on diplomatic documents, primarily letters and reports, the article outlines that from the very moment he took office, Ambassador Areilza openly advocated before the Spanish Ministry of Foreign Affairs the entry of Spain into the North Atlantic Alliance as a means to both strengthen military and economic ties with the United States and to foster the slow international rehabilitation of the Franco regime. However, the Spanish Government’s reluctance to push for NATO membership, which prompted a severe admonition from Minister Martín Artajo to his ambassador, along with the inability of US diplomacy to overcome the resistance of those allies which opposed the candidacy of Spain, ultimately led Areiza’s efforts to failure./Este artículo aborda las gestiones diplomáticas al más alto nivel efectuadas por José María de Areilza (1909-1998), quien se desempeñó como embajador español en los Estados Unidos entre 1954 y 1960, a fin de facilitar el ingreso de la España de Franco en la OTAN. Mediante el apoyo en documentos diplomáticos, primordialmente cartas e informes, se expone cómo desde el mismo momento en que tomó posesión de su puesto, el embajador Areilza propugnó abiertamente ante el Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores la entrada de España en la Alianza Atlántica como medio para fortalecer los vínculos militares y económicos con los Estados Unidos y avanzar en la lenta rehabilitación internacional del régimen franquista. Sin embargo, las reticencias que el Gobierno español abrigaba a propósito del ingreso en la OTAN, las cuales motivaron una severa admonición del ministro Martín Artajo a su embajador, unidas a la incapacidad de la diplomacia estadounidense para vencer la resistencia de los aliados que se oponían a la candidatura española, condujeron las diligencias llevadas a cabo por Areilza al fracaso.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, NATO, and Diplomacy
Political Geography:
Europe, Spain, and United States of America

9570. Lights and Shadows in the Professionalization of the National Civil Police of El Salvador after the Peace Agreement of Chapultepec (1992-2017)/Luces y sombras en la profesionalización de la policía nacional civil de El Salvador tras los acuerdos de paz de Chapultepec (1992-2017)

Author:
María Eugenia Bonilla and Jerónimo Ríos
Publication Date:
01-2021
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
The following article tries to analyze the transformation of the Salvadoran police from the implications of the 1992 Chapultepec Peace Agreements. In this way, the 25 years between 1992 and 2017 are taken as the period of study, in order to observe the level of transformation experienced by the new National Civil Police. Making use of an in-depth legislative review and different in-depth interviews, the article analyses in particular the scope and meaning of three dimensions in this transformation: police selection and training, the degree of delimitation of the police function and the foundations of the police career. Thus, while it is true that important progress has been made, it is possible to find shortcomings and weaknesses that persit, after more than two decades, in a way that is so worrying that it must be resolved./El siguiente trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar la transformación de la policía salvadoreña a partir de las implicaciones que tuvieron los Acuerdos de Paz de Chapultepec de 1992. De este modo, se toma como tiempo de estudio los 25 años que transcurren entre 1992 y 2017, para así observar el nivel de transformación experimentado por la nueva Policía Nacional Civil. Haciendo uso de una profunda revisión legislativa y de diferentes entrevistas en profundidad, se analiza en concreto el alcance y significado de tres dimensiones en particular: la selección y formación policial, el grado de delimitación de la función policial y los fundamentos de la carrera policial. Así, si bien es cierto que se han conseguido importantes avances, es posible encontrar carencias y debilidades que, tras más de dos décadas, persisten de manera tan preocupante como irresoluta.
Topic:
Treaties and Agreements, Police, and Professionalization
Political Geography:
Latin America and El Salvador

9571. The UN and the use of "serious games" as an element of citizen awareness: Survival case study/La ONU y el uso de “serious games” como elemento de concienciación ciudadana: Estudio de caso de Survival

Author:
Antonio César Moreno
Publication Date:
01-2021
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
Games have always been a powerful tool for learning behaviours and attitudes necessary for an efficient socio-cultural performance. In today's digital society this role is played mainly by video games. They provide video players with skills and abilities typical of the time and facilitate the learning of complex processes effectively. The UN, through its different agencies and through various Education programmes, has used this format to bring together and raise awareness among citizens about the main international issues, such as crises and the displacement of refugees. The aim of this text is to analyse how these issues are projected through the case study of the Spanish video game Survival, as well as to assess whether it is a useful tool for raising awareness and providing adequate information to the population. To this end, this article will analyze the message of this title as well as initiatives such as the UNAOC's PEACEapp initiative./Los juegos han constituido siempre una poderosa herramienta de aprendizaje de conductas y actitudes necesarias para el eficiente desempeño sociocultural. En la actual sociedad digital ese papel lo protagonizan, principalmente, los videojuegos. Estos proveen a los video jugadores de habilidades y destrezas propias de la época y facilitan el aprendizaje de procesos complejos con eficacia. La ONU a través de sus diferentes agencias y mediante diversos programas de Educación se ha servido de este formato para aproximar y concienciar a la ciudadanía sobre las principales problemáticas internacionales, como las crisis y desplazamientos de refugiados. El objetivo del presente texto es analizar cómo se proyectan estos temas a través del estudio de caso del videojuego español Survival así como valorar si es una herramienta útil para concienciar e informar adecuadamente a la población. Para ello analizaremos el mensaje de este título e iniciativas como la iniciativa PEACEapp de la UNAOC.
Topic:
United Nations, Refugees, Media, Citizenship, Digital Culture, and Video Games
Political Geography:
Global Focus

9572. La dimensión informativa sobre la guerra: su aplicación al caso de la intervención militar turca en Rojava

Author:
José Alberto Moreno
Publication Date:
01-2021
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
The Turkish Military Intervention in the Syrian part of the Kurdistan region, known as Rojava, shows that the Syrian Civil War presents a great number of different sides. The objective of the intervention is to create a safe zone where two million syrians could be resettle, expelling from the area the kurd militias that oppose the government in Ankara. The present article wants to deep in the use of frames used by the Spanish written press when covering the Turkish military intervention in the Arab country. Through a classic and cuantitative methodology, named analysis of content, this paper will go into the mediatic discourses of the national press with the purpose of exploring what explanations are having a biggest importance. This contribution tries to explore if the humanitarian question weights more heavily that the ones focused on security./La intervención militar turca en el Kurdistán sirio, conocido como Rojava, demuestra que la guerra civil siria presenta una gran cantidad de aristas. El objetivo de la misma es crear una zona de seguridad donde reasentar a más de dos millones de refugiados sirios y expulsar del lugar a las milicias kurdas, opositoras al gobierno de Ankara. El presente artículo tiene como finalidad ahondar en el uso de encuadres utilizados por la prensa escrita española a la hora de cubrir la intervención militar turca en el país árabe. A través de una metodología clásica y cuantitativa, análisis de contenido, se ahondará en los discursos mediáticos de la prensa nacional con el objetivo de investigar qué narrativas están teniendo mayor peso. Esta contribución intenta explorar si las cuestiones humanitarias presentan mayor relevancia que las explicaciones centradas en la seguridad.
Topic:
Security, War, Mass Media, Military Intervention, Conflict, and Syrian War
Political Geography:
Turkey, Syria, and Rojava

9573. Non-State Actors’ Cyberattacks and States’ “Cyber-due diligence”/Los ciberataques de los actores no estatales y la “ciberdiligencia debida” de los Estados

Author:
Andrea Cocchini
Publication Date:
01-2021
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
Peacetime cyberattacks by groups of hacktivists, transnational criminal organizations or terrorist groups, increase every year, being the most frequent cyber threat against States’ IT infrastructures. Given this reality, the international community does not have developed yet an effective legal tool in order to attribute international responsibility to those States from whose territory non-State actors launch their cyberattacks against other countries. Therefore, this article suggests that the adoption of the “cyber-due diligence” concept – based on the classic notion of “due diligence” – would make easier to identify responsible States and attribute them their responsibility for failing to adopt preventive measures, such as monitoring activities./Los ciberataques en tiempos de paz – por parte de grupos de hacktivistas, organizaciones criminales transnacionales o bandas terroristas – aumentan cada año más, suponiendo para los Estados la ciberamenaza más frecuente contra sus infraestructuras informáticas. Ante esta realidad, la comunidad internacional no cuenta todavía con una herramienta jurídica eficaz para atribuir la responsabilidad internacional a aquellos Estados desde cuyo territorio dichos actores no estatales lanzan sus ciberataques contra otros países. Por tanto, en el presente artículo se propone la adopción del concepto de “ciberdiligencia debida”. Partiendo de la noción clásica de “diligencia debida” desarrollada en el Derecho internacional del medioambiente, se sugiere que la “ciberdiligencia debida” permitiría identificar con más facilidad al Estado responsable y atribuirle la responsabilidad por no adoptar las medidas preventivas, como las de monitoreo, necesarias para oponerse a las actividades cibernéticas ilícitas de estos grupos privados.
Topic:
Crime, Non State Actors, Cybersecurity, and Cyberspace
Political Geography:
Global Focus

9574. La perspectiva de género en las operaciones militares. Exigencia jurídica y operativa

Author:
Javier Ruiz Arévalo
Publication Date:
01-2021
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
The inclusion of the gender perspective in military operations is now a legal requirement. This exigency is mainly consequence of the doption of the UNSCR 1325. But it is also an operational requirement derived from the need to take into account in decision-making processes the human factor in all its dimensions, to ensure that military actions are adapted to the reality of the scenario in which they take place. This article tries to show that, in the process of integrating this aspect in operations, decision makers tend to only consider the legal aspects of this issue, ignoring the operational benefits that it entails. The official documents of organizations such as the UN or NATO, recognize this duality but, in practice, do not develop this perspective in their operating procedures. All this creates significant problems for those responsible for integrating the gender perspective in operations and requires the introduction of regulatory changes along these lines./Integrar la perspectiva de género en la conducción de las operaciones militares es una exigencia jurídica derivada principalmente de la RCSNU 1325. Pero es también una exigencia operativa derivada de la necesidad de tener en cuenta en los procesos de toma de decisiones el factor humano en toda su extensión, para garantizar que las actuaciones propias se adaptan a la realidad del escenario en el que se desarrollan. A lo largo de este trabajo se evidencia que, en la integración de este aspecto en las operaciones, se tiende a incidir únicamente en los aspectos jurídicos de esta cuestión, pasando por alto los beneficios operativos que conlleva. Los documentos oficiales de organizaciones como la ONU o la OTAN, reconocen esta dualidad pero, en la práctica, no la desarrollan en sus procedimientos operativos, lo que supone un problema para los responsables de integrar la perspectiva de género en las operaciones y hace necesario introducir cambios normativos en esta línea.
Topic:
NATO, Gender Issues, Human Rights, United Nations, Military Affairs, and Armed Conflict
Political Geography:
Global Focus

9575. Strategic autonomy in security and defense: The EU geopolitical aspiration that is not being realized/Autonomía estratégica en seguridad y defensa: un anhelo geopolítico que no se hace realidad en la Unión Europea

Author:
María José Molina and Miguel Ángel Benedicto
Publication Date:
01-2021
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
In the troubled and insecure global and regional international systems, the European Union is committed to become an operational, autonomous and credible actor in the present international relations, despite a certain internal erosion of the pillars of integration, the lack of a common strategic culture that prevents a clear identification of political and security priorities, plus the new US approaches towards the European Union, no longer its strategic priority. The US would only provide assistance to the EU when its national interests are affected. Consequently, Europe must modify its approaches to face contemporary geopolitical and strategic changes and perhaps the change of paradigm in world governance. This study tries to explain the current policies and initiatives of the Union in the field of security and defense, questioning its consistency./En el convulso e inseguro contexto global y regional, la Unión Europea apuesta por reivindicarse como un actor operativo, autónomo y creíble en las actuales relaciones internacionales, pese al cierto desgaste interno que acusan los pilares que cimentan la integración, la falta de una cultura estratégica común que impide una clara identificación de prioridades políticas y de seguridad y la nueva actitud de EE.UU. hacia el concierto europeo, que deja de ser una prioridad para sólo aportar asistencia cuando sus intereses nacionales se vean afectados. Consecuentemente, Europa debe modificar sus planteamientos para enfrentarse a las coordenadas geopolíticas y estratégicas contemporáneas, y quizás al cambio de paradigma en la gobernanza mundial. Estas consideraciones encauzan el objeto general de nuestro estudio destinado a comprender y cuestionar cuál es el perfil real y actual de la Unión en el ámbito de la seguridad y defensa regional e internacional.
Topic:
Security, Defense Policy, European Union, Geopolitics, International Order, and Strategic Autonomy
Political Geography:
Europe

9576. Fall 2021 edition of Contemporary Eurasia

Author:
Vahram Ter–Matevosyan
Publication Date:
09-2021
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Contemporary Eurasia
Institution:
Institute of Oriental Studies, National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Armenia
Abstract:
CONTENTS SONG YANHUA, SHEN XINGCHEN, WANG YINGXUE INVESTIGATION OF CHINESE STRATEGIES DURING THE PANDEMICS THROUGH THE LENSES OF MOZI AND GALTUNG ............... 5 DAVIT AGHABEKYAN TORN BETWEEN LOYALTY AND IDENTITY: THE CRIMEAN ARMENIANS IN THE POST-SOVIET ERA ........................... 24 KARINE MKHITARIAN PUBLICLY DECLARED POSITIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF THE KARABAKH PROCESS: PROBLEMS OF CONSISTENCY AND CONTINUITY ....................................................................................................... 43 LOUISA KHACHATRYAN MEDIA FRAMING AND OFFICIAL PROPAGANDA IN ARMENIA DURING THE 45-DAY ARTSAKH WAR ........................................................... 65 AUTHORS LIST .................................................................................................... 84 ANNEX .................................................................................................................. 85
Topic:
Foreign Policy, International Affairs, Military Affairs, Conflict, and Propaganda
Political Geography:
China, Europe, Eurasia, Asia, and Armenia

9577. Issue 12 of Ìrìnkèrindò

Author:
Mojúbàolú Olufúnké Okome
Publication Date:
11-2021
Content Type:
Research Paper
Institution:
Ìrìnkèrindò: a Journal of African Migration
Abstract:
CONTENTS Editorial Perilous, Precarious, Dangerous, and Multidimensional Migrations: African and Black Migrants at the US-Mexican Border and Beyond — Jill M. Humphries ......................................... 1 Articles Beyond Trump’s Wall: Reflections from an African Migrant in a U.S.A Prison — Giscard Nkenglefac and Anne-Marie Debbané ........................................................... 5 A Perilous Journey Chasing Dreams — Hiwot Zegeye .......................….................................... 33 Historical Invisibility: Black Migrants and Mexico’s Colonial Past — Brenda Romero ........... 36 En/Gendered and Vulnerable Bodies: Migration, Human Trafficking and Cross-Border Prostitution in Chika Unigwe’s On Black Sisters’ Street — Olumide Olugbemi-Gabriel ..............................................................................…...... 56 Shifting Identity to a Negotiated Space: Wole Lagunju and the Translocation of Gẹ lẹ dẹ́ — Timothy Olusola Ogunfuwa ..............................................................................…...... 81 Irregular Migration and Regional Security Complex in the Sahel-Lake Chad Corridor: A Human Security Discourse — Adeyemi S. Badewa and Mulugeta F. Dinbabo ................…..... 123
Topic:
Migration, Immigration, Prisons/Penal Systems, Borders, Human Trafficking, Discourse, Black Politics, and African Americans
Political Geography:
Africa, United States, Mexico, and Chad

9578. The Divide between Economic History and History: From Ideology to Methodology

Author:
Gavin Wright
Publication Date:
03-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Economics for Inclusive Prosperity (EfIP)
Abstract:
I attended grad school at Yale in the late 1960s, when the New Economic History was on the ascendancy. Although the NEH was mainly in economics, the broader field of economic history clearly included members of both parent disciplines. At Yale, history grad students like Jan de Vries and Fred Carstensen could do an economic history track by taking a few core econ courses. There was also fair amount of common cause with a movement called the New Social History, interested in pursuing quantification to write “history from the bottom up.” Membership and presidents of the Economic History Association were about equally divided between the two disciplines. When I started at Michigan in 1972, there were two card-carrying economic historians in the history department (Sylvia Thrupp and Jacob Price), and similar lineups were not unusual elsewhere. The era of coexistence came to an abrupt end with the publication of Time on the Cross by Fogel and Engerman in 1974. The book was controversial not just because of its claims about slavery in the United States — that slavery was efficient, productive, and not all bad for the slaves — but because these claims were presented as a summation of research by cliometric economic historians over the previous decade or more. Even though some of the most robust critiques came from within economic history — consolidated in Reckoning with Slavery, published in 1976 — many historians felt that any discipline that could generate such an offensive brand of history did not deserve respectful intellectual status. In truth, History was probably going its own way towards the “cultural turn” anyway. To the extent that economic history had something to do with this move, it would have been a reaction to the observation that much of the new work seemed drawn moth-like to the discovery of markets and market processes in history, concluding that “markets worked.” Bill Parker remarked on this tendency in his presidential address to the EHA: “From Old to New to Old in Economic History” (JEH 1971), describing the NEH as “a gigantic test of the hypothesis of economic rationality of a system and of the behavior of individuals within it.” Robert Lucas wrote: “The central lesson of research in economic history is that neoclassical economics applies anytime, anywhere.” This now seems like something of a caricature, but for the NEH roughly through the 1970s, Lucas was largely correct. A case in point that mattered to many historians was the agricultural regime of the postbellum South. Works published in the 1970s by Joseph Reid, Stephen DeCanio and Robert Higgs all concluded that sharecropping was not an exploitive economic form, and that any racial oppression that did occur was rooted in politics rather than markets. Small wonder that historians found little to attract them to this style of research.
Topic:
Economics, Education, History, Slavery, Ideology, and Macroeconomics
Political Geography:
United States

9579. A Policy Matrix for Inclusive Prosperity

Author:
Dani Rodrik and Stefanie Stantcheva
Publication Date:
04-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Economics for Inclusive Prosperity (EfIP)
Abstract:
One of the biggest challenges that countries face today is the very unequal distributions of opportunities, resources, income and wealth across people. Inclusive prosperity – whereby many people from different backgrounds can benefit from economic growth, new technologies, and the fruits of globalization – remains elusive. To address these issues, societies face choices among many different policies and institutional arrangements to try to ensure a proper supply of productive jobs and activities, as well as access to education, financial means, and other endowments that prepare individuals for their participation in the economy. In this paper we offer a simple, organizing framework to think about policies for inclusive prosperity. We provide a comprehensive taxonomy of policies, distinguishing among the types of inequality they address and the stages of the economy where the intervention takes place. The taxonomy clarifies the differences among contending approaches to equity and inclusion and can help analysts assess the impacts and implications of different policies and identify potential gaps.
Topic:
Economics, Labor Issues, Economic Inequality, Macroeconomics, Job Creation, Polarization, Productivity, Inclusion, Workforce, and Production
Political Geography:
United States

9580. Majoritarian versus Proportional Representation Voting

Author:
Ethan Kaplan
Publication Date:
06-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Economics for Inclusive Prosperity (EfIP)
Abstract:
What kind of voting system should countries have? This policy brief discusses the two main electoral systems in modern political democracies. It makes an argument that majoritarian systems such as what exists in the United States fail to properly represent voters. It suggests replacing the U.S. majoritarian political system with a proportional representation system and shows how this could be done within the context of current U.S. law. Both economists and political scientists have worked on the impact of electoral systems. Empirical methods from economics as well as economic analysis of the incentives created by different political systems have contributed to our understanding of the consequences of electoral systems on representation. Additionally, economists have estimated the impact of electoral system on fiscal expenditures, something we will discuss towards the end of the policy brief. There are two main voting systems in modern democratic societies: majoritarian systems and proportional representation systems. Federal voting in the United States is majoritarian though some states such as Maryland have proportional representation at the state level. In a majoritarian system, also known as a winner-take-all system or a first-past-the-post system, the country is divided up into districts. Politicians then compete for individual district seats. The candidate who receives the highest vote share wins the election and represents the district.
Topic:
Economics, Democracy, Representation, Macroeconomics, Voting, and Electoral Systems
Political Geography:
United States